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THE 


HISTORY  OF  CHIYALEY, 


G.  P.  R.  JAMES,  ESQ., 

AXTTHOB   OF    "  DE    L'ORMK,"    "DARNLEy,"     '  HICHKLIEU,"    ETC. 


NEW   YORK: 
HARPER  &  BROTHERS,   PUBLISHERS, 

6  Q    CLIFF    S       II  K  E  T. 


^A3 


c.c^l- 


PREFACE. 


In  writing  the  pages  which  follow  this  Preface,  I 
have  hud  to  encounter  the  difficulty  of  compressing 
very  extensive  matter  into  an  extremely  limited 
space.  As  the  subject  was,  in  my  eyes,  a  very  in- 
teresting one,  and  every  particular  connected  with 
it  had  often  been  food  for  thought  and  object  of  en- 
tertainment to  myself,  the  task  of  curtailing  was 
the  more  ungrateful :  nor  should  I  have  undertaken 
it,  had  I  not  been  convinced  by  my  publisher  that 
one  volume  would  be  as  much  as  the  public  in 
general  would  be  inclined  to  read.  I  wished  to 
write  upon  Chivalry  and  the  Crusades,  because  I 
fancied  that  in  the  hypotheses  of  many  other  au- 
thors I  had  discovered  various  errors  and  misstate- 
ments, which  gave  a  false  impression  of  both  the 
institution  and  the  enterprise ;  and  I  have  endea- 
voured, in  putting  forth  my  own  view  of  the  sub- 
ject, to  advance  no  one  point,  however  minute, 
which  cannot  be  justified  by  indisputable  authority. 
A  favourite  theory  is  too  often,  in  historical  writing 
like  the  bed  of  the  ancient  Greek ;  and  facts  are 
either  stretched  or  lopped  away  to  agree  with  it : 
but  to  ensure  as  much  accuracy  as  possible,  I  have 
taken  pains  to  mark  in  the  margin  of  the  pages  the 
different  writers  on  whose  assertions  my  own  state- 
ments are  founded,  with  a  corresponding  figure,  by 
which  each  particular  may  be  referred  to  its  authchrity 


IV  PREFACE. 

In  regard  to  these  authors  themselves,  it  seems 
necessary  here  to  give  some  information,  that  those 
persons  who  are  inelined  to  inquire  beyond  the 
mere  surface  may  know  what  credit  is  to  be  at 
tached  to  each. 

On  the  first  crusade  we  have  a  whole  host  ol' 
contemporary  writers,  many  of  whom  were  pre- 
sent at  the  events  they  describe.  Besides  these 
are  several  others,  who,  though  they  wrote  at  an 
after-period,  took  infinite  pains  to  render  their  ac- 
count as  correct  as  possible.  The  authors  I  have 
principally  cited  for  all  the  earlier  facts  of  the 
Holy  War  are,  William  of  Tyre,  Albert  of  Aix, 
Fulcher  of  Chartres,  Raimond  of  Agiles,  Guibert 
of  Nogent,  Radulph  of  Caen,  and  Robert,  surnamed 
the  Monk. 

William  of  Tyre  is,  beyond  all  doubt,  the  most 
illustrious  of  the  many  historians  who  have  written 
on  the  crusades.  Born  in  Palestine,  and  though 
both  educated  for  the  church  and  raised  step  by  step 
to  its  highest  dignities,  yet  minghng  continually  in 
the  political  changes  of  the  Holy  Land — the  pre- 
ceptor of  one  of  its  kings — frequently  employed  in 
embassies  to  Europe,  and  ultimately  Archbishop  of 
Tyre  and  Chancellor  of  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem, 
Vv'sliiam  possessed  the  most  extensive  means  of 
gathering  materials  for  the  great  work  he  has  left 
to  posterity.  He  brought  to  his  task,  also,  a  power- 
ful mind,  as  well  as  considerable  discrimination  ; 
and  was  infinitely  superior  m  education  and  every 
intellectual  quality  to  the.  general  chroniclers  of 
his  age.  He  was  not  born,  however,  at  the  time 
of  the  first  crusade  ;  and  consequently,  where  he 


PRKFACE. 


ipeaks  of  the  events  of  that  enterprise,  we  may  look 
upon  him  as  an  historian,  clear,  taleiited,  elegant, 
and  not  extremely  credulous  ;  but  we  must  not  ex- 
pect to  find  the  vivid  identity  of  contemporaneous 
-writing.  In  regard  to  the  history  of  his  own  days 
lie  is  invaluable,  and  in  respect  to  that  of  the 
times  which  preceded  them,  his  work  is  certainly 
superior,  as  a  whole,  to  any  thing  that  has  since 
been  WTitten  on  the  subject. 

A  much  more  vivid  and  enthusiastic  picture  of  the 
first  crusade  is  to  be  found  in  Albert  of  Aix,from  whom 
William  of  Tyre  borrowed  many  of  his  details  ;  but 
the  Syrian  Archbishop,  living  long  after,  saw  the 
events  he  recounted  as  a  whole,  rejected  nmch  as 
false  that  Albert  embraced  as  true,  and  softened  the 
zealous  fire  which  the  passions  and  feelings  of  the 
moment  had  lighted  up  in  the  bosom  of  the  other. 
Albert  himself  was  not  one  of  the  crusaders ;  but  liv- 
ing at  the  time,  and  conversing  continually  with  those 
who  returned  from  the  Holy  Land,  he  caught,  to  an 
extraordinary  extent,  the  spirit  of  the  enterprise, 
and  has  left  behind  him  a  brilliant  transcript  of  all 
(he  passed-by  dreams  and  long-extinguished  en- 
thusiasms of  his  day 

Thus,  as  a  painting  of  manners  and  customs,  the 
Chruvicon  HierosolymUanmn  is  one  of  the  most 
valuable  records  we  possess,  and  the  account  there 
given  of  Peter  the  Heimit  and  Gautier  sans  avoir  is 
m  many  points  more  full  and  comprehensive  than 
any  other. 

Fulcher  of  Chartres  set  out  for  the  Holy  Land 
with  Stephen,  Count  of  Blois,  one  of  the  first  cru* 


Vi  PREFACE. 

saders.  He  soon  after  became  cliaplnin  to  Bald- 
win, tlie  brother  ofGodrrey  de  Bouillon,  anj  ended 
his  days  a  canon  of  tlie  Holy  Sepulchre.  His  rela- 
tion is  usefid  in  many  respects,  especially  in  regard 
to  the  march  of  the  crusaders  through  Italy — the 
proceedings  of  Baldwin  at  Edessa,  and  the  history 
of  Jerusalem  for  several  years  after  its  conquest. 
His  style,  however,  is  tumid  and  circumlocutory, 
and  his  credulity  equal  to  that  of  Raimond  d'Agiles. 

Raimond  d'Agiles  accompanied  the  Count  of 
Toulouse  on  the  first  crusade,  in  quality  of  chap- 
Iain.  Superstitious  to  the  most  hunentable  de- 
gree, and  as  bigoted  in  party  politics  as  in  religion, 
he  wrote  as  he  lived,  like  a  weak  and  ignorant 
man.  Nevertheless  there  is,  in  his  account,  much 
excellent  information,  detailed  with  simplicity;  and 
very  often,  through  the  folly  of  the  historian,  we 
arrive  at  truths  which  his  prejudices  concealed  from 
himself. 

Guibert  of  Nogent  did  not  visit  the  Holy  Land  ; 
but  he  lived  during  the  first  crusade,  and,  in  com- 
mon with  all  Europe,  felt  deeply  interested  in  the 
fate  of  that  expedition.  He  examined  and  noted 
with  accuracy  all  the  anecdotes  which  reached 
Europe,  and  painted,  with  great  vivacity,  scenes 
that  he  had  not  himself  witnessed.  In  his  account  of 
the  crusade  many  circumstances,  evincing  strongly 
the  spirit  of  the  age,  are  to  be  met  with  which  do 
not  appear  elsewhere  ;  and,  as  we  have  every 
reason  to  feel  sure  of  his  general  accuracy,  it  is 
but  fair  to  suppose  that  these  are  well  founded. 

Radulph,  or  Raoul,  of  Caen,  is  inflated  in  style, 
and  often  inexact ;  but  he  is  perhaps  less  super- 


PREFACE.  VU 

stitious  than  any  other  chronicler  of  the  crusades. 
By  poetical  exaggeration,  he  often  renders  his  nar- 
rative doubtful ;  yet,  as  the  biographer  of  Tancred, 
he  tends  to  elucidate  much  that  would  otherwise 
have  remained  in  darkness.  Robert,  called  the 
Monk,  was  present  at  the  council  of  Clermont,  at 
which  the  first  crusade  was  determined  ;  and,  though 
he  did  not  immediately  take  the  Cross,  he  set  out  for 
the  Holy  Land  not  long  after,  and  was  present  at 
the  siegre  of  Jenisalem.  He  is,  in  general,  accurate 
and  precise  ;  and,  though  not  a  little  credulous  in 
regard  to  visions,  apparitions,  and  such  imagina- 
tions of  the  day,  he  is  on  the  whole  more  calm, 
clear,  and  exact  than  any  other  contemporary 
author. 

Besides  these  writers,  I  have  had  occasion  to 
cite  several  others  of  less  authority.  Of  these, 
Baldric  bears  the  highest  character  ;  and,  notwith- 
standing the  fact  of  his  not  having  been  present  at 
the  crusade,  he  is  in  general  accurate.  Tudebodus 
is  both  brief  and  imperfect.  Matthew  of  Edessa 
deserves  little  or  no  credit;  and  the  part  of  the 
Alexiad  which  refers  to  the  first  crusade  is  far  more 
likely  to  mislead  than  to  assist.  The  most  impor- 
tant parr  of  the  whole  work,  as  it  is  published  at 
present,  consists  in  the  notes  of  Ducange.  William 
of  Malmsbury  is  more  useful,  but  still  his  account 
is  merely  a  repetition  of  what  we  find  in  other 
sources.  For  all  the  affairs  of  Normandy,  I  have 
consulted  Orderic,  Vital,  and  William  of  Jumieges. 

The  history  of  WilliRm  of  Tyre  was  aflerv/ard 
continued  by  several  writers,  the  chief  of  whom  is 
an  author  taking  the  title  of  Bernard  the  Treasurer. 


Tin  PREFACE. 

A  Latin  version  of  his  book  was  published  by  Mu- 
ratori :  Martenne,  however,  has  since  printed  a 
work  from  an  old  French  manuscript,  the  identity 
of  which  with  the  account  of  Bernard  the  Trea- 
surer has  been  proved  by  Mansi.  This  work  is 
one  of  the  most  interesting  extant;  for  altiiough  it 
wants  entirely  either  the  power  or  the  grace  of  Wil- 
liam of  Tyre's  composition,  and  is  full  of  errors,  in 
respect  to  every  thing  beyond  the  immediate  limits 
of  the  Holy  Land,  yet  there  is  a  simple  and  inte- 
resting minuteness — an  individuality  of  tone  through 
the  whole,  where  it  relates  to  the  affairs  of  Syria, 
which  could  not  have  been  given  but  by  an  eye- 
witness. Even  the  old  French  in  which  it  is 
written,  slightly  different  from  the  exact  language 
of  France  at  the  same  period,  gives  it  a  peculiar 
character,  and  stamps  it  as  the  work  of  a  Syrian 
Frank.  Another  continuation  of  William  of  Tyre 
is  extant,  by  a  Suabian  of  the  name  of  Herold. 
This,  however,  is  a  much  later  composition,  and 
possesses  iew  of  the  qualities  of  the  other.  The 
Cardinal  de  Vitry  also  wrote  an  abbreviated  histoiy 
of  the  Crusades,  bringing  it  down  to  his  own  time 
A.  D.  1220.  His  work  is  prhicipally  to  be  con 
suited  for  the  account  it  gives  of  the  events  which 
passed  under  the  author's  own  eyes,  while  Bishop 
of  Acre,  and  for  a  great  many  curious  particulars 
concerning  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  Sara- 
cens, whicli  are  to  be  found  in  no  other  work.  The 
second  book  of  the  Cardinal  de  Vitry's  History  has 
been  omitted,  I  cannot  conceivt  why,  in  the  Gesta 
Dei  per  Francos.  It  is,  nevertheless,  infinitely  va- 
luable, as  showing  the  horrible  state  of  the  Chris- 


PREFACE.  IX 

tk  ms  of  Palestine,  and  displaying  those  vices  and 
weaknesses  which  eventually  brought  about  the 
ruin  of  the  Latin  kingdom. 

The  authorities  for  the  second  crusade  are  la- 
mentably few,  and  by  their  very  paucity  show 
what  a  change  had  come  over  the  spirit  of  the  age 
in  the  short  space  of  fifty  years.  The  only  eye- 
witnesses who  have  written  on  the  subject,  as  far 
as  I  can  discover,  are  Odo,  a  priest  of  Deuil,  or 
Diagolum,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Paris,  and 
Otho,  Bishop  of  Freysinghen.  The  first  of  these 
authors  followed  Louis  VIL  to  the  Holy  Land  as 
his  chaplain,  and  his  account  is,  more  properly 
speaking,  an  epistle  to  the  fa^r^ous  Suger,  Abbot  of 
St.  Denis,  than  a  chronicle. 

Otho  of  Freysinghen  was  nearly  related  to  the 
emperor  Conrad,  whom  he  accompanied  on  his 
unfortunate  expedition.  Both  these  authors,  there- 
fore, had  the  best  means  of  obtaining  information; 
and  in  the  ^vritings  of  each  there  is  an  air  of  truth 
and  sincerity,  which  does  much  towards  conviction. 
I  have  had  occasion  in  speaking  of  this  crusade  to 
cite  casually  a  number  of  authors,  of  whom  it  is 
not  necessary  to  give  any  very  detailed  account. 
Their  w^orks  are  to  be  found  in  the  admirable  col- 
lections of  Dom  Bouquet,  Duchesne,  Martenne,  or 
Muratori. 

"Wherever  I  have  been  obliged  to  quote  from  any 
of  the  Arabian  writers,  I  am  indebted  to  the  ex- 
tracts of  Monsieur  Reinaud. 

In  regard  to  the  crusade  of  Richard  CcEur  de 
Lion  and  Philip  Augli^tus ;  for  the  history  of  the 
first,  1  have  borrowed  from  Benedict  of  Peterbo- 
B 


rough,  from  Hoveclon,  and  especially  from  Vinesauf, 
whose  work  is  inestimable,  'i'iiese,  with  the  other 
English  authorities  I  have  cited,  are  too  well  known 
to  need  comment.  Having  some  time  ago  written 
a  romance,  not  yet  published,  on  the  history  of 
Philip  Augustus,  1  had  previously  studied  almost  all 
the  old  chroniclers  who  speak  of  that  monarch. 
The  most  important  treatise  on  his  reign  is  the 
work  of  Rigord,  who  was  at  once  monk,  physi(;ian, 
and  historiographer  at  the  court  of  Philip.  William 
the  Breton,  one  of  the  king's  chaplains,  continued 
his  history  in  prose,  from  the  period  where  Rigord 
abandoned  the  task.  He  also  wrote  a  bombastic 
poem  on  the  reign  of  his  patron,  which,  however 
exaggerated  and  absurd,  is  useful  as  an  historical 
document,  and  a  painting  of  the  manners  and  cus- 
toms of  the  time.  On  the  taking  of  Constantinople 
by  the  French,  I  have  found  no  want  of  authorities. 
Villehardouin,  one  of  the  principal  actors  in  the 
scenes  he  describes,  has  been  my  chief  source  of 
information.  I  have  also  met  with  much  in  Nicetas, 
who  was  present ;  and  I  have  confirmed  the  evi- 
dence of  other  writers,  by  the  chronicle  in  the 
Rouchy  dialect,  published  by  Monsieur  Buchon, 
and  by  the  metrical  chronicle  of  Philippe  Mouskes 
in  the  same  collection.  I  need  hardly  say  that  the 
works  of  Ducange  have  proved  invaluable  in  every 
part  of  my  inquiry,  and  that  his  history  ofConstanti- 
iiople  under  its  French  monarchs  both  gave  me 
facts  and  led  me  to  authorities. 

Joinvilie  is  the  pFii>cipal  writer  on  the  crusade  of 
St.  Louis.  He  was  an  eyewitness,  a  sufferer,  and 
a  principal  actor  in  the  scenes  he  describes.     Of 


PREFACE.  XI 

all  old  chroniclers,  with  the  exception,  perhaps,  of 
Froissurl,  Joinville  offers  the  most  origuial,  sim- 
ple, and  de!-iglittul  painting  of  times  and  manners 
long  gone  by.  With  the  notes  of  Ducange,  his 
work  is  an  erudite  repertory  for  antique  manners 
and  usages,  and  may  be  read  and  reread  with 
gratification,  and  studied  deeply  with  advantage. 

The  foHo  edition  in  my  own  library  comprises 
the  Observations,  and  Dissertations  of  Ducange,  and 
the  Commentaries  of  Claud  Menaid  ;  together  with 
the  Establishments  of  St.  Louis,  and  a  curious  trea- 
tise upon  the  ancient  law  of  France,  by  Pierre  de 
Fontaines.  All  these  works  aflbrd  a  great  insight 
into  the  spirit  of  that  day  ;  and  many  other  particu- 
lars are  to  be  found  in  the  Branche  aux  royanx 
Licrnaires^  and  in  the  Sermon  of  Robert  de  Saince- 
riaux.  Besides  the  authors  I  have  here  particu- 
larized, I  have  had  occasion  to  cite  casually  a  great 
number  of  others,  whose  names,  with  some  account 
of  the  works  of  each,  may  be  found  in  the  Mamul 
of  Brunet.  Vertot  also  has  furnished  us  v/ith  much 
information  concerning  the  Knights  of  St.  John  ; 
and  Dupuy,  Raynouard,  &.c.  have  spoken  largely 
of  the  Templars.  I  cannot  close  the  enumeration 
of  authors  to  whom  I  am  under  obligations  for  in 
formation  or  instruction  without  mentioning  M. 
Guizol,  one  of  the  most  clearsighted  and  unpreju- 
diced of  all  modern  historians.  His  views  of  causes 
1  have  often  adopted,  sometimes  with  very  slight 
modifications,  and  sometimes  with  none  ;  and,  in 
all  instances  to  which  his  writings  extend,  I  have 
been  indebted  to  him  for  light  to  conduct  me 
through  the  dark  sanctuary  of  past  events,  to  the 


Xll  PREFACE. 

slirine  of  Truih,  even  where  he  has  not  unveiled  the 
deity  herself.  1  oan  only  regret  that  his  essays  did 
not  embrace  more  of  the  very  comprehensive  sub- 
ject on  which  I  was  called  to  treat. 

Several  motives  have  impelled  me  to  give  this 
long  account  of  my  authorities  ;  one  of  which  mo- 
tives was,  that  often,  in  reading  works  on  history, 
I  have  myself  wished  that  ihe  sources  from  which 
facts  were  derived  had  been  laid  open  to  my  exami- 
nation ;  but  still,  my  principal  view  in  the  detail 
was,  to  show  the  ground  on  which  I  had  fixed  opi- 
nions directly  opposed  to  those  of  several  other  au- 
thors. In  many  cases,  the  aspect  under  which  I 
have  seen  the  events  of  the  Crusades  has  been  en- 
tirely different  from  that  under  which  Mills  has 
regarded  them,  and  I  felt  myself  called  upon  not  to 
attack  any  position  of  a  clever  writer  and  a  learned 
man,  without  justifying  myself  as  completely  as 
possible. 

In  regard  to  my  own  work  I  shall  say  nothing, 
but  that  I  have  spared  neither  labour  nor  research 
to  make  it  as  correct  as  if  it  had  appeared  under  a 
much  more  imposing  form.  In  space,  I  have  been 
confined  ;  and  in  time,  I  have  been  hurried  :  but 
I  have  endeavoured  to  remedy  the  one  inconve- 
nience, by  cutting  off  all  superfluous  matter  ;  and  to 
guard  against  evil  consequences  from  the  other,  by 
redoubling  my  own  exertions.  Whether  I  have 
succeeded  or  not  the  world  must  judge  ;  and  if  it 
does  judge  with  the  same  generous  lenity  which  it 
has  extended  to  my  other  productions,  I  shall  hav* 
every  reason  to  be  both  satisfied  and  grat*rru! 


CONTENTa 


CHAPTER  I.  j.^ 

A  Definition,  with  Remarks  and  Evidence— An  Inquiry  into  the 
Origin  of  Chivalry — Various  Opinions  on  tlie  Subject — Reasons 
fordoubtinu;  Ihe  great  Aiiti(iuity  ct  Chivalry,  properly  so  called — 
The  State  of  Society  which  preceded  it,  and  of  that  which  gave  it 
Birth — Its  Origin  and  early  Progress 17 

CHAPTER  n. 

Of  Chivalrous  Customs— Education— Grades— Services  on  the  Re- 
ception of  a  Knight — On  Tournaments— Jousts— Combats  at 
Outrance — Passages  of  Arms — The  Round  Table — Privileges  of 
Knighthood— Duties  of  Knighthood '31 

CHAPTER  HI. 

The  Progress  of  Chivalry  in  Europe— Exploits— That  some  great 
Enterprise  was  necessary  to  give  (Chivalry  an  exrcnsive  and  per- 
manent Effect — Thai  Enterprise  presented  itself  in  ihe  Crusades 
— Pilgrimaire  to  Jerusalem — Haroun  Al  Raschid — Charlemagne — 
Cruelties  of  the  Turks — Pilgrimages  continued- Peter  the  Her- 
mit— Council  of  Clermont  • '. 53 

CHAPTER  IV. 

The  'EtTecfs  of  the  Council  of  Clermont- State  of  France— Motives 
of  the  People  for  embracing  the  Crusade — Benefits  produced — 
The  Enthusiasm  general—Rapid  Progress— The  first  Bodies  of 
Crusaders  begin  their  March— Oautier  sans  avoir — His  Army — 
Their  Disasters — Reach  Constantinople — Peter  the  Hermit  sets 
out  with  an  itnmense  Multitude— Storms  Semlin — Defeatei^  al 
^issa— His  Host  dispersed — The  Remains  collected— Joins  (Jau- 
tier — Excesses  of  the  Multitude — The  Italians  and  Germans  sepa- 
rate from  the  French — The  Germans  extermniated— The  French 
cut  to  pieces — Conduct  of  Alexius 73 

CHAPTER  V. 

The  Chivalry  of  Europe  takes  the  Field— The  Leaders— G'dfrey  of 
Bouillon — Conducts  his  Armv  towards  Crnstantinople—  Hugh  the 
Great— Leads  his  Army  through  Italy — Embarks  for  Durazzo — 
Taken  Prisoner — Liberated— Robert,  Duke  of  Normandy  — Win- 
ters in  Italy— Arrives  at  Constantinople — Robert,  Count  of  Flan- 
ders-Joins  the  rest — Boemond  of  Tarentum — Tancred — Their 
March — Defeat  the  Greeks— Boemond  does  Homage — Tancred 
avoids  it — The  Count  of  Toulouse  arrives — Refuses  to  do  Homage 
—Robert  of  Normandy  does  Homage H9 


XIV  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  VI. 

G«rm  of  Afler-misfortuiies  already  sprinsiiiifr  up  in  the  Crnsart©-^ 
Sieine  of  Nice — First  Enjiagemem  witli  Cie  Turks— Siege  ron- 
tinueti — Th«  Lake  occupied — Surrender  of  Nice  to  the  Etriissancs 
of  Alexius— Uiscontent — March  towards  Autioch — The  Army 
divides  into  two  Bodies — Mattle  of  Dorylfieurn — Dreadful  March 
throujih  Piirysia — Adventures  of  Baldwin  and  Tancred— Arrival 
at  Antioch— The  City  invested lOg 

CHAPTER  Vn. 
The  Host  of  the  Crusade  invests  Antforh— Description  of  that  City 
— Dini>-ulties  and  Errors  of  the  Crusaders— Improvidence — P"a- 
mine — Spies — Desertions — Embassy  /rom  the  Calif  of  Egypt— 
Supcours  from  the  Genoese  and  Pisans — Battle — Feats  of  the 
Christian  Knights — Boemond  keeps  up  a  Communication  within 
the  Town — The  Town  betrayed  to  the  Christians  — Massa(-res — 
Arrival  of  an  Army  from  Persia — The  Christians  besieged  in  An- 
tiofih — Famine — Desertions — Visions — Renewed  Enthusiasm — 
Diminished  Forces  of  the  Christians — Battle  of  Antioch — The 
Crusaders  victorious — Spoils — Disputes  with  the  Count  of  Tou- 
louse— The  Chiefs  determine  to  repose  at  Antioch — Ambassadors 
sent  to  Alexius — Fate  of  th^ir  Embassy j.-^g 

CHAPTER  VIH. 
Pestilence  in  Antioch— Death  of  the  Bishop  of  Puy— The  Chiefs 
separate — Siege  of  Marrah — Cannibalism — Disputes  between  the 
Count  of  Toulouse  and  Boemond — The  Count  iTitirches  towards 
Jerusalem — Siege  of  Archas — Godfrey  of  Bouillon  marches — 
Siege  of  Ghibel— Treachery  of  Raimond— Fraud  of  the  Holy 
l,ance  investigated — Ordeal  of  Fire — Decisive  Conduct  of  the 
Crusaders  towards  the  Deputies  of  Alexius,  and  the  Calif  of 
E'iypt — Conduct  of  the  Crusaders  towards  the  Emir  of  Trifioli — 
First  Sight  of  Jerusalem — Siege  and  Taking  of  the  City — Fana- 
tical Massacres 1*5S 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Election  of  a  King — Godfrey  of  Bouillon — Sketch  of  the  History  of 
.leriHHlem— Death  of  the  chief  Crusaders — New  Btxlies  of  Cru- 
saders set  out  from  Europe — Their  Destruction  in  Asia  Minor — 
Armed  Pilgrimages — The  Northern  Armaments — The  Venetians 
— The  Genoese  and  Pisans — Anecdotes  of  the  Crusaders — Battle 
of  the  Children  at  Antioch — The  Thafurs — Baldwin's  Humanity 
well  repaiil — Superstitions — Arms  of  the  Crusaders — Of  the 
Turks— Hospitallers— Templars 173 

CHAPTER  X. 

Consequences  of  the  Loss  of  E(iessa — The  State  of  France  unfa- 
vourable 10  a  new  Crusade — View  of  the  Progress  of  Society — 
Causes  and  Character  of  the  Second  Crusade — St.  Bernard — The 
Emperor  "f  Germany  takes  the  Cross,  and  sets  out— I.ouis  V!I, 
follows — Conduct  of  the  Germans  in  Greece — Their  Destruction 
in  Cappadocia — Treachery  of  Manuel  Comnenus — I.ouis  Vll.  ar- 
rives at  Constantinople — Passes  into  Asia — Defeats  the  Turks  on 
the  Meander — His  Army  cut  to  pieces — Proceeds  by  Sea  to  An 


CONTENTS.  XV 

titw-fi — Fatp  of  his  remaining  Troops — Tntripiies  at  Antloch-  Louis 
goes  on  10  .Ie'ru*;ilein — ?it'?e  of  Daniasfits — Disgraceful  Failure 
— Cdiirail  returns  to  Europe — ('onduct  of  Stiger,  Abbol  of  St. 
Denis — Tennaiatioii  of  the  Second  Crusade 198 

CHAPTER  XI. 

rrojrres!!  of  i'ociety— The  Ri^seof  Poetry  iti  modern  Europe— T  km 
badours — Trouveres — Various  I'oetiral  Coiripositions — Elfect  of 
Poetry  uooti  Chivalry— F^llect  of  the  Crusades  on  Society— State 
of  Palestine  after  the  Second  (Jrusade— Cession  of  Edessa  to  the 
Emperor  Manuel  Comneiius — Edessa  conijilptely  subjected  by  the 
Turks— Asi-alon  taken  by  the  Christians— State  of  Egypt  under 
the  last  Califs  of  the  Fatiniite  Race— The  Latins  and  the  Atabecks 
both  desifjn  the  Conquest  of  Egypt— Struggles  for  that  Country — 
Rise  of  Saladin — Disjiuies  among  the  Latins  concerning  the  Suc- 
cession of  the  Crown — Guy  of  Lusignan  crowned — Saladin  in- 
vades Palestine- Paifle  of"  Tiberias— Fall  of  Jerusalem— Con- 
quest of  all  Palestine— Some  Inquiry  into  the  Causes  of  the  Latin 
Overthrow 2^  J 

CHAPTER  XIL 

The  News  of  the  Fate  of  Palestine  reaches  Europe — The  Arch- 
bishop of  Tvre  comes  to  seek  (or  Aid— Assistance  granted  by 
William  ilie"Gcod,  of  Sicily— Death  of  Urban,  from  Grief  at  the 
Loss  of  .leriisalem— Gregory  VIIL  promotes  a  Crusade— Expedi- 
tion of  Frederic,  Eiriperor  of  Germany— His  Successes— His 
Death — State  of  Europ  --Crus-de  promoted  by  the  irouhadours 
—Philip  Augustus  and  Henrv  IL  take  the  Cross— I.  aws  enacted— 
Saladin's  Tenth— War  renewed— Death  of  Henry  IL—  Accession 
of  Richard  Cteiirde  Lion— The  CTnjsadc— Philip's  March— Rich- 
ard's March  -  Affairs  of  Sicily— Quarrels  between  the  Monarchs 
—  Philip  goes  to  Acre — Richard  subdues  Cvprus — Arrives  at  Aero 
—Siege  -ind  Taking  of  Acre— Fresh  Disputes— Philip  Augustus 
returns  to  Europe -Ricliard  marches  on— Battle  of  Azotus— 
Heroism  cf  Richard -Unsteady  Councils— The  Enterprise  aban- 
doned   237 

CHAPTER  XIII. 
Death  of  Saladin— Disunion  among  his  Successors- Celestine  III. 
preaches  a  new  Crusade— Henry  of  Germany  takes  the  Cross- 
Abandons  his  Purpose— Crusaders  proceed  without  him— Saif 
Eddiii  takes  the  Field,  and  captures  .laffa— The  Crusaders  are 
reiniorced— Defeat  Saif  Edditi— Lav  Siege  to  Thoron— Seized 
wilh  Panic,  and  retreat— Disperse— Death  of  Henry  of  Cham- 
pagne. King  of  Jerusalem— His  Widow  marries  Alineric,  King  of 
Cvprus— Truce -Death  of  Almevic;  and  Isabella  Mary,  Heiress 
of  Jerusalem,  wedded  to  John  of  Brienne— Affairs  of  Europe- 
Innocent  HI.  and  Foulqiie,  of  Neuilly,  promote  a  Crusade— The 
Barons  of  France  take  the  Cross— Proceed  to  Vetiice— Their  Dif- 
tiLullies— Turn  toihe  Siegeof  7ara--A  Change  of  Punmsc— Pro- 
ceed to  Consiantiiiopie — Sieae  and  Taking  of  that  City— ^"ubse- 
queiit  Proceedings— A  Revolution  in  ConstantinopJe,  Alexius  de- 
posed by  Muriuphlis— Se-oud  Siege  and  Cai)ture  of  IUb  GreeK 


jnri  CONTENTS. 

Capital— Flight  of  Murzuphlis— Plunder  and  Outrage— Bali'win, 
Count  of  Flanders,  elecind  Emperor ^^>^ 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Divisions  among  the  Moslems— Among  the  Christians — Crusade  of 
Children— Innocent  III.  declares  he  will  lead  a  new  Crusade  to 
Syria— The  King  of  Hungary  takes  i he  Cross— Arrives  in  Syiia 
—Successes  of  the  Pilgrims — Abandon  llie  Siege  of  Mount  Tha- 
bor— The  King  of  Hungary  returns  to  Europe— The  Duke  of 
Austria  continues  the  W;ir — Siege  of  Damietta— Reinlbrcements 
arrive  under  a  Legate — Famine  in  Damietla— The  Moslems  otfer 
to  yield  Palestine— The  Legate's  Pride— He  refuses- Taking  of 
Damietta— Tile  Army  advances  towards  Cairo— Overflowing  oi 
the  Nile— The  Army  ruined— The  Legate  sues  for  I'eace— Gene- 
rous <Jonduct  of  the  Sultaun— Marriage  of  tlie  Heiress  of  Jeru- 
salem with  Frederic,  Emperor  of  Germany — His  Disputes  with 
the  Pope— His  Treaties  with  the  Saracens— He  recovers  Jerusalem 
— He  (]uits  the  Holy  Land — Disputes  in  Palestine — The  Templars 
defeated  and  slaughtered — Gregory  IX. — Crusade  of  the  King 
of  Navarre  inefl'eciual— Crusade  of  Richard,  Earl  of  Cornwall- 
Jerusalem  recovered — Tiie  Corasmins — Their  Barbaritx — They 
take  Jerusalem — Defeat  the  Christians  with  terrible  Slaughter- 
Are  exterminated  by  the  Syrians — Crusade  of  St.  Louis— His 
Character— Arrives  in  the  Holy  Land— Takes  Damietta — Hattle 
of  Ma s.s(>ura— Pestilence  in  the  Army— Tlie  King  taken— Ran- 
somed— Returns  to  Europe — Second  Crusade  of  St.  Louis — Takes 
Carthage — His  Death — Crusade  of  Prince  Edward — He  delieats 
the  Saracens — Wounded  by  an  Assassin  — Returns  to  Europe — 
Successes  of  the  Tui  k.s— Last  Siege  and  Fall  of  Acre — ralestine 
Josi 286 

CHAPTER  XV. 
l?itp  of  the  Order?  of  the  Temple  and  St.  John— The  Templars  aba  n- 
don  all  Hopes  of  recovering  Jerusalem — Mingle  in  European  Poli- 
ti'-e — Otfend  Philip  tlie  Fair — Are  persecuted — Charges  against 
llicm — The  Order  destroyed- The  Knights  of  St.  John  pursue  tlie 
Purpo.se  of  dofeiiding  Christendom— Settle  in  Rhodes — Siece  of 
Rliodes— Gallant  Defence— The  Island  taken— The  Kmthts  re- 
move to  Malta— Siege  of  Malta — La  \'alette— Defence  ol  St.  Elmo 
—  Gallantry  of  the  Garrison— Tlie  whole  Turkish  Army  attempt 
Jo  storm  llie  Castle — The  Attack  repelled — Arrival  of  Succour — 

The  Siege  raised — Conclusion .?]2 

^OTKS S31 


HISTORY 

OF 

CHIVALRY  AND  THE   CRUSADES 


CHAPTER  I. 


A  Definition,  with  Remarks  avd  Evidence — Av  Inquiry  into  the  Origin 
of  Chivalrij — Various  Ofinionson  the  Subject—  Reasons  fnrdnubting 
the  great  Antiquity  of  Chivalry  properly  so  called — The  State  of  So- 
ciety which  preceded  it,  and  of  that  which  gave  it  Birth — Its  Origin 
and  early  Progress, 

The  tirst  principles  of  whatever  subject  we  may 
attempt  to  trace  in  histoiy  are  ever  obscure,  but  few 
are  so  entirely  buried  in  darkness  as  the  origin  of 
Cliivalry.  This  seems  the  more  extraordinary,  as 
we  rind  ihe  institution  itself  suddenly  accompanied 
by  regular  and  established  forms,  to  which  we  can 
assign  no  precise  date,  and  which  appear  to  have  been 
generally  acknowledged  before  they  were  reduced 
to  any  written  code. 

Although  definitions  are  dangerous  things — inas- 
much as  the  ambiguity  of  language  rarely  permits 
of  perfect  accuracy,  except  in  matters  of  abstract 
science— it  is  better,  as  far  as  possible,  on  all  sub- 
jects of  discussion,  to  venture  some  clear  and  de- 
cided position,  that  the  subsequent  reasoning  may  be 
fixed  upon  a  distinct  and  unchanging  basis. 

If  the  position  itself  be  wrong,  it  may  be  the  more 
speedily  proved  so  from  the  very  circumstance  of 
standing  forth  singly,  uninvolved  in  a  labyrinth  of 
other  matter ;  and  if  it  be  right,  the  arguments  that 
follow  may  always  be  more  easily  traced,  and  afford 


18  KaSTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

greater  satisfaction  by  being  detliiced  from  a  princi- 
ple already  determined.  These  considerations  leac' 
me  to  offer  a  definition  of  Cliivalry,  together  with 
some  remarks  calculated  to  guard  that  definition  from 
the  consequences  of  misapprehension  on  the  part  of 
others,  or  of  obscurity  on  my  own. 

When  I  speak  of  Chivalry  I  mean  a  milita  y  insti- 
tution, prompted  by  enthusiastic  benevolence,  sanc- 
tioned by  religion,  and  combined  with  religious  cere- 
monies, the  purpose  of  which  was  to  protect  the 
weak  from  the  oppression  of  the  powerful,  and  to 
defend  the  right  cause  against  the  wrong. 

Its  military  character  requires  no  proof;  but  vari 
ous  mistaken  opinions,  which  I  shall  notice  hereafter, 
render  it  necessary  to  establish  the  fact,  that  religious 
ceremonies  of  some  kind  were  always  combined  with 
the  institutions  of  Chivalry. 

All  those  written  laws  and  regulations  affecting 
knighthood,'  which  were  composed  subsequent  to  its 
having  taken  an  acknowledged  form,  prescribed,  in 
the  strictest  manner,  various  points  of  religious  cere- 
monial, v/hich  the  aspirant  to  Chivalry  was  required 
to  perform  before  he  could  be  admitted  into  tliat  high 
order. 

What  preceded  the  regular  recognition  of  Chivalry 
as  an  institution  is  entirely  traditional ;  yet  in  ail 
me  old  romances,  fabliaux,  sirventes,  ballads,  &c. 
T»ot  one  instance  is  to  be  found  in  which  a  squire  he- 
f''>mes  a  knight,  without  some  reference  to  his  rel  - 
fious  faith.  If  he  be  dubbed  in  the  battle-field,  he 
'-wears  to  defend  the  right,  and  maintain  all  the  sta- 
fUes  of  the  noble  order  of  Chivalry,  upon  the  cross 
of  his  sword ;  he  calls  heaven  to  witness  his  vow,  and 
♦he  saints  to  help  him  in  its  execution.  Even  in  one 
oi'  the  most  absurd  fables'  of  the  chivalrous  ages, 

•  T-?    P4re    Meneslrier,    Ordres    de  Chevalerie;    Jouvencel ;    Favin 

2  Fabliau  de  rordene  de  Chovalerie  dans  les  fabliaux  de  Le  Grand 
d'Aussi 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  19 

wherein  we  find  Saladin  himself  receiving  the  t>.*der 
of  Chivalry  from  tlie  hands  of  the  Count  de  Taoarie, 
that  nobleman  causes  the  infidel  suitan  to  be  shaved, 
and  to  bathe  as  a  symbol  of  baptism,  and  then  to  rest 
himself  upon  a  perfumed  bnd,  as  a  type  of  the  repose 
and  joy  of  Paradise.  These  tales  are  all  fictitious,  it 
is  true ;  and  few  of  them  date  earlier  tiian  the  end 
of  the  twelfth  century  :  but  at  the  same  time,  as 
they  universally  ascribe, religious  ceremonies  to  the 
order  of  knighthood,  we  have  every  reason  to  sup- 
pose that  such  ceremonies  formed  a  fundamental  part 
of  the  institution. 

Before  proceeding  to  inquire  into  t?ie  origin  of 
Chivalry,  1  must  be  permitted  to  make  one  more  ob- 
servation in  regard  to  my  definition  ;  namely,  that 
there  was  a  great  and  individual  character  in  that 
order,  which  no  definition  can  fully  convey.  I  mean 
the  S[)irit  of  Chivalry;  for,  indeed,  it  was  more  a  spirit 
than  an  institution;  and  the  outward  forms  with  which 
it  soon  became  invested,  were  only,  in  truth,  the  signs 
by  which  it  was  conventionally  agreed  that  those 
jjersons  who  had  proved  in  their  initiate  they  pos- 
sessed the  spirit,  should  be  distinguished  from  the 
other  classes  of  society.  The  ceremonial  was  merely 
the  public  declaration,  tliat  he  on  whom  the  order 
was  conferred  was  worthy  to  exercise  the  powers 
with  which  it  invested  him  ;  but  still,  the  spirit  was 
the  Chivalry. 

In  seeking  the  source  of  this  order  through  the 
dark  mazes  of  the  history  of  modern  Europe,  it  ap- 
pears to  me  that  many  writers  have  mistaken  the 
track  ;  and,  by  looking  for  the  mere  external  signs, 
have  been  led  into  ages  infinitely  prior  to  the  spirit 
of  Chivalry. 

Some  have  supposed  that  the  institution  descended 
to  more  modern  times,  from  the  equestrian  order  of  the 
ancient  Romans;  butt  lie  absence  of  all  but  mere  nomi- 
nal resemblance  between  the  two,  has  long  placed  this 
theory  in  the  dusty  catalogue  of  historical  dreams. 


20  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

Others  ag'ain  have  imagined  that  the  Franks,  and 
the  rest  of  tlie  German  nations,  who,  on  the  fall  of 
the  Roman  eiripire,  subdued  and  divided  Gaul,  hroug-ht 
with  them  the  seedsof  Chivalry,  which  spontaneously 
grew  up  into  that  extraordinary  plant  which  has  flou- 
rished but  once  in  the  annals  of  the  world.  This 
opinion  they  support  by  citing  the  customs  of  the 
German  tribes'  who,  not  only  at  particular  periods 
invested  their  j^outh  with  the  shield  and  the  javelin, 
but  also  (especially  towards  the  period  of  the  con- 
quest of  Gaul)  chose  from  the  bravest  of  the  tribe  a 
Lumber  of  warriors,  to  be  the  companions  and  guards 
of  tlie  chief.  These  were  termed  Leitdes,  and  we 
find  them  often  mentioned  under  the  whole  of  the 
first  race  of  French  kings.  They  served  on  horse- 
back, while  the  greater  part  of  each  German  nation 
fouoht  on  foot  only;  and  they  were  bound  to  the 
chief  by  an  oath  of  fidelity.^  The  reception  of  an 
aspirant  into  the  body  of  Leudes  was  also  marked 
with  various  ceremonies ;  but  in  this,  if  we  exa- 
mine correctly,  we  find  neither  the  spirit  nor  the 
forms  of  Chivalry.  The  oath  of  the  Frank  was 
one  of  service  to  his  prince  ;  that  of  the  knight,  to 
his  God  and  to  society :  the  one  promised  to  de- 
fend his  leader  ;  the  otlier  to  protect  the  oppressed, 
and  to  ujDhold  the  right.  The  Leudes  were  in  fact 
the  nobility  of  the  German  tribes,  though  that  no- 
bility was  not  hereditary;  but  they  were  in  no 
respect  similar  to  the  knights  of  an  after-age,  except 
in  the  circumstance  of  fighting  on  horseback. 

A  third  opinion  supposes  the  origin  of  Chivalry  to 
be  found  among  the  ancient  warlike  tribes  of  North- 
men, or  Normans,  who,  towards  the  ninth  century, 
invaded  in  large  bodies  the  southern  parts  of  Europe, 
and  established  themselves  principally  in  France; 
and  certainly,  botli  in  their  traditions,  and  even  in 
their  actions,  as  recorded  by  Abbon,  an  eyewitness 

I  Tacit,  de  Mor.  Germ  2  Marculfus 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  21 

in  their  deeds  in  the  siege  of  Paris,  there  is  to  be 
found  an  energetic  and  romantic  spirit,  not  unlike 
that  which  animated  Chivahy  at  the  rudest  per'od 
of  its  existence.  Still,  there  is  much  wanting.  The 
great  object  of  Cliivaliy,  the  defence  of  the  weak, 
was  absent,  as  well  as  every  form  and  ceremony. 
The  object  of  the  Northman's  courage  was  plunder; 
and  all  that  he  had  in  common  with  the  knight  was 
valour,  contempt  of  death,  and  a  touch  of  savage  ge- 
nerosity, that  threw  but  a  feint  light  over  his  dark 
and  stormy  barbarities. 

Many  persons  again  have  attributed  the  founda- 
tion of  all  the  chivalrous  institutions  of  Europe  to 
the  bright  and  magnificent  reign  of  Charlemagne; 
and  as  this  opinion  has  met  with  much  support, 
among  even  the  learned,  it  is  worth  while  more  par- 
ticularly to  inquire  upon  what  basis  it  is  raised.  Of 
the  reign  of  Charlemagne  we  have  not  so  many  au- 
thentic accounts  as  we  have  romances,  founded  upon 
the  fame  of  that  illustrious  monarch.  Towards  the 
tenth,  eleventh,  and  twelfth  centuries,  when  Chivalry 
was  in  its  imaginative  youth,  a  thousand  tales  oT 
wild  adventure  were  produced,  in  which  Charlemagne 
and  his  warriois  were  represented  with  all  the  quali- 
ties and  attributes  of  those  knights,  whose  virtues 
and  courage  had  b}'^  that  time  wrought  deeply  on  tlie 
heart  and  fancy  of  the  people.  We  should  be  as 
much  justified,  however,  in  believing  that  Vitgil  was 
a  celebrated  necromancer,  or  that  Hercules  was  a 
Preux  Chevalier — characters  which  have  been  as- 
signed to  them  by  the  very  same  class  of  fables — as 
in  giving  any  credit  to  the  distorted  representations 
that  those  romances  afford  of  the  days  of  Charle- 
magne. 

In  regard  to  the  tales  of  King  Arthur,  T  am  per- 
fectly inclined  to  use  the  energetic  words  of  Menes- 
Irier,  who,  in  speaking  of  t'  e  famous  knights  of  the 
round  table,  says,  without  hesitation,  "  All  that  they 
tell  of  King  Arthur  and  that  fictitious  Chivalry  of 


%9  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

which  they  represent  him  as  the  author,  is  nothing 
but  -a  lie  ;'"  for,  thoiii^h  beyond  all  d:)iibi  the  romances 
of  Chivalry  afford  a  great  insight  into  the  manners 
of  tlie  times  v/herein  they  were  written,  they  are, 
nevertheless,  (][uite  worthless  as  authority  concern- 
ing- the  ages  which  they  pretend  to  display,  and 
which  had  preceded  their  composition  by  neail/ 
three  centuries. 

After  rejecting  the  evidences  of  such  tales,  we  find 
nothing  in  tlie  authentic  records  of  Charlemagne 
which  gives  the  slightest  reason  to  suppose  that 
Chivalry  was  Ivnown,  even  in  its  most  infant  state, 
during  his  reign.  Though  his  great  system  of  war- 
fare had  that  in  common  with  Chivalry  which  all 
warfare  mast  have — feats  of  daring  courage,  heroic 
valour,  bursts  of  feeling  and  magnanimity,  and  as 
much  of  the  sublime  as  mighty  ambition,  guided  by 
mighty  genius,  and  elevated  by  a  noble  object  can 
achieve — yet  the  government  of  Charlemagne  was, 
in  fact,  any  thing  but  a  (diivalrous  government.  Too 
powerful  a  hand  held  the  reins  oi  state  for  Chivaliy 
either  to  have  been  necessary  or  permitted;  and  in 
reading  the  annals  of  Eginhard,  his  life  of  Charle- 
magne, or  the  a{;count  given  by  the  monk  of  St.  Gall, 
we  find  a  completely  different  character  from  that 
which  is  visible  in  every  page  of  the  history  of  the 
knightly  ages.  We  find,  indeed,  that  Charlemagne, 
according  to  the  immemorial  custom  of  his  Ger- 
man^ ancestors,  solemnly  invested  his  son  Lewis 
with  the  arms  of  a  man.  A  thousand  years  before, 
in  the  forests  of  tne  North,  his  predecessors  had  done 
the  same ;  and  Charlemagne,  one  of  whose  great 
objects  ever  was,  to  preserve  both  the  habits  and  the 
language  of  the  original  country^  free  from  amalga- 
mation with  those  of  the  conquered  nations,  not  only 
set  the  example  of  publicly  receiving  his  son  into  the 
ranks  of  manhood  and  warfare,  but  strictly  enjoined 

1  Menestrier  de  la  Chevalerie  et  ses  preuves,  page  230. 

2  Tacitus  de  Morib  German.  3  Eginhard  Am» 


HISTORY    or    CHn'ALRY.  23 

t1iat  the  snme  should  be  done  by  his  various  governors 
in  the  provinces.  But  this  custom  of  the  Frnnks, 
as  I  have  befoie  attempted  to  sho\v,  had  no  eartlily 
rv-hition  to  knighthood.  Were  nothing  else  a  proof 
that  Chivalry  was  perfectly  unknown  in  the  days  of 
Charlemagne,  it  would  be  sufficient  that  the  famous 
capitularies  of  that  monarch,  which  regulate  every 
thing  that  can  fall  under  the  eye  of  the  law,  even  to 
th.e  details  of  private  life,  make  no  mention  whatever 
of  an  institution  which  afterward  exercised  so  great 
an  influence  on  the  fate  of  Europe.  Nor  can  we 
trace  in  the  annals  of  the  surrounding  countries,  a 
mark  of  Chivalry  having  been  known  at  that  period 
to  any  other  nation  more  than  to  the  Franks.  Alfred, 
it  is  true,  invested  Athelstan  with  a  purple  garment 
and  a  sword;  but  the  Saxons  were  from  Germany  as 
well  as  tlie  Franks,  and  no  reason  exists  for  suppos- 
in::  that  this  ceremony  was  in  any  degree  connected 
with  the  institutions  of  Chivalry.  There  have  been 
persons,  indeed,  v/lio  supposed  that  Pharaoh  con- 
ferred knighthood  upon  Joseph,  when  he  bestowed 
upon  him  the  ring  and  the  golden  chain,  and  probably 
the  Egyptian  king  had  fully  as  much  knowledge  of 
tlie  institution  of  Chivalry  as  either  Charlemagne  or 
Alfied. 

Of  the  annals  that  follow  the  period  of  Charle- 
magne, those  of  Nithard,  Hincmar,  and  Thegan,  to- 
gether with  those  called  the  Annals  of  St.  Bertinus 
and  of  Metz,  are  the  most  worthy  of  (Tedit ;  and  in 
these,  though  we  often  meet  with  the  word  inileSi 
v/hich  was  afterward  the  name  bestowed  upon  a 
knight,  it  is  used  simply  in  the  signification  of  a  sol- 
dier, or  one  o.  the  military  race.'  No  mention 
whatever  is  made  of  any  thing  that  can  fairly  be 
looked  upon  as  chivalrous,  either  in  feeling  or  insti- 
tution. All  is  a  series  of  dark  conflicts  and  blood- 
thirsty contentions,  among  which  the  sprouts  of  the 

»  .See  note  L 


24  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

feudal  system,  yet  young  and  unformed,  are  seen 
springing  up  from  seeds  sown  long  before.  In  the 
picture  of  those  times,  a  double  darkness  seemed  to 
cover  the  earth,  wliich,  a  chaos  of  unruly  passio.^s, 
showed  no  one  general  institution  for  the  benefit  of 
mankind  except  the  Christian  religion:  and  that, 
overwhelmed  by  foul  su]3erstitions  and  guarded 
chiefly  by  barbarous,  ignorant,  selfish,  and  disorderly 
priests,  lay  like  a  treasure  hidden  by  a  miser,  and 
watched  by  men  that  had  not  soul  to  use  it.  This 
was  no  age  of  knighthood. 

Up  to  this  period,  then,  I  fully  believe  that  Chi- 
valry did  not  exist ;  and  having  attempted  to  show 
upon  some  better  ground  than  mere  assertion,  that 
the  theories  which  assign  to  it  an  earlier  origin  are 
wrong,  I  will  now  give  my  own  view  of  its  rise, 
which  possibly  may  be  as  erroneous  as  the  rest. 

Charlemagne  expired  like  a  meteor  that,  liaving 
broken  suddenly  upon  the  night  of  ages,  and  blazed 
brilliantly  over  a  whole  world  for  a  brief  space,  fell 
and  left  all  in  darkness,  even  deeper  than  before.  His 
dominions  divided  into  petty  kingdoms — his  succes- 
sors waging  long  and  inveterate  wars  against  each 
other — the  nations  he  had  subdued  shaking  otf  the 
yoke — the  enemies  he  had  conquered  avenging  them- 
selves upon  his  descendants — the  laws  he  had  esta- 
blished forgotten  or  annulled — the  union  he  h;id  ce- 
mented scattered  to  the  wind — iir  a  lamental)ly  brief 
space  of  time,  the  bright  order  which  his  great  mind 
had  established  throughout  Europe  was  dissolved. 
Each  individual,  who,  either  by  corporeal  strength, 
advantageous  position,  wealth,  or  habit,  could  influ- 
ence the  minds  of  others,  snatched  at  that  portion  of 
the  divided  empire  w'hicji  lay  nearest  to  his  means, 
and  claimed  that  power  as  a  gift  v/hich  had  only  been 
intrusted  as  a  loan.  The  custom  of  holding  lands  by 
military  service  had  come  aown  to  the  French  from 
their  German  ancestors,  and  the  dukes,  the  mar- 
quises, the  counts,  as  well  as  a  whole  herd  of  infe- 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  25 

nor  officers,  who  in  former  days  had  led  the  arniios, 
ur  commanded  in  the  provinces  as  servants  of  the 
crown,  now  arrogated  to  themselves  hereditary 
rights  in  the  charges  to  v.'hich  they  had  been  in- 
trusted ;  and,  in  their  own  behalf,  claimed  the  feudal 
service  of  those  soldiers  to  whom  lands  had  been 
granted,  instead  of  preserving  their  allegiance  for 
their  sovereigns.  The  weak  monarclis,  who  still 
letained  the  name  of  kings, engaged  in  ruinous  wars 
with  each  other  and  in  vain  attempts  to  repel  the  in- 
vasions of  the  Northmen  or  Normans,  first  tolernted 
these  encroachments,  because  tliey  had  at  the  time 
no  power  of  resisting,  and  then  gradually  recognised 
them  as  rights,  upon  the  condition  that  those  who 
committed  them  should  assist  the  sovereign  in  his 
wars,  and  acknowledge  his  title  in  preference  to  that 
of  any  of  his  competitors. 

Thus  gradually  rose  the  feudal  system  from  the 
wrec-ks  of  Charlemagne's  great  empire.  But  still 
all  was  unstable  and  unconfirmed  ;  the  limits  of  the 
different  powers  in  the  state  undecided  and  variable, 
till  the  war  of  Paris,  the  incompetence  of  the  suc- 
cessors of  Charlemagne,  and  the  elevation  of  Hugues 
Capet,  the  Count  of  Paris,  to  tlie  throne,  showed  the 
barons  the  power  they  had  acquired,  and  crowned 
the  feudal  compar*:  by  the  creation  of  a  king  whose 
title  was  found  in  it  alone. 

Great  confusion,  however,  existed  still.  The  au- 
thority of  the  sovereign  extended  but  a  few  leagues 
round  tlie  city  of  Paris;  the  Normans  ravaged  the 
coast ;  the  powerful  and  the  wicked  had  no  restraint 
imposed  upon  their  actions,  and  the  weak  were  every 
where  oppressed  and  wronged.  Bands  of  plunderers 
raged  through  the  whole  of  France  and  Germany, 
property  was  held  by  the  sword,  cruelty  and  injus- 
tice reigned  alone,  and  the  wliole  history  of  that  age 
offers  a  complete  medley  of  massacre,  bloodshed, 
torture,  crime,  and  misery. 

Personal  courage,  however,  had  been  raised  to  the 
C 


as  HtSTORY    OF    CHIVALRV. 

hio^hest  pitch  by  the  very  absence  of  every  thins:  like 
security.  Valour  was  a  ne(;essity  and  a  liabit,  and 
EuJes  and  his  companions,  who  defended  Paiis 
against  the  Normans,  would  have  come  down  as 
demig-ods  to  the  present  day,  if  they  had  but  pos- 
sessed a  Homer  to  sing  their  deeds.  The  very  Nor- 
mans themselves,  with  their  wild  enthusiasm  and 
supernatural  daring,  their  poetical  traditions,  and 
magnificent  superstitions,  seemed  to  bring  anew  and 
extraordinary  light  into  the  veiy  lands  they  deso- 
lated. The  plains  teemed  with  murder,  and  the 
rivers  flowed  with  blood  ;  but  the  world  was  weary 
of  barbarity,  and  a  reacting  spirit  of  order  was  born 
from  the  very  bosom  of  confusion. 

It  was  then  that  some  poor  nobles,  probably 
suffering  themselves  from  the  oppression  of  more 
powerful  lords,  bat  at  the  same  time  touched  with 
sincere  compassion  for  the  wretchedness  they  saw 
around  them,  first  leagued  together  with  the  holy 
purpose  of  redressing  wrongs  and  defending  the 
weak.'  They  gave  their  hands  to  one  another  in 
pledge  that  they  would  not  turn  back  from  the  work, 
and  called  upon  St.  George  to  bless  their  righteous 
cause.  The  church  readily  yielded  its  sanction  to 
an  institution  so  noble,  aided  it  with  prayers,  and 
san;-tified  it  with  a  solemn  blessing.  Religious  en- 
thusiasm became  added  to  noble  indignation  and 
charitable  zeal ;  and  the  spirit  of  Chivalry,  like  the 
flame  struck  forth  from  the  hard  steel  and  the  dull 
flint,  was  kindled  into  sudden  light  by  the  savage 
cruelty  of  the  nobles,  and  the  heavy  barbarity  of  the 
people. 

The  spirit  spread  rapidly,  and  the  adoration  of  the 
populace,  who  almost  deified  their  heroic  defenders, 
gave  both  fresh  vigour  and  purity  to  the  design. 
Every  moral  viitue  became  a  part  of  knightly  ho- 
nour, and  the  men  whose  hands  were  evei  ready  to 

1  Charles  Nodiflr  Oil  6t.  PalaTft 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  27 

draw  the  sword  in  defence  of  innocence — who  m 
their  own  conduct  set  the  most  brilliant  example — 
whose  sole  object  was  tlie  establishment  of  right, 
and  over  whom  no  earthly  fear  or  interested  con- 
sideration held  sway,  were  readily  recognisd  as 
judges,  and  appealed  to  as  arbitrators.  Public  opi- 
nion raised  them  above  all  other  men,  even  above 
kings  themselves;  so  much  so,  indeed,  that  we  find 
continually  repeated,  in  the  writings  of  the  chival- 
rous ages,  such  passages  as  the  following : — 

Chevaliers  sont  de  mault  grant  pris, 
lis  ont  (le  tous  gens  le  pris, 
El  le  los  et  le  seignorie. 

Thus  gradually  Chivalry  became  no  longer  a  simple 
engagement  between  a  few  generous  and  valiant 
men,lnit  took  the  form  of  a  great  and  powerful  in- 
stitution ;  and  as  each  knight  had  the  right  of  cre- 
ating others  without  limit,  it  became  necessaiy  that 
the  new  class  thus  established  in  society  should  be 
distinguished  by  particular  signs  and  symbols,  which 
would  guard  it  against  the  intrusion  of  unworthy  or 
disgraceful  members. 

The  time  at  which  fixed  regulations  first  distin- 
guished Chivalry  from  every  other  order  in  the  state 
cannot  be  precisely  determined ;  certainly  it  was  not 
before  the  eleventh  century.  Then,  however,  it  is 
probable,  that  this  was  done  more  from  a  general 
sense  of  its  necessity,  and  by  slow  and  irregular  de- 
grees, than  by  any  one  law  or  agreement.  Every 
thing  in  that  age  was  confusion,  and  though  the  spi- 
rit of  Chivahy^had  for  its  great  object  the  restora- 
tion of  order,  it  is  not  likely  that  ils  ow;i  primary 
efforts  should  be  very  regular,  amid  a  chaos  of 
contending  interests  and  unbridled  passions,  v/hich 
rendered  general  communication  or  association  dif- 
ficult, if  not  impossible.  Each  knight,  in  admitting 
another  to  the  noble  order  of  which  he  himself  was 
a  member,  probably  added  some  little  formality,  as 


28  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

he  thought  fit,  till  the  mass  of  these  customs  col- 
lected by  tradition  formed  the  body  of  their  ceremo- 
nial law. 

The  first  point  required  of  the  aspirants  to  Chi- 
valry, in  its  earliest  state,  was  certainly  a  solemn 
vow,  '•  To  speak  the  truth,  to  succour  the  helpless  and 
oppressed,  and  never  to  turn  baC'  from  an  <  nem  ."  ^ 

This  vow,  combined  with  the  solemn  appeal  to 
Heaven  in  witness  thereof,  was  the  foundation  of 
Chivalry ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  we  find,  that  in  all 
ages,  only  one  class  of  people  was  eligible  to  furnish 
members  to  the  institution;  namely,  the  military 
class,  or,  in  other  words,  the  northern  conqueiois  of 
the  soil;  for,  with  very  few  exceptions,  the  original 
inhabitants  of  Europe  had  been  reduced  to  the  con- 
dition of  serfs,  or  slaves  of  the  glebe.  Some  f  w, 
indeed,  had  held  out  till  they  forced  the  invaders  to 
permit  their  being  incorporated  will»  tliemselves 
upon  more  equal  terms ;  but  tliis  was  very  rare,  and 
the  race  rustique,  as  it  was  called,  though  it  fm-nished 
arcliers  to  the  armies,  was  kept  distinct  from  the 
military  race  by  many  a  galling  difference.  This 
lower  race,  then,  could  not  be  invested  with  the  ho- 
nours of  Chivalry;  and  one  of  the  first  provisions 
we  find  in  any  written  form,  respecting  the  institu- 
tion of  knighthood,  is  designed  to  mark  this  more 
particularly.  Ad  militarein  honorem  nullus  accedat 
qui  non  sit  de  genere  rnilitum,  says  a  decree  of  the 
twelfth  century.  We  may  therefore  conclude  that 
this  was  the  first  requisite,  and  the  vow  the  first  for- 
mality of  Chivalry. 

It  is  more  than  probable  that  the  ceremony  next 
in  historic. ;1  order,  attaclied  to  the  admission  of  an 
aspirant  into  the  ranks  of  knighthood,  was  that  of 
publicly  arming  him  with  the  weapons  he  was  to 
use,  in  pursuance  of  his  vow.  This  is  likely,  from 
many  ckcumstances.     In  the  first  place,  to  arm  hinj 

>  Ordenu  de  Cbevalerie  Fabliaux. 


HISTORY   OF    CHIVALRY.  2D 

for  the  cause  wns  naturally  the  next  preceding  to 
his  vowing  himself  to  that  cause,  and  also  by  his 
receiviiitr  those  arms  in  the  face  of  the  public,  the 
new  defender  that  the  "people  had  gained  became 
known  to  the  people,  and  thus  no  one  would  falsely 
pretend  to  the  character  of  a  knight  without  risking 
detection.  In  the  second  place,*  as  1  have  before 
said,  the  arming  of  the  German  youth  had  been  from 
tlie  earliest  ages,  Hke  the  deiiveiy  of  the  virile  robe 
to  young  Romans,  an  occasion  of  public  solem- 
nity; and  it  was  therefore  natural  that  it  should  be 
soon  incorporated  with  the  ceremonial  of  the  new 
military  institution  which  now  took  the  lead  of  all 
others. 

The  church  of  course  added  her  part  to  secure  re- 
verence for  an  order  which  was  so  well  calculated 
to  promote  all  tlie  objects  of  religion,  and  vigils,  fasts, 
and  prayers  speedily  became  a  part  of  the  initiation 
to  knio^hthood.  Power  is  ever  ."ollowed  by  splendour 
and  display;  but  to  use  the  energetic  words  of  a 
learned  and  talented  writer  of  the  present  day,'  the 
knights  for  long  after  the  first  institution  of  Chi- 
valry, were  "simple  in  their  clothing,  austere  in 
their  morals,  humble  after  victory,  firm  under  mis- 
fortune." 

In  France,  T  believe,  the  order  first  took  its  rise  ; 
and,  probably,  the  disgust  felt  by  some  pure  minds 
at  the  gross  and  barbarous  licentiousness  of  the 
times,  infused  that  virtuous  severity  into  the  institu- 
tions of  Chivalry  which  v/as  in  itself  a  glory.  If 
v.'e  may  give  the  least  credit  to  the  picture  of  the 
iinmorality  and  luxury  of  the  French,  as  drawn  by 
Abbon  in  his  poem  on  tlie  siege  of  Paris,  no  words 
will  be  found  sufficient  to  express  our  admiration  for 
the  men  who  first  undertook  to  combat  not  only  the 
tyranny  but  the  vices  of  their  age;  who  singly  went 
fjrth  to  war  against  crimi^  injustice,  and  cruelty 

J  Charles  NoJier. 


80  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALR?. 

who  defied  the  whole  world  in  defence  of  innocpTice, 
virtue,  and  truth ;  who  stemmed  the  torrent  of  bar- 
barity and  evil ;  and  who,  from  the  wrecks  of  cges, 
and  the  ruins  of  empires,  drew  out  a  thousand 
jewels  to  g-litter  in  the  star  that  shone  upon  the 
breast  of  knighthood. 

For  long-  the  Christian  religion  had  struggled  alone, 
a  great  but  shaded  light  through  the  storms  of  drirk 
and  barbarous  ages.  "  Till  Chivalry  arose  th.ere  was 
nothing  to  uphold  it;  but  from  that  moment,  with  a 
champion  in  the  field  to  lead  forth  the  knowledge 
that  had  been  imprisoned  in  the  cloister,  the  ijillu- 
ence  of  religion  began  to  spread  and  increase. 
Though  worldly  men  thereunto  attached  the  aggran- 
dizement of  their  own  temporal  power,  and  knaves 
and  villains  made  it  the  means  of  their  avarice,  or 
the  cloak  of  their  vice,  still  the  influence  of  the 
divine  truth  itself  gradually  wrought  upon  the  hearts 
of  men,  purii^ing,  calming,  refining,  till  the  world 
grew  wise  enough  to  separate  the  perfection  of  the 
Gospel  from  the  weakness  of  its  teachers,  and  to  re- 
ject the  errors  while  they  restrained  the  pozver  of 
the  Roman  church. 

In  the  mean  time  Chivalry  stood  forth  the  most 
glorious  institution  that  man  himself  ever  devised. 
In  its  youth  and  in  its  simplicity,  it  appeared  grand 
and  beautiful,  both  from  its  own  intrinsic  excellence, 
and  from  its  contrast  with  the  thmgs  around.  In  lis 
after-years  it  acquired  pomp  and  luxury;  and  to 
pomp  and  luxury  naturally  succeeded  decay  and 
death  ;  but  still  the  legac)^  that  it  left  behind  it  to  pos- 
terity was  a  treasure  of  noble  feehngs  and  generous 
principles. 

There  cannot  be  a  doubt  that  Chivalry,  more  than 
any  other  institution  (except  religion)  aided  to  woik 
out  the  civilization  of  Europe.  It  first  taught  devo- 
tion and  reverence  to  those  weak,  fair  beings,  who 
but  in  their  beauty  and  their  gentleness  have  no  de- 
fence.    It  first  raised  love  above  the  passions  of  the 


HISTORY    OP    CHIVALRY.  31 

brute,  and  by  dignifying-  woman,  made  woman 
worthy  of  love.  It  g-ave  purity  to  enthusiasm, 
crushed  barbaro.iS  selfishness,  tauj^ht  the  heart  to 
expand  like  a  flower  to  the  sunshine,  beautified  glory 
with  geneiosity,  and  smoothed  even  the  rugged  brow 
of  war. 

For  the  mind,  as  far  as  knowledge  went,  Chivalry 
itself  did  little;  but  by  its  influence  it  did  much. 
For  the  heart  it  did  every  thing  ;  and  there  is  scarcely 
a  noble  feeling  or  a  bright  aspiration  that  we  find 
among  ourselves,  or  trace  in  the  history  of  modern 
Europe,  that  is  not  in  si)me  degree  referable  to  that 
great  and  noble  principle,  which  has  no  name  but  the 
Spirit  of  Chivalry. 


CHAPTER  II. 


Of  Chivrilrmi.s  Customs — Ebicntion — Grades — Services  on  the  Rer.ep. 
tion  of  a  Knight— Oa  T ntninnitutt — Jmatg — Combats  at.  Outranci 
—Passa2:es  of  Arms — T!ie  Rjuad  Tabic — Friuilei-es  of  Kaighthood 
— Duties  of  Kaii^hthood. 

Although  the  customs  which  T  am  about  to  detail 
at  once  grew  gradually  up  under  the  various  circum- 
stances of  difl'erent  centuries,  and  were  for  the  most 
part  unknown  to  the  infancy  of  Chivalry,  I  think  it 
right  to  notice  here  the  principal  peculiarities  of  the 
institution,  rather  than  to  interrupt  the  course  of  my 
narrative  afterward,  when  the  history  of  knighthood 
may  be  traced  continuously  down  to  its  final  ex- 
tinction. 

We  have  already  seen  that  each  individual  mem- 
ber of  the  order  possessed  the  power  of  admitting 
any  othei-  person  to  its  honours  without  restraint ; 
but  it  did  noi  by  any  means  follow  that  all  previous 
trial  and  education  was  dispensed  with.  Very  soon 
after  the  first  institution  of  Chivalry  every  one 


33  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

became  covetous  of  the  distinction,  and  it  natm^tly 
followed  that  the  object  of  each  boy's  aspirations, 
the  aim  of  eveiy  young-  man's  ambition,  was  one 
driy  to  be  a  knio-ht.  Those,  iiowever,  who  had  al- 
ready received  the  order,  were  scrupulously  careful 
to  admit  none  within  its  fellowship  who  mig-ht  dis- 
grace the  sword  that  dubbed  them;  and  knighthood 
gradually  became  as  much  the  reward  of  a  long  and 
tedious  education,  as  the  bonnet  of  the  doctor  or 
the  stole  of  the  clerk. 

The  feudal  system  had  now  reached  its  acme ;  and 
each  individual  lord,  within  iiis  own  domain,  assuujed 
the  state  and  importance  of  a  prince.  With  the  vain 
spirit  of  ostentatious  imitation  which  unhappily  is 
common  to  all  climes  and  all  centuries,  the  great 
feudatories  of  the  crown  copied  the  household  of  the 
sovereign,  and  the  petty  barons  imitated  them.  Each 
had  his  crowd  of  officers,  and  squiies,  and  pages,  and 
varlets.  Even  the  monasteries  and  the  abbeys  af- 
fected the  same  pomp  and  ceremonial,  so  that  Vv^e 
find  the  abbot  of  St.  Denis  riding'  forth  accompauied 
by  his  chamberlain  and  marshal,  whose  offices  were 
held  as  feoffs. 

The  manor  or  the  castle  of  each  feudal  chieftain, 
however,  soon  became  the  school  of  Chivalry,  and 
j-ny  1  oble  youth  who^e  parents  were  eithei-  dead  or 
too  poor  to  educate  him  to  the  art  of  war  was  will- 
ingly received  in  tlie  dwelling  of  a  neighbouiing  ba- 
ron,"whotook  care  that  his  pupil  should  be  instructed 
in  all  military'  exercises,  glad  to  attach  to  his  own 
person  as  large  a  body  of  armed  retainers  as  his  cir- 
cumstances would  permit. 

Till  they  reached  the  age  of  seven  years  the  youths, 
afterward'destined  to  arms,  were  left  to  the  care  of 
the  females  of  the  household,  who  taught  them  the 
first  principles  of  religion  and  of  Chivalry.  They 
were  then  in  general  sent  fiom  home,  those  fatlieri 

[i  Felibien,  Hist.  St   Denis. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 


33 


i?ven,  who  possessed  the  means  of  conducting  theii 
odiuraiion  themselves,  preferring-  to  intrust  it  to  some 
othei-  noble  knight  who  could  be  biassed'  by  no  pa- 
rental tenderness  to  spare  the  young  Jispirant  to  Chi- 
valry any  of  those  trials  and  hardships  absolutely 
necessary  to  prepare  him  for  his  after-career. 

On  entering  the  household  of  another  knight,  the 
first  place  filled  by  the  youths,  then  fresh  from  all  the 
soft  kindnesses  of  home,  was  that  of  page  or  varlet, 
which,  though  it  implied  every  sort  of  attendance  on 
the  person  of  their  new  lord,  was  held  as  honourable, 
not  degrading-. 

Here  they  still  remained^  much  among  the  wo- 
men of  the  family,  who  undertook  to  complete  their 
knowledge  of  their  duty  to  God  and  their  lady,  instill- 
ing into  their  infant  minds  that  refined  and  mystic 
i  lea  of  love,  which  was  so  peculiar  a  trait  in  the 
Chivalry  of  old.  In  the  mean  while  the  rest  of  their 
days  were  passed  in  the  service  of  their  lord,  accom 
panying  him  in  his  excursions,  sjrving  him  at  ta- 
ble, pouring  out  his  drink;  all  of  which  offices  being 
shared  in  by  the  children  and  young  relations  of  the 
baron  himself,^  were  reckoned,  as  I  have  said,  highly 
honourable,  and  formed  the  first  step  in  the  ascent 
to  Chivalry. 

At  the  same  time  infinite  pains  were  bestowed 
upon  the  education  of  these  pages.  They  were 
taught  all  sorts  of  gymnastic  exercises  which  could 
strengthen  the  body ;  and,  bj'  continually  mingling 
with  the  guests  of  the  castle,  receiving  them  on  their 
arrival,  offering  them  every  sort  of  service,  and  listen- 
ing respectfully  to  the  conversation  of  their  ellers, 
they  acquired  that  peculiar  grace  of  manner  whicli, 
unrier  the  name  of  courtesy,  formed  a  principal  per- 
fection in  the  character  of  the  true  knight. 

At  fourteen  the  page  was  usually  admitted  to  the 
higher  grade  of  squire,  and  exchanged  his  short  dag- 

1  Coutumes  de  Beauvoisis.      2  st.  Palaye.       3  Vie  de  Bayard. 


34  HISTORY   OP    CHIVALRY. 

£^er  for  the  manly  swortf.  This,  however,  was  made  a 
religious  ceremony;  and  the  weapon  which  lie  was 
in  future  to  wear  was  laid  upon  the  altar,  from 
whence  it  was  taken  by  the  priest,'  and  after  several 
benedictions,  was  hung  over  the  shoulder  of  the  new 
squire,  with  many  a  sage  caution  and  instruction  as 
to  its  use. 

His  exercises  now  became  more  robust  than  they 
had  ever  been  before ;  and,  if  we  are  to  believe  the 
old  biographer  of  the  celebrated  Boucicaut,  they  were 
fir  more  fatigumg  than  any  man  of  the  present  age 
could  endure.  To  spring  upon  horseback  armed  at 
all  pieces,  without  putting  a  foot  in  the  stirrup;  to 
cast  somersets  in  heavy  armoui*^  for  the  purpose  of 
strengthening  the  arms;  to  leap  upon  the  shoulders 
of  a  horseman  from  behind,  without  other  hold  than 
one  hand  laid  upon  his  shoulder — such,  and  many 
others,  were  the  daily  exercises  of  the  young  noble, 
besides  regular  instruction  in  riding  and  managing 
his  arms.  Though  it  would  seem  at  first  that  few 
constitutions  could  undergo  for  any  length  of  time 
such  violent  exertions,  we  must  remember  the  effects 
produced — we  must  call  to  mind  that  these  veiy  men 
in  their  after-life,  are  found  bearing  a  weight,  that  few 
persons  of  the  present  times  could  lift,  througli  the 
heat  of  a  whole  summer's  day,  imder  the  burning  sun 
of  Palestine.  We  must  remember  the  mighty  feats 
of  strength  that  these  men  performed ;  and,  when  we 
see  a  Boemond  fighting  from  noon  to  sunset  cased 
from  head  to  foot  in  thick  iron,  or  in  long  after-days 
a  Guise  swimming  against  a  torrent  armed  cap-a-pie, 
W(j  must  naturally  conclude  that  no  ordinary  couise 
of  training  could  produce  such  vigour  and  hardihood. 

Several  degrees  of  squires  or  esquires  are  men- 
tioned in  the  ancient  chronicles;  and  it  is  difficult  to 
distinguish  whicli  class  included  the  young  noble 
— whiidi  was  filled  by  an  inferior  race.     That  there 

I  Favin  Th6itre         2  Vie  .jC  Boucicaut,  Coll.  Pelitot  et  Moinerque 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  35 

was  a  distinction  is  evident;  for  in  the  life  of  Bayard' 
we  rind  an  old  squire  meiitioned  more  than  once, 
from  whom  he  received  instructions,  but  who  never 
appears  to  have  aspired  to  any  hiirher  degree.  Ne- 
vertheless it  is  equally  certain  that  many  services 
which  we  should  consider  menial,  were  performed  by 
the  squires  of  the  highest  race  about  the  persons  of 
their  lords.  Nor  was  this  confined  to  what  mio-ht  be 
considered  military  services;  for  we  learn  that  they 
not  only  held  the  stirrup  for  tlieir  lord  to  mount,  and 
then  followed,  carrying  his  helm,  his  lance,  his  shield, 
or  his  gauntlets;  but  they  continued  to  serve  him  at 
table,  to  clean  his  armoui',  to  dress  his  horses,  and  to 
fulfil  a  thousand  other  avocations,  in  which  they  were 
aided,  it  is  true,  by  the  gi^os  z.-.rlets  or  common  ser- 
vants, but  whicdi  they  still  had  their  share  in  accom- 
plishing with  their  own  hands.^  The  highest  class 
of  esquires,  however,  was  evidently  the  ^cvyer  d'hon- 
7ieur,  who,  from  the  manner  of  Froissart's  mention  of 
many  at  the  court  of  the  Count  de  Foix,  appears  to 
have  had  in  charge  the  reception  and  entertainment 
of  STuests  and  stra;  gers. 

The  squires  of  tourse  had  often  more  important 
duties  to  perforrif.  It  was  for  them  to  follow  their 
lords  to  tiie  bifrie-field ;  and,  while  the  knights, 
formed  in  a  long  line,  fought  hand  to  hand  against 
their  equals,  the  squires  remained  watching  eagerlv 
the  conflict,  and  ready  to  drag  their  master' from  the 
mel^e,  to  cover  him  if  he  fell,  to  supply  him  with  fresh 
arms,  and,  in  short,  to  lend  him  every  aid;  without, 
however,  presuming  to  take  an  active  part  against 
the  adverse  knights,  with  whose  class  it  was  forbidden 
for  a  squire  to  engage. 

St.  Palaye  limits 'to  these  defensive  operations  the 
services  of  the  squires  in  the  field  of  battle,^  and  it  is 
possible  that  the  strict  laws  of  Chivaliy  might  justify 
such  a  restriction.     Nevertheless  there  can  be  no 

J  Vie  de  Bayard.  2  Froissart.  3  St.  Pa.aye,  liv.  i 


86  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY, 

cp.rt'hly  doubt  that  they  -were  often  much  more  actively 
engaged,  even  in  the  purest  days  of  Chivalry.  In  all 
the  wars  between  Richard  Cceur  de  Lion  and  Philip 
Au,i?ustus,'  we  find  them  often  fio^hting  bravely ;  and 
at  the  battle  of  Bovine,  a  squire  had  nearly  taken  the 
life  of  the  famous  Count  de  Boulogne. 

These  services  in  the  field  perfected  the  aspirant  to 
Chivalry  in  the  knowledge  of  his  profession ;  and  tlie 
'jials  of  skill  which,  on  the  day  that  preceded  a  tour- 
nament, were  permitted  to  squires,  in  the  lists,  gave 
him  an  opportunity  of  distinguishing  himself  in  the 
eyes  of  the  people,  and  of  gaining  a  name  among 
the  heralds  and  chroniclers  of  knightly  deeds. 

If  a  noble  squire  had  conducted  himself  well  du- 
ring the  period  of  his  service,  it  seldom  occurred  that 
his  lord  refused  to  bestow  upon  him  the  honoui'  of 
knighthood  at  the  age  of  twenty-one ;  and  sometimes, 
if  he  had  been  distinguished  by  any  great  or  gallant 
feat,  or  by  uniform  talent  and  courage,^  he  was  ad- 
mitted into  the  order  before  he  had  reached  that  age. 
'i'liis,  nevertheless,  was  rare,  except  in  the  case  of 
sovereign  princes  ;  and,  on  the  contrary,  it  occasion- 
ally happened  that  a  knight  w^ho  did  not  choose  to 
part  so  soon  witli  a  favourite  squire  would  delay  on 
various  pretences  a  cerem.ony  which  almost  always 
caused  some  separation  between  the  young  knight 
and  his  ancient  master.^ 

The  squire,  however,  had  always  the  right  to  claim 
the  knighthood  from  the  hand  of  another,  if  his  lord 
ujijustly  refused  to  bestow  it;  and  that  high  sense  of 
honour  whicli  was  their  great  characteristic  pre- 
vented the  knights  thus  applied  to  from  ever  refusing, 
wlien  the  aspirant  was  fully  justiiied  in  his  claim. 

The  times  chosen  for  conferring  knighthood  were 
generally  either  those  of  great  militaiy  ceremony,'* 
as  after  tournaments,  cours  ])l^n{eres,  the  muster  or 

1  Guillaiimft  Guiart.;  Guill,  Amoric;  Higord  ;  Philipeid. 

2  Branionie.  3  See  note  II. 
*  Charles  Nodicr'o  Annotations  on  St.  Palaye. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  87 

monstre,  as  it  was  called,  of  the  army,  or  on  days  con- 
secrated by  the  church  to  some  peculiar  solemnity, 
as  Easter-day,  the  day  of  Pentecost,  or  even  Chiist- 
n:  as-day.' 

This  was,  nevertheless,  by  no  means  imperative ; 
for  we  have  already  seen  that  knighthood  was  often 
conferred  on  any  particular  emergency,  and  even  on 
the  field  of  battle.^  On  iheso  occasions  the  forms 
were  of  course  abridg'ed  to  suit  the  necessity  of  the 
case,  but  the  knighthood  was  not  the  less  valid  or 
esteemed. 

The  more  public  and  solemn  the  ceremony  could  be 
made,  the  more  it  appeared  to  the  taste  of  the  nobles 
of  the  middle  ages.  Nor  was  the  pomp  and  display 
witliout  its  use,  raising  and  dignifying  the  order  in 
the  eyes  of  the  people,  and  impressing  deeply  upon 
the  mind  of  the  young  knight  the  duties  which  he 
had  voluntarily  taken  upon  himself.  We  all  know 
how  much  remembrance  depends  upon  external  cir- 
cumstance, and  it  is  ever  well  to  give  our  feelings 
some  fixed  resting-place  in  the  waste  of  life,  that  in 
after-years  memory  may  lead  us  back  and  refresh  the 
resolutions  and  bright  designs  of  youth  by  the  aid  of 
the  striking  scenes  and  solemn  moments  in  which 
those  designs  and  resolutions  were  first  called  into 
activity.  Nothing  could  be  better  calculated  to  make 
a  profound  impression  on  the  mind  than  the  ceremo- 
nies of  a  knight's  reception  in  the  mature  times  of 
Chivalry. 

On  the  day  appointed,^  all  the  knights  and  nobles 
at  that  time  in  the  city  where  the  solemnity  was  to 
be  performed,  with  the  bishops  and  clergy,  each  co- 
vered with  the  appropiiate  vestments  of  his  order,  the 
knight  in  his  coat-of-arms,  and  the  bishop  in  his  stole, 
conducted  the  aspirant  to  the  principal  church  of  the 
^lace.     There,  after  the  high  mass  had  been  chanted, 

1  Durancre.  Dissert,  xxii.  Mene!»trier,  chap.  2;  St.  Falayc 

2  Roman  de  Garin,  Fabiiaux,  vol.  ii 
8  MeKcs'.nsr.  chap.  2.  and  9. 


38  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

the  novice  approached  the  altar  and  presented  the 
sword  to  the  bishop  or  priest^  who,  taking  it  from  hi? 
hand,  blessed  and  consecrated  it  to  liie  service  of  reli> 
gion  and  virtue. 

It  often  happened  that  the  bishop  himself  then  so- 
lemnly warned  the  yonthof  the  difficuliies  and  reqni. 
sites  of  the  oider  to  which  lie  aspired.  "  He  who  seeks 
to  be  a  knig-ht," — said  the  Bishop  of  Valenciennes 
to  the  young  Connt  of  Ostrevant  on  one  of  tliesc 
occasions,*  "lie  who  wishes  to  be  a  knight  should 
have  great  qualities.  He  must  be  of  noble  birth, 
liberal  in  gifts,  high  in  courage,  strong  in  danger,  se- 
cret in  council,  patient  in  difficulties,  powerful  against 
enemies,  prudent  in  his  deeds.  He  must  also  swear 
to  observe  the  following  lules :  To  undertake  no- 
thing without  having  heard  mass  fasting;  to  spare 
neither  his  blood  nor  his  life  in  defence  of  the  Catho- 
lic faith;  to  give  aid  to  all  widows  and  orphans;  to 
undertake  no  war  without  just  cnusc  ;  to  favour  no 
injustice,  but  to  protect  the  innocent  and  oppressed; 
to  be  humble  in  all  things,*  to  seek  the  welfare  of 
those  placed  under  him ;  never  to  violate  the  rights 
of  his  sovereign,  and  to  live  irreprehensibly  before 
God  and  man." 

The  bishop,  then  taking  his  joined  hands  in  -his 
own,  placed  them  on  the  missal,  and  received  his 
oath  to  follow  the  statutes  laid  down  to  him,  after 
which  his  father  advancing  dubbed  him  a  knight. 

At  other  times  it  occurred,  that  when  the  sword 
had  been  blessed,  the  novice^  carried  it  to  the  knight 
who  was  to  be  his  godfather  in  Chivalry,  and  kneel- 
ing before  him  plighted  his  vow  to  him.  After  this 
the  other  knights,  and  often  the  ladies  present,  ad- 
vanced, and  completely  armed  the  you-th,  sometimes 
beginning  with  one  piece  of  the  armour,  sometimes 
another.  St.  Palaye  declares  that  the  spurs  were 
always  buckled  on  before  the  rest,  but  in  the  histoiy 

«  Munestrier,  chap.  9.  «  St  PoIavo 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  39 

of  Geoffrey,  Duke  of  Normandy,  we  find  the  corslet 
and  the  greaves  mentioned  first,  and  the  spear  and 
sword  last. 

After  havincr  been  armed,  the  novice  still  remained 
upon  his  knees  before  his  godfather  in  arms,  who 
then,  rising  from  his  seat,  bestowed  upon  him  the 
accolade,  as  it  was  called,  which  consisted  g'enerally 
of  three  blovv's  of  the  naked  sword  upon  the  neck  or 
shoulder.  Sometimes  it  was  performed  by  a  blow 
given  with  the  palm  of  the  hand  upon  the  cheek  of 
the  novice,  which  was  always  accompanied  by  some 
words,  signifying  that  the  ceremony  was  complete, 
and  the  squire  had  now  become  a  knight. 

The  words  which  accompanied  the  accolade  were 
generally,  when  the  kings  of  F'rance  bestowed  the 
honour,  "In  the  name  of  God,  St.  Michael,  and  St 
George,  I  make  thee  knight;  be  loyal,  bold,  and 
itue." 

Sometimes  to  the  blow  were  joined  the  words,' 
"Bear  this  blow  and  never  bear  another,"  and  some- 
times was  added  the  more  Christian  admonition  to 
humility,  "  Remember  that  the  Saviour  of  the  world 
was  buffeted  and  scoffed."^ 

Whatever  was  its  origin  the  custom  was  a  curious 
one,  and  boie  a  strong  resemblance  to  the  ceremony 
of  manumission  among  the  Romans,  who,  on  free- 
ing a  slave,  struck  him  a  slight  blow,  which  Clau- 
dian  happily  enough  terms  feliceni  injuriam.  1  do 
not,  however,  intend  to  insinuate  that  the  one  cus- 
tom was  derived  from  the  other,  though,  perhaps, 
the  fact  of  a  serf  becoming  free  if  his  lord  struck 
him  vvith  any  instrument,^  except  such  as  were  em- 
{ilviyed  in  his  actual  labour,  may  have  been,  in  some 
deuree,  a  vestige  of  the  Roman  law  in  this  respect, 
whicli  we  know  descended  entire  to  many  of  the 
barbarous  nations. 

However  that  may  be,  after  having  submitted  to 

1  Hartknoch,  lib.  ii.  c.  1. 

«  Existing  Orders  of  Knighthood.  »  Cappefigue. 


40  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

the  blow  whi(;h  ended  his  servitude  as  a  squire,  the 
new  knight  was  decorated  with  his  casque,  which 
had  hitherto  been  held  beside  him,  and  then  pro- 
ceeding- to  the  door  of  tlie  church,  or  of  the  castle, 
where  his  knighthood  had  been  bestowed,  he  sprang 
upon  his  horse  and  showed  himself  armed  in  the 
principal  places  of  the  city,  while  the  heralds  pro- 
claimed his  name  and  vaunted  his  prowess.' 

As  long  vigils,  fast,  prayers,  and  confessions  had 
preceded  and  accompanied  the  admission  of  the  new 
knight,  festivals,  banquets,  and  tournaments  fol- 
lowed.^ The  banquets  and  the  festivals,  as  common 
to  all  ages,  though  differing  in  each,  I  will  pass  over: 
saf!i;:e  it,  that  one  of  the  strictest  laws  of  Chivalry 
forbade  gluttony  and  intemperance. 

The  tournament,  as  a  purely  chivalrous  institu- 
tion, I  must  mention;  though  so  much  has  been 
already  written  on  the  subject,  that  I  could  have 
wished  to  pass  it  over  in  silence.  The  most  com- 
plete description  ever  given  of  a  tournament  is  to  be 
found  in  the  writings  of  one  whose  words  are  pic- 
tures ;  and  if  I  dared  but  copy  into  this  place  the 
account  of  the  passage  of  arms  in  Ivanhoe,  1  should 
be  enabled  to  give  a  far  better  idea  of  what  such  a 
scene  really  was,  than  all  the  anticjuarian  researches 
in  my  power  will  afford. 

All  military  nations,  from  the  earliest  antiquity, 
have  known  and  practised  various  athletic  games  in 
imitation  of  warfare ;  and  we  of  course  find  among 
the  Franks  various  exercises  of  the  kind  from  the 
very  first  records  which  we  have  of  that  people. 
Nithard,^  however,  gives  an  elaborate  picture  of 
these  mock-fights  as  practised  in  the  reigns  succeed- 
ing Charlemagne  ;  and  we  find  but  little  resemblance 
to  the  tournament.  Four  equal  bands  of  Saxons, 
Gascons,  Austrasians,  and  Armoricans  (or  Britons,-* 
as  they  are  there  called)  met  together  in  an  open 

1  Ms-nestrier,  ix.;  St.  Palaye  2  Adrfe  Favin  Thfe^t. 

3  NitUard,  lib.  lii.  4  Bri.  taunarum  is  tiie  word. 


HISTORY   OF   CHIVALRY.  41 

place,  and,  while  the  populace  stood  round  as  spec- 
tators, pursued  each  other,  in  turn,  brandishing  their 
arms,  and  seeming  fiercely  to  seek  tlie  destruction 
of  their  adversaries.  When  this  had  proceeded  for 
some  time,  Louis  and  Charles  (the  two  monarchs  in 
whose  history  the  description  is  given)  suddenly 
rushed  into  the  field  with  all  their  choice  com- 
panions, and,  with  quivering  lances  and  loud  cries, 
followed,  now  one,  now  another,  of  the  parties,  who 
took  care  to  fly  before  their  horses. 

The  first  authentic  mention  of  a  tournament'  is  to 
be  found  in  the  Chronicle  of  Tours,  which  records 
the  death  of  Geoffrey  de  Priuli  in  1066 ;  adding  the 
words  qui  tomeamenta  invenit — who  invented  tour- 
naments. From  the  appearance^  of  these  exercises 
in  Germany^  about  the  same  time,  we  may  conclude 
that  this  date  is  pretty  nearly  correct ;  and  that  if 
tournaments  were  not  absolutely  mvented  at  that 
precise  period,  they  were  then  first  regulated  by  dis- 
tinct laws. 

In  England"*  they  did  not  appear  till  several  years 
later,  when  the  Norman  manners  introduced  after 
the  conquest  had  completely  superseded  the  cus- 
toms  of  the  Saxons. 

Thus  much  has  seemed  necessary  to  me  to  say 
concerning  the  origin  of  tournaments,  as  there  are 
so  many  common  fables  on  the  subject  which  give 
far  greater  antiquity  to  the  exercise  than  that  which 
it  is  entitled  to  claim. 

The  ceremonies  and  the  splendour  of  the  tourna- 
ment of  course  diflfered  in  different  ages  and  differ- 
ent countries  ;  but  the  general  principle  was  the 
same.  It  was  a  chivalrous  game,  originally  insti- 
vuted  for  practising  those  exercises,  and  acquiring 

1  Ducange  apud  Chron.  Tur.  an.  1066. 

2  Munster.  Geogr.  lib.  iii. 

3  Ducange,  in  bis  sixth  dissertation,  has  satisfactorily  overturned  fhe 
assertion  made  by  Modms,  that  tournaments  were  known  in  German/ 
al  a  much  earlier  period  than  here  stated. 

4  Ducange,  Dissert,  vii. 

D 


42  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRV. 

that  skill  which  was  likely  to  be  useful  in  knightly 
warfare. 

A  tournament  was  usually  given  upon  the  occasion 
of  any  great  meeting,  for  either  military  or  political 
purposes.  Sometimes  it  was  the  king  himself  who 
sent  his  heralds  tlirough  the  land  to  announce  to  all 
noblemen  and  ladies,  that  on  a  certain  day  he  would 
liold  a  grand  tournament,  where  all  brave  knights 
might  try  their  prowess.  At  otlier  times  a  tourna- 
ment was  determined  on  by  a  body  of  independent 
knights ;  and  messengers  were  often  sent  into  dis- 
tant countries  to  invite  all  gallant  gentlemen  to 
honour  the  passage  of  arms. 

Tile  spot  fixed  upon  for  the  lists  was  usually  in  the 
immediate  neighbourhood  of  some  abbey  or  castle, 
where  the  shiekls  of  the  various'  cavaliers  who  pur- 
posed combating  were  exposed  to  view  for  several 
days  previous  to  the  meeting.  A  herald  was  also 
placed  beneath  the  cloisters  to  answer  all  questions 
concevning  the  champions,  and  to  receive  all  com- 
plaints against  any  individual  knight.  If,  upon  in- 
vestigation, the  kings  of  arms  and  judges  of  the  field 
found  that  a  just  accusation  was  laid  against  one^ 
of  the  knights  proposing  to  appear,  a  peremptory 
command  excluded  him  from  the  lists ;  and  if  he 
dared  m  despite  thereof  to  present  himself,  he  was 
driven  forth  with  blows  and  ignominy. 

Round  about  the  field  appointed  for  the  spectacle 
were  raised  galleries,  scaffoldings,  tents,*^  and  pavi- 
lions, decorated  with  all  the  magnificence  of  a  luxu- 
rious age.  Banners  and  scutcheons,  and  bandrols, 
silks  and  clotli  of  gold,  covered  the  galleries  and 
floated  round  the  field  ;  while  all  that  rich  garments 
and  precious  stones,  beauty  and  youth,  could  do  to 
outshine  the  inanimate  part  of  the  scene,  was  to  be 
found  among  the  spectators.  Here  too  was  seen 
the  venerable  age  of  Chivalry — all  those  old  knights 

>  Menestrier  Online.  2  Favin  Th^&tre.  3  St.  Palaye. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  43 

whose  limbs  were  no  lon^^er  competent  to  bear  tne 
weight  of  arms,  surrounding-  the  field  to  view  the 
prowess  of  their  children  and  judge  the  deeds  of  the 
day.  Heralds  and  pursuivants,  in  the  gay  and  many- 
coloured  garments  which  they  peculiarly  affected, 
fluttered  oVer  the  field,  and  bands  of  warlike  music 
were  stationed  near  to  animate  the  contest  and  to 
salute  the  victors. 

The  knights,  as  they  appeared  in  the  lists,  were 
greeted  by  the  heralds  and  the  people^  according  to 
their  renown ;  but  the  approbation  of  the  female  part 
of  the  spectators  was  the  great  stimulus  to  all  the 
Chivalry  of  the  field.  Each  knight,  as  a  part  of  his 
duty,  either  felt  or  feigned  himself  in  love  ;  and  it 
was  upon  these  occasions  that  his  lady  might  de- 
scend from  the  high  state  to  which  the  mystic  adora- 
tion of  the  day  had  raised  her,  and  bestow  upon  her 
favoured  champion  a  glove,  a  riband,  a  bracelet,^  a 
jewel,  which,  borne  on  his  crest  through  the  hard- 
contested  field,  was  the  chief  object  of  his  care,  and 
the  great  excitement  to  his  valour. 

Often,  too,  in  the  midst  of  the  combat,  if  accident 
or  misfortune  deprived  the  favoured  knight  of  the 
gage  of  his  lady's  affection,  her  admiration  or  her 
pity  won  her  to  supply  another  token,  sent  by  a 
page  or  squire,  to  raise  again  her  lover's  resolution, 
and  animate  him  to  new  exertions. 

The  old  romance  of  Perce-forest  gives  a  curious 
picture  of  the  effects  visible  after  a  tournament,  by 
the  eagerness  with  which  the  fair  spectators  had  en- 
couraged the  knights.  "  At  the  close  of  the  tourna- 
ment," says  the  writer,  "  the  ladies  were  so  stripped 
of  their  ornaments,  that  the  greater  part  of  them 
were  bareheaded.  Thus  they  went  their  ways  Avith 
their  hair  floating  on  their  shoulders  more  glossy 
than  fine  gold;  and  with  their  robes  without  the 
sleeves,  for  they  had  given  to  the  knights  to  deco 

t  St.  Psdave  «  Vif'  de  Bayard. 


44  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

rate  themselves,  wimples  and  hoods,  mantles  and 
shifts,  slee"v  as  and  bodies.  When  they  found  them- 
selves undressed  to  such  a  pitch,  they  were  at  first 
quite  ashamed;  but  as  soon  as  they  saw  every  one 
was  in  the  same  state,  they  began  to  laugh  at  the 
whole  adventure^  for  they  had  all  bestowed  their 
jewels  and  their  clothes  upon  the  knights  with  so 
good  a  will,  that  they  had  not  perceived  that  they 
uncovered  themselves." 

This  is  probably  an  exaggerated  account  of  the 
enthusiasm  which  the  events  of  a  tournament  ex- 
cited in  the  bosom  of  the  fair  ladies  of  that  day  :  but 
still,  no  doubt  can  be  entertained,  that  they  not  only 
decorated  their  knights  before  the  tournament  with 
some  token  of  their  approbation,  but  in  the  case  of 
its  loss,  often  sent  him  even  a  part  of  their  dress  in 
the  midst  of  the  conflict. 

The  other  spectators,  also,  though  animated  by 
less  thrilling  interests,  took  no  small  share  in  the 
feelings  and  hopes  of  the  different  parties.  Each 
blow  of  the  lance  or  sword,  struck  well  and  home, 
was  greeted  with  loud  acclamations ;  and  valour  met 
with  both  its  incitement  and  its  reward,  in  the  ex- 
pecting silence  and  the  thundering  plaudits  with 
which  each  good  champion's  movements  were  waite^i 
for  and  seen. 

In  the  mean  while,  without  giving  encouragement 
to  any  particular  knight,  the  heralds  strove  to  animate 
all  by  various  quaint  and  characteristic  exclamations, 
such  as  "  The  love  of  ladies !"  "  Death  to  the 
horses  !"  "  Honour  to  the  brave !"  "  Glory  to  be 
won  by  blood  and  sweat !"  "  Praise  to  the  sons  of 
the  brave !" 

It  would  occupy  too  much  space  to  enter  into  all 
the  details  of  the  tournament,  or  to  notice  all  the 
laws  by  which  it  was  governed.  Every  care  was 
taken  that  the  various  knights  should  meet  upon 
equal  terms ;  and  many  a  precaution  was  made  use 
of  to  prevent  accidents,  and  to  render  the  sports  both 


HISTORY    OP    CHIVALRY.  45 

innocent  and  useful.  But  no  regulations  could  be 
found  sufficient  to  guard  against  the  dangerous  con- 
sequences of  such  furious  amusements ;  and  Ducange 
gives  a  long  list  of  princes  and  nobles  who  lost  their 
lives  in  these  fatal  exercises.  The  church  often  in- 
terfered, though  in  vain,  to  put  them  down;  and  many 
monarchs  forbade  them  in  their  dominions  ;  but  the 
pomp  with  which  they  were  accompanied,  and  the 
excitement  they  aiforded  to  a  people  fond  of  every 
mental  stimulus,  rendered  them  far  more  permanent 
than  might  have  been  expected. 

The  weapons  in  tournaments  were,  in  almost  all 
cases,  restrained  to  blunted  swords  and  headless 
spears,  daggers,  and  battle-axes ;  but,  as  may  well 
be  imagined,  these  were  not  to  be  used  without  dan- 
ger; so  that  even  those  festivals  that  passed  by 
without  the  absolute  death  of  any  of  the  champions, 
left,  nevertheless,  many  to  drag  out  a  maimed  and 
miserable  existence,  or  to  die  after  a  long  and  weary 
sickness.  And  yet  the  very  peril  of  the  sport  gave 
to  it  an  all-powerful  interest,  which  we  can  best  con- 
ceive, at  present,  from  our  feelings  at  some  deep  and 
thrilling  tragedy. 

After  the  excitement,  and  the  expectation,  and  the 
suspense,  and  the  eagerness,  came  the  triumph  and 
the  prize — and  the  chosen  queen  of  the  field  bestowed 
upon  the  champion  whose  feats  were  counted  best, 
that  reward,  the  value  of  which  consisted  more  in 
the  honour  than  the  thing  itself.  Sometimes  it  was 
a  jewel,^  sometimes  a  coronet^  of  flowers  or  of  laurel ; 
but  in  all  cases  the  award  implied  a  right  to  one  kiss 
from  the  lips  of  the  lady  appointed  to  bestow  the 
prize.  It  seems  to  have  been  as  frequent  a  practice 
to  assign  this  prize  on  the  field,  as  in  the  chateau''  or 
palace  whither  the  court  retired  after  the  sports  were 
concluded ;  and  we  often  find  that  the  female  part 
of  the  spectators  were  called  to  decide  upon  the 

1  Vie  de  Bayard.       2  Olivier  de  la  Marche.      3  Ducange,  Biwet*  vi« 


16  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

merits  of  the  several  champions,  and  to  declare  the 
victor'  as  well  as  confer  the  reward.  Mirth  and  fes- 
tivity ever  closed  the  day  of  the  tournament,  and 
song  and  sports  brought  in  the  night. 

Every  thing  that  could  interest  or  amuse  a  barba- 
rous age  was  collected  on  the  spot  where  one  of 
these  meetings  was  held.  The  minstrel  or  menestrier, 
the  juggler,  the  saltimbank,  the  story-teller,  were 
present  in  the  hall  to  soothe  or  to  entertain ;  but  still 
the  foundation  of  tale  and  song  was  Chivalry ; — the 
objects  of  all  praise  were  noble  deeds  and  heroic 
actions  ;  and  the  very  voice  of  love  and  tenderness, 
instead  of  seducing  to  sloth  and  effeminacy,  was 
heard  prompting  to  activity,  to  enterprise,  and  to 
honour — to  the  defence  of  virtue,  and  the  search  for 
glory. 

It  may  be  here  necessary  to  remark,  that  there 
were  several  sorts  of  tournaments,  which  differed 
essentially  from  each  other ;  but  I  shall  not  pause 
upon  these  any  longer  than  merely  to  point  out  the 
particular  differences  between  them.  The  joust, 
which  was  certainly  a  kind  of  tournament,  was 
always  confined  to  two  persons,  though  these  persons 
encountered  each  other  with  blunted  arms.'^ 

The  combat  at  outrance  was,  in  fact,  a  duel, 
and  only  differed  from  the  trial  by  battle  in  being 
voluntary,  while  the  other  was  enforced  by  law.  This 
contest  was  often  the  event  of  private  quarrels,  but  was, 
by  no  means,  always  so  ;  and,  to  use  the  language  of 
Ducange,  "  though  mortal,  it  took  place  ordinarily 
between  persons  who  most  frequently  did  not  know 
each  other,  or,  at  least,  had  no  particular  misunder- 
standing, but  who  sought  alone  to  show  forth  their 
courage,  generosity,  and  skill  in  arms."  Sometimes, 
however,  the  combat  at  outrance  was  undertaken  by  a 
number  of  knights^  together,  and  often  much  blood 
was  thus  shed,  without  cause. 

1  St.  Palaye.         2  Ducange.  Dissert,  vii.         3  Mat.  Paris,  Ann.  1241 . 


HISTORY   OF   CHIVALRY.  47 

The  pas  d'armes  or  passag'e  of  arms,  differed  from 
g-eneral  tournaments,  inasmuch  as  a  certain  number 
of  knights  fixed  their  shields  and  tents  in  a  particular 
pass,  or  spot  of  ground,  which  they  declared  their 
intention  to  defend  against  all  comers.^  The  space 
before  their  tents  was  generally  listed  in,  as  for  a 
tournament ;  and,  during  the  time  fixed  for  the  de- 
fence of  the  passage,  the  same  concourse  of  specta- 
tors, heralds,  and  minstrels  were  assembled. 

The  round  table  was  another  distinct  sort  of  tour- 
nament,^ held  in  a  circular  amphitheatre,  wherein 
the  knights  invited  jousted  against  each  other.  The 
origin  of  this  festival,  which  was  held,  I  believe,  for 
the  last  time  by  Edward  III.,  is  attributed  to  Roger 
Mortimer,^  who,  on  receiving  knighthood,  feasted  a 
hundred  knights  and  a  hundred  ladies  at  a  round 
table.  The  mornings  were  spent  in  chivalrous  games, 
the  prize  of  which  was  a  golden  lion,  and  the  eve- 
nings in  banquets  and  festivities.  This  course  of 
entertainments  continued  three  days  with  the  most 
princely  splendour;  after  which  Mortimer,  having 
won  the  prize  himself,  conducted  his  guests  to  War- 
wick, and  dismissed  them. 

From  this  account,  taken  from  the  History  of  the 
Priory  of  Wigmore,  Menestrier  deduces  that  those 
exercises  called  "  round  tables"  were  only  tourna- 
ments, during  which  the  lord  or  sovereign  giving  the 
festival  entertained  his  guests  at  a  table  which,  to 
prevent  all  ceremony  in  respect  to  precedence,  was 
in  the  form  of  a  circle.  Perhaps,  however,  this  in- 
stitution may  have  had  a  different  and  an  earlier 
origin,  though  I  find  it  mentioned- in  no  author  pre- 
vious to  the  year  1279.^ 

Chivalry,  which  in  its  pristine  purity  knew  no 
reward  but  honour,  soon — as  it  became  combined 


1  Colonibiere.         2 Menestrier,  vi.         3  Mat.  Westmona?.,page  409. 

4  Should  any  one  be  tempted  to  investigate  further,  he  will  find  the 
Bubject  discussed  at  length  in  the  seventh  dissertation  of  Ducange.  Se<j 
also  the  Chroviqiie  deMolinet. 


48  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

with  power — appropriated  to  itself  various  privileges 
which,  injuring-  its  simplicity,  in  the  end  brought 
about  its  fall.  In  the  first  place,  the  knight  was,  by 
the  fact  of  his  Chivaliy,  the  judge  of  all  his  equals, 
and  consequently  of  all  his  inferiors.'  He  was  also, 
in  most  cases,  the  executor  of  his  own  decree,  and 
it  would  indeed  have  required  a  different  nature  from 
humanity  to  secure  such  a  jurisdiction  from  frequent 
perversion.  The  knight^  also  took  precedence  of 
all  persons  who  had  not  received  Chivalry,  a  dis- 
tinction well  calculated  to  do  away  with  that  humi- 
lity which  was  one  of  knighthood's  strictest  laws.^ 
Added  to  this  was  the  right  of  wearing  particular 
dresses  and  colours,  gold  and  jewels,  which  were  re- 
strained to  the  knightly  class,  by  very  severe  ordi- 
nances. Scarlet  and  green  were  particularly  re- 
served for  the  order  of  knighthood,  as  well  as  er- 
mme,  minever,  and  some  other  furs.  Knights  also 
possessed  what  was  called  privilege  of  clergy,  that 
is  to  say,  in  case  of  accusation,  they  could  claim  to 
be  tried  before  the  ecclesiastical  judge.^  Their  arms 
were  legally  forbidden  to  all  other  classes,  and  the 
title  of  Sire,  Monseigneur,  Sir,  Don,  &c.,  were  ap- 
plied to  them  alone,  till  the  distinction  was  lost  in 
the  course  of  time. 

Though  these  privileges  changed  continually,  and 
It  is  scarcely  possible  to  say  what  age  gave  birth 
to  any  one  of  them,  yet  it  is  evident  that  monarchs, 
after  they  had  seen  the  immense  influence  which 
.Chivalry  might  have  on  their  own  power,  and  had 
striven  to  render  it  an  engine  for  their  own  purposes, 
took  every  care  to  S(3cure  all  those  rights  and  immu- 
nities to  the  order  which  could  in  some  degree  ba- 
lance the  hardships,  fatigues,  and  dangers  inevitably 
attendant  upon  it,  and  supply  the  place  of  that  en- 
thusiasm which  of  course  grew  fainter  as  the  cir- 


•  St.  Palaye;  Ribeiro,  lib.  x.  2  Menestrier. 

3  Ordonanccs  des  Rois  de  Franco,  inn.  1294.     <  Pasquiar  Recherchea 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVilTAY.  49 

cumstances  which  excited  it  changed,  aud  the  objects 
which  it  soiig-ht  were  accomplished. 

It  is  probable  that  there  would  always  have  been 
many  men  who  would  have  coveted  Chivalry  for  the 
sole  purpose  of  doing  goo*?  and  protecting  the  inno- 
cent ;  but  monarchs  sought  to  increase  the  number 
of  knights  as  a  means  of  defending  their  realms  and 
extending  their  power,  and,  consequently,  they  sup- 
plied other  motives  and  external  honours  as  an  in- 
ducement to  those  persons  of  a  less  exalted  mind. 

Chivalry  was  indeed  a  distinction  not  to  be  enjoyed 
vvithout  many  and  severe  labours.  The  first  thing 
after  receiving  knighthood  v/as  generally  a  long  jour- 
ney' into  foreign  countries,  both  for  the  purpose  of 
jousting  with  other  knights,  and  for  instruction  in 
every  sort  of  chivalrous  knowledge.  There  the 
young  knight  studied  carefully  the  demeanour  of 
every  celebrated  champion  he  met,  and  strove  to 
glean  the  excellencies  of  each.  Thus  he  learned 
courtesy  and  grace,  and  thus  he  heard  all  the  famous 
exploits  of  the  day  which,  borne  from  court  to  court 
by  these  chivalrous  travellers,  spread  the  fame  of 
great  deeds  frome  one  end  of  the  world  to  the  other.^ 

It  cannot  be  doubted  that  this  practice  of  wander- 
ing armed  through  Europe  gave  great  scope  to 
licentiousness  in  those  who  were  naturally  ill-dis- 
posed ;  and  many  a  cruelty  and  many  a  crime  was 
assuredly  committed  by  that  very  order  instituted  to 
put  down  vice  and  to  protect  innocence.  To  guard 
against  this  the  laws  of  Chivalry  were  most  severe  ;^ 
und  as  great  power  was  intrusted  to  the  knight,  great 
was  the  shame  and  dishonour  if  he  abused  it.  The 
oath  taken  in  the  first  place  was  as  strictly  opposed 
to  every  vice,  as  any  human  promise  could  be,  and 
the  first  principle  of  chivalrous  honour  was  never  to 
violate  an  engagement.  I  must  here  still  repeat  the 
remark,  that  it  was  the  spirit  which  constituted  the 

'  Vie  de  Bayard  sur  Jeand'Arces  2  See  note  IH 

-  Colombiere. 

E 


50  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

Chivalry,  and  as  that  spirit  waned,  Chivalry  died 
away. 

One  of  the  most  curious  institutions  of  Chivalry 
was  that  which  required  a  knight,  on  his  return  from 
any  expedition,'  to  give  a  full  and  minute  account 
to  the  heralds,  or  officers  of  arms,  of  all  his  adven- 
tures during  his  absence,  without  reserve  orcdnceal- 
ment ;  telUng  as  Avell  his  reverses  and  discomfitures, 
as  his  honours  and  success.  To  do  this  he  was  bound 
by  oath ;  and  the  detail  thus  given  was  registered 
by  the  herald,  who  by  such  relations  learned  to  kn«w 
and  estimate  the  worth  and  prov/essof  each  indivi- 
dual knight.  It  served  also  to  excite  other  adventu- 
rers to  great  deeds  in  imitation  of  tliose  wlio  acquired 
fame  and  honour ;  and  it  afforded  matter  of  conso- 
lation to  the  unfortunate,  wlio  in  those  registers 
must  ever  have  met  with  mishaps  to  equal  or  surpass 
their  own. 

The  spirit  of  Cliivalry,  however,  led  to  a  thousand 
deeds  and  habits  not  required  nor  regulated  by  any 
law.  Were  two  armies  opposed  to  each  other,  or 
even  encamped  in  the  neighbourhood  of  each  other, 
though  at  peace,^  the  knights  v/ould  continually  issne 
forthsingly  from  the  ranks  to  challenge  any  other 
champion  to  come  out,  and  break  a  lance  in  honour 
of  his  lady.  Often  before  a  castle,  or  on  the  eve  of 
a  battle,  a  knight  would  vow  to  some  holy  saint 
never  to  quit  the  field,  or  abandon  the  siege,  till 
death  or  victory  ended  his  design.  Frequently,  too, 
we  find  that  in  the  midst  of  some  great  festival, 
where  all  the  Chivalry  of  the  land  was  assembled, 
a  knight  would  suddenly  appear,  bearing  in  his 
hands^  a  peacock,  a  heron,  or  some  other  bird.  Pre- 
senting it  in  turn  to  each  noble  in  the  assembly,  he 
would  then  demand  their  oath  upon  that  bird  to  do 
some  great  feat  of  arms  against  the  enemy.     No 


1  La  Cnlombiere.  2  Froissart  Olivier  de  la  Marche. 

3  See  the"  VcEti  dii  Heron  anU  ilie  ViwuUu  Pao«."ciiedin  St  Paiay; 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  51 

fcnight  dared  to  refuse,  and  the  vow  so  taken  waa 
irrevocable  and  never  broken. 

One  of  the  most  extraordinary  customs  of  Chi- 
valry, and  also  one  of  the  most  interestmg,  was  the 
adoption  of  a  brother  in  arms.' 

This  custom^  seems  to  have  taken  its  rise  in  Eng- 
land, and  was  in  common  use  especially  among  the 
Saxons.  After  the  Conquest,  however,  it  rapidly 
spread  to  other  nations,  and  seems  to  have  been  a 
favourite  practice  with  the  crusaders.  Esteem  and 
long  companionship  v/ere  the  first  principles  of  this 
curious  sort  of  alliance,  which  bound  one  knight  to 
another  by  ties  more  strict  than  those  of  blood  itself. 

It  is  true  the  brotherhood  in  arms  was  often  con- 
tracted but  for  a  time,  or  under  certain  circum- 
stances,^ which  once  passed  by,  the  engagement  was 
at  an  end ;  but  far  oftener  it  vvas  a  bond  for  life, 
uniting  interests  and  feelings,  and  dividing  dangers 
and  successes.  The  brothers  in  arms'*  met  all  perils 
together,  undertook  all  adventures  in  company, 
shared  in  the  advantage  of  every  happy  enterprise, 
and  partook  of  the  pain  or  loss  of  every  misfortune. 
If  the  one  v/as  attacked  in  body,  in  honour,  or  iii 
estate,  the  other  sprang  forward  to  defend  him. 
Their  wealth  and  even  their  thoughts  were  in  com- 
mon ;  so  that  the  news  which  the  one  received,  or 
the  design  that  he  formed,  he  was  bound  to  commu- 
nicate to  the  other  without  reserve.  Even  if  the  one 
underlay  a  wager  of  battle'  against  any  other  knight, 
and  was  cut  off  by  death  before  he  could  discharge 
himself  thereof,  his  brother  in  arms  was  bound  to 
appear  in  the  lists,  in  defence  of  his  honour,  on  the 
day  appointed. 

Sometimes^  this  fraternity  of  arms  was  contracted 
by  a  solemn  deed ;  sometimes  by  a  vow  ratified  by 

I  See  note  IV.  2  Ducange,  Dissert,  xxi.        8'Monstrelet. 

4  Juvenal  des  Ursius.        5  Hardouin  de  la  Jaille, 

«  See  deed  between  Du  Ouesclin  and  Clisson.    Ducange,  Dissert,  xxi 


52  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

the  communion  and  other  ceremonies  of  the  church. 
In  many  cases,'  however,  the  only  form  consisted  in 
the  mutual  exchange  of  arms,  wliich  imphed  the 
same  devotion  to  each  other,  and  the  same  irrevoca- 
ble engagement. 

I  have  now  said  sufficient  concerning  the  habits 
and  customs  of  the  ancient  knights,  to  give  a  general 
idea  of  the  rules  by  which  Chivalry  was  governed,  and 
the  spirit  by  which  it  was  animated.  That  spirit  waxed 
fainter,  it  is  true,  as  luxury  and  pomp  increased,  and 
as  the  barbarities  of  an  early  age  merged  into  the 
softer  licentiousness  that  followed. 

But  the  rules  of  the  order  themselves  remained 
unchanged,  and  did  far  more  than  any  other  insti- 
tution to  restrain  the  general  incontinence^  of  the 
age.  Even  in  those  days  when  chivalrous  love  was 
no  longer  pure,  and  chivalrous  religion  no  longer 
the  spring  of  the  noblest  morality,  the  spirit  of  the 
days  of  old  lingered  amid  the  ruins  of  the  falling 
institution.  An  Edward,  a  Du  Guesclin,  a  Bayard, 
a  Sidney,  would  rise  up  in  the  midst  of  corrupted 
times,  and  shame  the  vices  of  the  day  by  still  show- 
ing one  more  true  knight ;  and  even  now,  v/hen  the 
order  has  altogether  passed  away,  we  feel  and 
benefit  by  its  good  eifects. 

^o  complete  a  change  has  come  over  manners  and 
customs,  so  rapid  has  been  our  late  progress,  and  so 
many  and  vast  have  been  the  events  of  latter  years, 
that  to  trace  the  remains  of  Chivalry  in  any  of  ouj 
present  feelings  or  institutions,  seems  but  a  theore- 
tical dream.  The  knights  of  old  are  looked  upon 
as  things  apart,  that  have  neither  kin  nor  commu- 
nity with  ourselves  ;  their  acts  are  hardly  believed  ; 
and  their  very  existence  is  doubted.  Let  him  who 
would  make  historical  remembrance  more  tangible, 
and  see  how  nearly  the  days  of  Chivalry  approach 

1  Ducangp,  Gloss.  Lat.  Mii fare  Armas. 

a  Sue  the  ChevaJier  de  la  Tour,  aa  cited  by  St.  Palaye, 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  63 

to  our  own,  run  his  eye  over  one  short  page  in  the 
chronology  of  the  world,  ai^  he  will  find  that  no 
more  than  three  centuries  have  passed  since  Bayard 
himself  died,  a  knight  without  reproach. 


CHAPTER  III. 

The  Progress  of  Chivalry  in  Europe— Exploits— TTiat  some  great  En- 
terprise vas  necessary  to  give  Chivalry  an  extensive  and  permanent 
Effect— That  Enterprise  presented  itself  in  the  Crusades— Pilgrimage 
to  Jerusalem— Haroun  Al  Raschid— Charlemagne — Cruelties  if  the 
Turks — Pilgrimages  continued— Peter  the  Hermit — Council  of  Cler- 
mont. 

The  picture  which  1  have  just  attempted  to  draw 
of  the  various  customs  of  Chivalry  must  be  looked 
upon  rather  as  a  summary  of  its  institutions  and 
feelings,  as  they  changed  through  many  ages  and 
many  nations,  than  as  a  likeness  of  Chivalry  at  any 
precise  period,  or  in  any  one  country. 

Previous  to  the  age  of  the  crusades,  to  which  I 
now  propose  to  turn  as  speedily  as  possible,  the 
state  of  Chivalry  in  Europe  had  made  but  little  pro- 
gress. It  had  spread,  however,  as  a  spirit,  to  almost 
all  the  nations  surrounding  the  cradle  of  its  birth. 
In  Spain  Alphonso  VI.'  was  already  waging  a  com- 
pletely chivalric  war  against  the  Moors,  and  many 
of  the  knights  of  France,  who  afterward  distin- 
guished themselves  in  the  Holy  Land,  had,  in  the 
ser\  ice  of  one  or  other  of  the  Spanish  princes,  tried 
their  arms  against  the  Saracens. 

In  England  we  have  seen  that  there  is  reason  to 
suppose  the  institution  of  knighthood  was  known 
to  the  Saxons,2  though  the  indiscriminate  manner  in 

J  V  not.  2  Sharon  Turner 


St  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

■which  the  word  miles  is  used  in  the  Latin  chronicles 
of  the  day  renders  it  scarcely  possible  to  ascertain 
at  what  period  the  order  was  introduced.  The  same 
difficulty  indeed  occurs  in  regard  to  the  Normans, 
though  from  various  circumstances  connected  with 
the  accounts  given  by  William  of  Jumieges,'  of  the 
reigns  of  Wilham  I.  and  Richard  I.,  Dukes  of  Nor- 
mandy, we  are  led  to  believe  that  Chivalry  was  very 
early  introduced  among  that  people.  At  all  events 
it  seems  certain  that  after  the  accession  of  Richard 
to  the  ducal  dignity,  a.  d.  960,  knightly  feelings  made 
great  progress  among  the  Normans,  and  in  1003,  we 
find  an  exploit  so  purely  chivalrous,  performed  by  a 
body  of  forty  gentlemen  from  Normandy,  that  we 
cannot  doubt  the  spnit  of  knighthood  in  its  purest 
form  had  already  spread  through  that  country. 

"Forty  Norman  gentlemen,"  says  Vertot,  "all 
warriors,  who  had  distinguished  themselves  in  the 
armies  of  the  Duke  of  Normandy,  returning  from  a 
pilgrimage  to  the  Holy  Land,  disembarked  in  Italy 
without  arms.  Having  learned  that  the  town  of  Sa- 
lerno was  besieged  by  the  Saracens,  their  zeal  for 
religion  caused  them  instantly  to  throw  themselves 
into  that  place.  Guimard,  the  Prince  of  Salerno, 
had  shut  himself  up  in  the  town,  to  defend  it  to  the 
last  against  the  infidels  ;  and  he  immediately  caused 
ai-ms  and  horses  to  be  given  to  the  Norman  gentle- 
men, who  made  so  many  vigorous  and  unexpected 
sallies  upon  the  Saracens,  that  they  compelled  them 
to  raise  the  siege."  In  Italy  we  find  many  traces 
of  Chivalry  at  an  early  date,  and  it  would  appear 
that  the  institution  which  took  its  rise  in  France  v/as 
no  sooner  knov/n  than  adopted  by  most  other  nations. 
The  Normans,  whom  we  have  seen  above  succour- 
ing the  Prince  of  Salerno  in  his  necessity,  did  not 
remain  a  sufficient  length  of  time  in  itaiy  to  spread 
the  chivalrous  spirit;  but  it  is  said  that  Guimard, 

»  Willinm  of  JumieRCs,  lib.  iv 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  65 

after  using-  every  effort  to  induce  them  to  stay,  sent 
deputies  after  them  to  Normandy,  praying  for  aid 
-from  the  nobles  of  that  country  against  the  Saracens. 
Several  large  bodies  of  Norman  adventurers,  in  con- 
sequence of  his  promises  and  persuasions,  proceeded 
to  establish  themselves  in  Apulia  and  Calabria,  de- 
feated the  Saracens,  cleared  the  south  of  Italy  and 
part  of  Greece  of  those  locust-like  invaders,  and  re- 
established the  Greek  and  Italian  princes  in  their 
dominions.  These  princes,  however,  soon  became 
jealous  of  their  new  allies,  and  employed  various 
base  means  to  destroy  them.  Thej^,  on  the  other 
hand,  united  for  mutual  defence,  and  under  the  fa- 
mous Robert  Guiscard,  one  of  twelve  brothers  who 
had  left  Normandy  for  Italy  together,  they  speedily 
conquered  for  themselves  the  countries  which  they 
had  restored  to  ungrateful  lords.  Guiscard  was  now 
universally  acknowledged  as  their  chief,  and  thus 
began  the  chivalrous  Norman  empire  in  Italy. 

Nothing,  perhaps,  more  favoured  the  general  pro- 
gress of  Chivalry  than  the  state  of  religion  in  that 
day;  which,  overloaded  with  superstitions,  and 
decked  out  with  every  external  pomp  and  ornament, 
appealed  to  the  imagination  through  the  medium  of 
the  senses,  and  Vv^oke  a  thousand  enthusiasms  which 
could  find  no  such  fitting  career  as  in  the  pursuits  of 
knighthood.  The  first  efforts  of  the  feudal  system, 
too,  gradually  extending  themselves  to  eveiypart  of 
Europe,  joined  to  make  Chivalry  spread  through  the 
different  countries  where  they  were  felt,  by  raising 
up  a  number  of  independent  lords  who — each  anxious 
to  reduce  his  neighbours  to  vassalage,  and  to  pre- 
serve his  own  separate  lordship — required  continual 
armed  support  from  others,  to  whom  he  offered  in 
return  honour  and  protection. 

Thus,  for  about  a' century,  or  perhaps  a  little  more, 
after  the  first  institution  of  knighthood.  Chivalry 
slowly  gained  ground,  and  by  each  exploit  of  any  par- 
ticulaj  body  of  knights  (such,  for  instance,  as  we 


66  HISTORY    OF  CHIVALRY. 

have  recorded  of  the  Normans)  the  order  became 
more  and  more  respected,  and  its  establishment  more 
firm,  decided,  and  regular.  It  wanted  but  one  great 
enterprise  commenced  and  carried  through  upon  chi- 
valrous principles  alone  to  render  Chivalry,  com- 
bined as  it  was  with  religion  and  the  feudal  system, 
the  great  master  power  of  Europe — and  that  enter- 
prise was  at  hand. 

The  natural  reverence  for  those  countries,  sanc- 
tified and  elevated  by  so  many  miracles,  and  rendered 
sublimely  dear  to  the  heart  of  every  Christian,  as  the 
land  in  which  his  salvation  was  brightly  but  terribly 
worked  out,  had  from  all  ages  rendered  Palestine  an 
object  of  pilgrimage.  In  the  earliest  times,  after  the 
recognition  of  the  Christian  faith  by  Constantine, 
the  subjects  of  the  Roman  empire  had  followed  the 
example  of  the  empress  Helena,  and  had  deemed  it 
almost  a  Christian  duty  to  visit  the  scenes  of  our 
Saviour's  mortal  career.  For  many  ages  while  the 
whole  of  Judea  remained  under  the  sway  of  the 
Cesars,  the  journey  was  an  easy  one.  Few  diffi- 
culties waylaid  the  passenger,  or  gave  pilgrimage 
even  the  merit  of  dangers  encountered  and  obstacles 
overcome. 

Towards  the  seventh  century,  the  eastern  pro- 
vinces of  the  Roman  empire,  already  weakened  by 
many  invasions,  had  to  encounter  the  exertions  of 
another  adversary,  who  succeeded  in  wresting  them 
from  their  Christian  possessors.  The  successors  of 
Mahomet,  who  from  a  low  station  had  become  a  great 
legislator,  a  mighty  conqueror,  and  a  pretended 
prophet,  carried  on  the  conquest  which  he  had  begun 
in  Arabia,  and  one  by  one  made  themselves  masters 
of  Syria,  Antioch,  Persia,  Medea,  and  in  fact  the 
greater  part  of  the  rich  continent  of  Asia. 

It  is  not  here  my  purpose  to  trace  the  progress  of 
these  conquerors,  or  to  examine  for  a  moment  the 
religion  they  professed.  Suffice  it,  that  in  the  days 
of  Charlemagne  the  fame  of  that  great  prince  pre 


HISTORY    OF  CHIVALRY.  57 

duced  from  the  calif  Haroun  al  Raschid  many  liberal 
concessions  in  favour  of  the  Christian  pilgiims  to 
Jerusalem,  now  in  the  hands  of  the  unbelievers. 

Particular  ages  seem  fertile  in  ^eat  men ;  and  it 
is  very  rare  to  find  one  disting-uished  poet,  monarch, 
or  conqueror  standing  alone  in  his  own  century. 
Nay  more; — we  generally  discover — however  dif- 
ferent the  country  that  produces  them,  and  however 
opposite  the  circumstances  under  which  they  are 
placed — that  there  is  a  similarity  in  the  character  of 
the  mind,  if  I  may  so  express  myself  without  obscu- 
rity, of  the  eminent  persons  produced  in  each  parti- 
cular age.  This  was  peculiarly  the  case  in  the  age 
of  Charlemagne.  It  seemed  as  if  the  most  remote 
corners  of  the  earth  had  made  an  effort,  at  the  same 
moment,  to  produce  from  the  bosom  of  barbarism 
and  confusion  a  great  and  intelligent  monarch — an 
Alfred,  a  Haroun,  and  a  Charlemagne.  The  likeness 
seemed  to  be  felt  by  the  two  great  emperors  of  the 
east  and  the  west ;  and  a  reciprocation  of  courtesy' 
and  friendship  appears  to  have  taken  place  between 
them,  most  rare  in  that  remote  age.  Various  pre- 
sents were  transmitted  from  one  to  the  other ;  and 
the  most  precious  offering  that  the  Christian  monarch 
could  receive,  the  keys  of  the  Holy  City,  were  sent 
from  Bagdad  to  Aix,  together  with  a  standard,  which 
has  been  supposed  to  imply  the  sovereignty  of  Jeru- 
salem resigned  by  Haroun  to  his  great  contemporary. 
Nothing  could  afford  a  nobler  proof  of  a  great,  a 
liberal,  and  a  delicate  mind,  than  the  choice  evinced 
by  the  calif  in  his  gift.  Charlemagne  took  advantage 
so  far  of  Haroun's  liberality,^  as  to  estabhsh  an  hos- 
pital and  a  library  for  the  Latin  pilgrims. 

The  successors  of  Haroun,  and  more  particularly 
Monstacer  Billah,  continued  to  yield  tolerance  at 
least,  if  not  protection,  to  the  Christians  of  Jerusalem. 
The  pilgrims  also  were  more  or  less  protected  during 

1  Eginhard.  Annal.  2  Mabillon. 


68  HIriTORY   OF    CHIVALRY. 

the  reigns  that  followed,  both  from  motives  of  liberal 
feeling  and  of  interest,  as  the  great  influx  of  travel- 
lers, especially  from  Italy,  brought  much  wealth  and 
commerce  into  Syria. 

Under  the  califs  of  the  Fatemite  race  several  per- 
secutions took  place ;  and  when  at  length  the  invasion 
of  the  Turkish  hordes  had  brought  the  whole  of  Pa- 
lestine under  the  dominion  of.  a  wild  and  barbarous 
race,  Jeiusalem  was  taken  and  sacked ;  and  while 
the  Christian  inhabitants  were  treated  with  every 
sort  of  brutal  cruelty,  the  pilgrims  were  subject  to 
taxation'  on  their  arrival,  as  well  as  liable  to  plunder 
by  the  way. 

A  piece  of  gold  was  exacted  for  permission  to  enter 
the  Holy  City ;  and  at  that  time,  when  the  value  of 
the  precious  metals  was  infinitely  higher  than  in  the 
present  day,  few,  if  any,  of  the  pilgrims  on  their  ar- 
rival possessed  sufficient  to  pay  the  cruel  demand. 

Thus,  after  having  suffered  toils  unheard  of — hun- 
ger, thirst,  the  parching  influence  of  a  burning  sky, 
sickness,  danger,  and  often  robbery,  and  wounds; 
when  the  weary  wanderer  arrived  at  the  very  entrance 
of  the  city,  with  the  bourn  of  all  his  long  pilgrimage 
before  him,  the  enthusiastic  object  of  all  his  hopes 
in  sight,  the  place  of  refuge  and  repose  for  which  he 
had  longed  and  prayed  within  his  reach — unless  he 
could  pay  the  stipulated  sum,  he  was  driven  by  the 
barbaiians  from  the  gates,  and  was  forced  to  tread 
back  all  his  heavy  way  unfurnished  with  any  means, 
and  unsupported  by  any  hope,  or  to  die  by  the  road- 
side of  want,  weariness,  and  despair. 

The  pilgrimages  nevertheless  continued  with  unre- 
mitting zeal;  and  the  number  of  devotees  increased 
greatly  in  tlie  tenth  and  eleventh  centuries.  In  the 
tenth,  indeed,  the  custom  of  pilgrimage  became 
almost  universal,  from  a  misinterpretation^  of  a  pro- 
phecy  in  the  Apocalypse.     A  general  belief  prevailed 

1  William  of  Tyret,  lib.  i.         2  Voltaire,  Essai  sur  les  Mceurs. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  59 

that  at  the  end  of  the  tenth  century,  the  thousand 
years  being  concluded,  the  world  was  to  be  judged ; 
and  crowds  of  men  and  women,  in  the  frantic  hope 
of  expiating  their  sins  by  the  long  and  painful  journey 
to  the  Holy  Land,  flocked  from  all  parts  of  Europe 
towards  Jerusalem. 

Many  of  the  more  clear-sighted  and  sensible  of  the 
Christian  prelates  had  from  time  to  time  attempted 
to  dissuade  the  people  from  these  dangerous  and  fatal 
pilgrimages;  but  the  principle  of  bodily  infliction 
being  received  as  a  mark  of  internal  penitence  and  a 
means  of  obtaining  absolution,  had  been  so  long  in- 
culcated by  the  church  of  Rome,  that  the  current  of 
popular  opinion  had  received  its  impulse,  and  it  was 
no  longer  possible  to  turn  it  from  its  course.  No  pe- 
nance could  be  more  painful  or  more  consistent  with 
the  prejudices  of  the  multitude,  than  a  pilgrimage  to 
the  Holy  Land ;  and  thus  the  priests  continued  often 
to  enforce  the  act,  while  the  heads  of  the  church 
themselves,  as  religion  became  corrupted,  learned  to 
see  this  sort  of  penitence  in  the  same  light  as  the 
people,  and  encouraged  its  execution.  They  found 
the  great  efficacy  of  external  excitements  in  stimu- 
lating the  populace  to  that  superstitious  obedience  on 
which  they  were  fast  building  up  the  authority  of  the 
Roman  church,  and  probably  also  were  not  without 
a  share  in  the  bigoted  enthusiasm  which  they  taught 
Thus  in  the  tenth  century  the  pilgrimages  which 
fear  lest  the  day  of  judgment  should  be  approaching 
induced  many  to  undertake  in  expiation  of  their  sins^ 
met  but  little  opposition;  while  various  meteoric 
phenomena,  of  a  somewhat  awful  nature,  earth- 
quakes, hurricanes,  &c.,  contributed  to  increase  the 
general  alarm. 

When  these  had  passed  by,  and  the  dreaded  epoch 
had  brought  forth  nothing,  the  current  still  continued 
to  flow  on  in  the  course  that  it  had  taken ;  and  during 
the  eleventh  century  several  circumstances  tended  to 
increase  it.     Among  others  theterror  spread  through 


60  HISTORY    OF  CHIVALRY. 

France  by  the  Papal  Interdict,  called  forth  by  the  re- 
fractory adherence  of  Robert  I.  to  his  queen^  Bertha, 
brought  more  pilgrims  than  usual  from  that  country. 

Of  many  thousands  who  passed  into  Asia,'^  a  few 
isolated  individuals  only  returned ;  but  these  every 
day,  as  they  passed  through  the  different  countries 
of  Europe  on  their  journey  back,  spread  indignation 
and  horror  by  their  account  of  the  dreadful  suffer- 
ings of  the  Christians  in  Judea.  Various''  letters  are 
reported  as  having  been  sent  by  the  emperors  of  the 
east  to  the  different  princes  of  Europe,  soliciting  aid 
to  repel  the  encroachments  of  the  infidel;  and  if  but 
a  very  small  portion  of  the  crimes  and  cruelty  attri- 
buted to  the  Turks  by  these  epistles  were  believed 
by  the  Christians,  it  is  not  at  all  astonishing  that 
wrath  and  liorror  took  possession  of  every  chivalrous 
bosom.  Pope  Sylvester  11.  had  made  an  ineffectual 
appeal  to  Christendom  towards  the  end  of  the  tenth 
century,  bringing  forward  the  first  idea  of  a  crusade  ;* 
but  the  age  was  not  then  ripe  for  a  project  that  re- 
quired a  fuller  developement  of  chivalrous  feelings. 
Gregory  VII.  revived  the  idea,  and  made  it  the  sub- 
ject of  a  very  pompous  epistle  ;  but  he  himself  was 
one  of  the  first  to  forget  the  miseries  of  his  fellow- 
christians  in  Palestine,  in  the  pursuit  of  his  own 
aggrandizement. 

Still,  the  persecution  of  the  Christians  in  Pales- 
tine, and  the  murder  and  pillage  of  the  pilgrims  con- 
tinued ;  still  the  indignation  of  Europe  was  fed  and 
renewed  by  repeated  tales  of  cruel  barbarity  com- 

i  Guibert  de  Nogent.  2  Will.  Tyr.  lib.  i. 

3  Mills  mentions  one  from  Manuel  VII.  to  Pope  Gregory  vn.,  and 
Guibert  of  Nogent  speaks  of  another  which,  though  he  cautiously  avoids 
naming  the  emperor  who  wrote  it,  lest  he  should  mislead  from  want  of 
correct  information,  could  only  have  been  sent,  under  some  of  the  <ircum- 
Btances  he  mentions,  by  Isaac  Comnenns.  Mills  supposes  it  to  have 
been  the  same  with  a  letter  written  by  Alexius,  though  it  differs  in  many 
parts  from  the  usual  verson  of  that  epistle.  Probiibly,  however, 
this  opinion  is  correct,  as  a  letter  is  stated  to  have  been  addressed  to 
Robert  of  Flanders,  who  was  in  his  extreme  youth  in  the  time  of  Isaac 
Comuenus.  4  Murator.  Script.  Ital. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  61 

mitted  in  the  Holy  Land — sufferings  of  the  church — 
insults  to  religion — and  merciless  massacres  of  coun- 
trymen and  relations :  still,  also,  the  spirit  of  Chi- 
valry was  each  day  spreading  further  and  rising 
more  powerfully,  so  that  all  was  preparing  for  some 
great  and  general  movement.  The  lightning  of  the 
crusade  was  in  the  people's  hearts,  and  it  wanted 
but  one  electric  touch  to  make  it  flash  forth  upon 
the  world. 

At  this  time  a  man,  of  whose  early  days  we  have 
little  authentic  knowledge,  but  that  he  was  born  at 
Amiens,  and  from  a  soldier  had  become  a  priest,' 
after  living  for  some  time  the  life  of  a  hermit,  became 
seized  with  the  desire  of  visiting  Jerusalem.  He 
was,  according  to  all  accounts,'^  small  in  stature  and 
mean  in  person ;  but  his  eyes  possessed  a  peculiar 
fire  and  intelligo^ice,  and  his  eloquence  was  powerful 
and  flowing.  The  fullest  account  of  his  manners 
and  conduct  is  to  be  found  in  Robert  the  Monk,  who 
was  present  at  the  council  of  Clermont,  and  in  Gui- 
bert  of  Nogent,  who  speaks  in  the  tone  of  one  who 
has  beheld  what  he  relates. 

The  first  of  these  authors  describes  Peter  the  Her- 
mit,^ of  whom  we  speak,  as  esteemed  among  those 
who  best  understand  the  things  of  earth,  and  supe- 
rior in  piety  to  all  the  bishops  or  abbots  of  the  day. 
He  fed  upon  neither  flesh  nor  bread,  says  the  same 
writer,  though  he  permitted  himself  wine  and  other 
aliments,  finding  nevertheless  his  pleasure  in  the 
greatest  abstinence. 

Guibert,  or  Gilbert,  of  Nogent,  speaks  still  more 
fully  of  his  public  conduct.^  "  He  set  out,"  says  the 
v/riter,  "  from  whence  I  know  not,  nor  with  what 
design ;  but  we  saw  him  at  that  time  passing  through 
the  towns  and  villages,  preaching  every  where,  and 
the  people  surrounding  him  in  crowds,  loading  him 
with  presents,  and  celebrating  his  sanctity  with  such 

1  Albert  of  Aix  ;  William  of  Tyre.  2  ibid. 

8  Robert,  lib.  i.  4  Guib.  Nogent,  lib.  i« 


62  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

high  eulogiums,  that  I  never  remember  to  have  seen 
such  honours  rendered  to  any  other  person.  He 
showed  himself  very  generous,  however,  in  the  dis* 
tribution  of  the  things  given  to  him.  He  brought 
back  to  their  homes  the  women  that  had  abandoned, 
their  husbands,  not  without  adding  gifts  of  his  own, 
and  re-established  peace  between  those  who  lived 
unliappily,  with  wonderful  authority.  In  everj'^  thin^ 
he  said  or  did,  it  seemed  as  if  there  was  something 
of  divine  ;  so  much  so,  that  people  went  to  pluck 
some  of  the  hairs  from  his  mule,  which  they  kept 
afterward  as  relics ;  which  I  mention  here  not  that 
rhey  really  were  so,  but  merely  served  to  satisfy  the 
public  love  of  any  thing  extraordinary.  While  out 
of  doors  he  wore  ordinarily  a  woollen  tunic,  with  a 
brown  mantle,  which  fell  down  to  his  heels.  He 
had  his  arms  and  his  feet  bare,  eat  little  or  no  bread, 
and  lived  upon  fish  and  wine." 

Such  was  his  appearance  after  his  return:  prior 
to  that  period  it  is  probable  that  this  hermit  had 
made  himself  remarkable  for  nothing  but  his  general 
eloquence  and  his  ascetic  severity.  Great  and  ex- 
traordinary men  are  often  long  before  opportunity 
rnves  scope  for  the  display  of  the  particular  spirit 
whose  eftbrts  are  destined  to  distinguish  them.  1 
mean  not  to  class  Peter  the  Hermit  among  great 
men;  but  certainly  he  deserves  the  character  of  one 
of  the  most  extraordinary  men  that  Europe  ever 
produced,  if  it  were  but  for  the  circumstance  of 
having  convulsed  a  world — led  one  c6lhtinent  to 
combat  to  extermination  against  another,  and  yet 
left  historians  in  doubt  whether  he  was  madman  of 
prophet,  fool  or  politician. 

Peter,  however,  accomplished  in  safety  his  pil- 
grimage to  Jerusalem,'  paid  the  piece  of  gold  de- 
manded at  the  gates,  and  took  up  his  lodging  in  the 
house  of  one  of  the  pious  Christians  of  the  Holy  City 

1  Hist.  Hieros.  abrev.  Jacob.  Vit.  lib.  i. 


% 

HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  63 

Here  his  first  emotion'  seems  to  have  been  uidig- 
iiant  horror  at  the  barbarous  and  sacrilegious  brutal- 
ity of  the  Turks.  The  venei*able  prelate  of  Tyre 
represents  him  as  conferring  eagerly  with  his  host 
upon  the  enormous  cruelties  of  the  infidels,  even  be- 
fore visiting  the  general  objects  of  devotion.  Doubt- 
less the  ardent,  passionate,  enthusiastic  mind  of 
Peter  had  been  wrought  upon  at  every  step  he  took 
in  the  Holy  Land,  by  the  miserable  state  of  his 
brethren,  till  his  feelings  and  imagination  became 
excited  to  almost  frantic  vehemence.  After  per- 
forming tlie  duties  of  the  pilgrimage,  visiting  each 
object  of  reputed  holiness,^  and  praying  in  those 
churches  which  had  the  fame  of  peculiar  sanctity, 
Peter,  with  his  heart  wrung  at  beholding  the  objects 
of  his  deepest  veneration  in  the  hands  of  the  church's 
enemies,  demanded  an  audience  of  the  patriarch,  to 
whom  some  Latin  friend  presented  him. 

Simeon  the  patriarch,  though  a  Greek,  and  conse- 
quently in  the  eyes  of  Peter  a  heretic,  was  still  a 
Christian,  suffering  in  common  with  the  rest  of  the 
faithful  in  the  Holy  Land,  and  the  hermit  saw  in  liim 
that  character  alone.  The  union — the  overflowing 
confidence  with  which  the  hermit  and  the  prelate 
appear  to  have  treated  each  other — raises  them  both 
in  our  estimation ;  but  it  also  throws  an  historical 
light  upon  the  character  of  Peter,  which  places  him 
in  a  more  elevated  situation  than  modern  historians 
have  been  willing  to  concede  to  him.  The  patriarch 
Simeon,  a  man  as  famous  for  his  good  sense  as  for 
his  piety,  would  not,  surely,  have  opened  his  inmost 
thoughts  to  a  wandering  pilgrim  like  Peter,  and  in- 
trusted to  him  a  paper  sealed  with  his  own  seal, 
which,  if  taken  by  the  Turks,  would  have  ensured 
death  to  himself  and  destruction  to  Christianity  in 
Palestine,  had  he  not  recognised  in  the  hermit  "  a 
man,"^  to  use  the  words  of  William  of  Tyre,  "  full 

1  Will.  Tyr.  lib.  i. ;  Albert.  Chron.  Hieros. 

2  Will.  Tyr. ;  Hist  Hieros. ;  Jacob.  Vit.  lib.  i.  3  Will.  Tyr.  lib.  1 


64  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

of  prudence  and  experience  in  the  things  of  this 
world." 

This,  however,  was  the  case ;  and  after  long  con- 
versations, wherein  many  a  tear  was  shed  over  the 
hapless  state  of  the  Holy  Land,  it  was  determined, 
at  the  suggestion  of  Peter,  that  the  patriarch  should 
write  to  the  pope  and  the  princes  of  the  west,  setting 
forth  the  miseries  of  Jerusalem  and  of  the  faithful 
people  of  the  Holy  City,  and  praying  for  aid  and  pro- 
tection against  the  merciless  sword  of  the  Saracen. 
Peter,  on  his  part,  promised  to  seek  out  each  indivi- 
dual prince,  and  to  show,  with  his  whole  powers  of 
language,  the  ills  of  the  Christians  of  Palestine. 

From  these  conversations  Peter  went  again  and 
again  to  pray  in  the  church  of  the  Resurrection,  pe- 
titioning ardently  for  aid  in  the  great  undertaking 
before  him.  On  one  of  these  occasions  it  is  said 
that  he  fell  asleep,'  and  beheld  the  Saviour  in  a  vi- 
sion, who  exhorted  him  to  hasten  on  his  journey, 
and  persevere  in  his  design. 

Without  searching  for  any  thing  preternatural,  the 
vision  is  not  at  all  difficult  to  believe,  though  the 
place  of  its  occurrence  seems  to  have  been  fictitious. 
Nothing  could  be  more  natural  than  for  Peter  the 
Hermit,  with  his  mind  full  of  the  mission  he  was 
about  to  undertake,  to  dream  that  the  Being  in  whose 
cause  he  believed  himself  engaged  appeared  to  en- 
courage him,  and  to  iiasten  his  enterprise ;  and  it  is 
easy  to  conceive  that,  with  full  confidence  in  this 
manifestation  of  heavenly  favour,  he  should  set  forth 
upon  his  journey  with  enthusiastic  zeal. 

Bearing  the  fetter  of  the  patriarch,  Peter  now  re- 
turned in  haste  to  Italy,  and  sought  out  the  pope,  to 
declare  the  miseries  of  the  church  in  the  Holy  Land, 
and  to  propose  the  means  of  its  deliverance.  Urban 
n.,  who  then  occupied  the  apostolic  chair,  had  inhe- 
rited from  Gregory  wars  and  contestations  with  the 

I  Albert.  Aqticnsis ,  Hist  Hieros. ,  Jacpbi  Vitt.  ■  Will.  Tyr, 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  65 

emperor  Henry  IV.,  and  was  at  the  same  time  em- 
broiled with  the  weak  and  luxurious  Philip  T.  of 
France,  on  the  subject  of  that"  king's  adulterous  in- 
tercourse with  Bertrade.  He,  as  well  as  Gregory, 
had  taken  refuge  in  Apulia  and  Calabria,  and  had 
thrown  himself  upon  the  protection  of  the  famous 
Robert  Guiscard,  who  readily  granted  him  the  aid 
of  that  powerful  mind  which  made  the  utmost  parts 
of  the  earth  tremble.^ 

It  does  not  correctly  appear  at  what  place  Urban 
sojourned  at  the  time  of  Peter's  arrival  in  Italy,^ 
His  whole  support  \vas,  evidently,  still  in  the  family 
of  Guiscard ;  and  it  seems  that  with  Boemond,  Prince 
of  Tarentum,  the  gallant  and  chivalrous  son  of  Ro- 
bert, he  first  held  council  upon  the  hermit's^  great 
and  interesting  proposal,  before  he  de>termined  on 
the  line  of  conduct  to  be  pursued. 

One  of  the  historians  of  the  crusades,^  attributing 
perhaps  somewhat  too  much  the  spirit  of  modern 
politics  to  an  age  whose  genius  was  of  very  different 
quality,  supposes  that  the  course  determined  on  by 
the  pope  and  his  ally  was,  in  fact,  principally  a  shrewd 
plot  to  fix  Urban  firmly  in  the  Vatican,  and  to  for- 
ward Boemond's  ambitious  views  in  Greece.  It 
seems  to  me,  however,  that  such  a  supposition  is 
perfectly  irreconcilable  with  the  subsequent  conduct 
of  either.  The  pope  shortly  after  threw  himself  into 
the  midst  of  his  enemies,  to  hold  a  council  on  the 
subject  of  the  crusades ;  and  Boemond  abandoned 
every  thing  in  Europe  to  carry  on  the  holy  war  in 
Palestine.  It  is  much  more  natural  to  imagine  that 
the  spirit  of  their  age  governed  both  the  prelate  and 
the  warrior — the  enthusiasm  of  religion  the  one,  and 
the  enthusiasm  of  Chivalr>^  the  other. 

However  that  may  be,  Peter  the  Hermit  met  with 

1  See  note  V, 

2  William  of  Tyre  saj's  that  he  was  wandering  from  place  to  place 
under  the  protection  of  Guiscard  This  opinion  I  have  adopted,  althougb 
Albert  of  Aix  declares  that  Peter  joined  him  at  Rome. 

»  WUl.  of  Malmsbury  4  Mills. 

F 


C6  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

a  most  encouraging  reception  from  the  pope.  The 
sufferings  of  his  fellow-christians  brought  tears  from 
the  prelate's  eyes ;  the  general  scheme  of  the  crusade 
was  sanctioned'  instantly  by  his  authority;  and,  pro- 
mising his  quick  and  active  concurrence,  he  sent  him 
on,  the  pilgrim  to  preach  the  deliverance  of  the  Holy 
Land  through  all  the  countries  of  Europe.  Peter 
wanted  neither  zeal  nor  activity^ — from  town  to 
town,  from  province  to  province,  from  country  to 
country,  he  spread  the  cry  of  vengeance  on  the 
Turks,  and  deliverance  to  Jerusalem!  The  warlike 
spirit  of  the  people  was  at  its  height ;  the  genius  of 
Chivalry  was  in  the  vigour  of  its  early  youth ;  the 
enthusiasm  of  religion  had  now  a  great  and  terrible 
object  before  it,  and  all  the  gates  of  the  human  heart 
were  open  to  the  eloquence  of  the  preacher.  That 
eloquence  was  not  exerted  in  vain;  nations  rose  at 
his  word  and  grasped  the  spear ;  and  it  only  wanted 
some  one  to  direct  and  point  the  great  enterprise 
that  was  already  determined. 

In  the  mean  time  the  pope  did  not  forget  his  pro- 
mise ;  and  while  Peter  the  Hermit  spread  the  inspira- 
tion throughout  Europe,^  Urban  called  together  a 
council  at  Placentia,  to  which  deputies  were  ad- 
mitted from  the  emperor  of  Constantinople,  who  dis- 
played the  progress  of  the  Turks,  and  set  forth  the 
danger  to  all  Christendom  of  suffering  their  arms  to 
advance  unopposed.  The  opinion  of  the  assembly 
was  universally  favourable  to  the  crusade;  and  trust- 
ing to  the  popularity  of  the  measure,  and  the  indica 
tions  of  support  which  he  had  already  met  with,  the 
pope  determined  to  cross  the  Alps  and  to  hold  a  se- 
cond  council  in  the  heart  of  Gaul. 

The  ostensible  object  of  this  council  was  to  regu- 
late the  state  of  the  church,  and  to  correct  abuses  ; 
but  the  great  object  was,  in  fact,  the  crusade.  It  is 
useless  to  investigate  the  motives  which  gave  Urban 

«  Will.  Tyr.  lib.  L  2  Guibertus  ;  Gesta  Dei,        3  A.  D.  1095. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  67 

II.  courage  to  summon  a  council,  destined,  among 
other  things,  to  solemnly  reprobate  the  dissolute 
conduct  of  Philip  of  France,  in  the  midst  of  domi- 
nions, if  not  absolutely  feudatory  to  the  crown'  of  that 
monarch,  at  least  bound  to  it  by  friendship  and  alli- 
ance. Whether  it  arose  from  fortitude  of  a  just 
cause,  or  from  reliance  on  political  calculation,  the 
prelate's  judgment  was  proved  by  the  event  to  be 
right.  After  one  or  two  changes  in  regard  to  the 
place  of  meeting,  the  council  was  assembled  at 
Clermont,  in  Auvergne,^  and  was  composed  of  an 
unheard-of  multitude  of  priests,  princes,  and  nobles, 
both  of  France  and  Germany,  all  willing  and  eager 
to  receive  the  pope's  injunctions  with  reverence  and 
obedience.  After  having  terminated  the  less  impor- 
tg.nt  aifairs  which  formed  the  apparent  business  of 
the  meeting,  and  which  occupied  the  deliberation  of 
seven  days.  Urban,  one  of  the  most  eloquent  men 
of  the  age,  came  forth  from  the  church^  in  which 
the  principal  ecclesiastics  were  assembled,  and  ad- 
dressed the  immense  concourse  which  had  been 
gathered  into  one  of  the  great  squares,  no  building 
being  large  enough  to  contain  the  number. 

The  prelate^  then,  with  the  language  best  calcu- 
lated to  win  the  hearts  of  all  his  hearers,  displayed 
the  miseries  of  the  Christians  in  the  Holy  Land. 
He  addressed  the  multitude  as  a  people  peculiarly 
favoured  by  God,  in  the  gift  of  courage,  strength, 
and  true  faith.  He  told  them  that  their  brethren  in 
the  east  were  trampled  under  the  feet  of  infidels,  to 

1  Mills,  chap.  ii.      2  WilL  Tyr.  lib.  1.     3  Robertus  Monachus,  lib.  i. 

'^  I  have  followed  as  nearly  as  possible  the  account  of  Robertus  Mo- 
nachus, who  was  present.  Having  found  in  no  Dook  of  any  authenti- 
city the  speech  attributed  by  more  modern  writers  to  Peter  the  Hermit, 
I  have  rejected  it  entirely  as  supposititious.  Neither  Robert,  nor  Alber- 
tus  Aquensis,  nor  William  of  Tyre,  nor  Guibert  of  Nogent,  nor  James 
of  Vitry,  the  most  authentic  historians  of  the  crusade,  some  of  whona 
were  present  at  the  council  of  Clermont,  and  most  of  whom  lived  at  the 
time,  even  mention  the  appearance  of  Peter  at  that  assembly.  That  he 
might  be  there,  I  do  not  attem))t  to  deny,  but  that  he  addressed  the  peo- 
pie  I  believe  titterly  unfounded. 


68  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

whom  Godhadnot  granted  the  light  of  his  Holy  Spirit 
— that  fire,  plunder,  and  the  sword  had  desolated 
completely  the  fair  plains  of  Palestine — that  her  chil- 
dren were  led  away  captive,  or  enslaved,  or  died  un- 
der tortures  too  horrible  to  recount— that  the  women 
of  their  land  were  subjected  to  the  impure  passions 
of  the  pagans,  and  that  God's  own  altar,  the  symbols 
of  salvation,  and  the  precious  relics  of  the  saints 
were  all  desecrated  by  the  gross  and  filthy  abomi- 
nation of  a  race  of  heathens.  To  whom,  then,  he 
asked — to  whom  did  it  belong  to  punish  such  crimes, 
to  wipe  away  such  impurities,  to  destroy  the  oppres- 
sors, and  to  raise  up  the  oppressed  1  To  whom,  if 
not  to  those  who  heard  him,  who  had  received  from 
God  strength,  and  power,  and  greatness  of  soul ; 
whose  ancestors  had  been  the  prop  of  Christendom, 
and  whose  kings  had  put  a  barrier  to  the  progress 
of  infidels  1  "  Think  !"  he  cried,  "  of  the  sepulchre 
of  Christ  our  Saviour  possessed  by  the  foul  heathen  ! 
— rthink  of  all  the  sacred  places  dishonoured  by  their 
sacrilegious  impurities  !—  O  brave  knights,  off'spring 
of  invincible  fathers,  degenerate  not  from  your  an- 
cient blood !  remember  the  virtues  of  your  ancestors, 
and  if  you  feel  held  back  from  the  course  before  you 
by  the  soft  ties  of  wives,  of  children,  of  parents,  call 
to  mind  the  words  of  our  Lord  himself :  '  Whosoever 
loves  father  or  mother  more  than  me,  is  not  worthy 
of  me.  Whosoever  shall  abandon  for  my  name's 
sake  his  house,  or  his  brethren,  or  his  sisters,  or  his 
father,  or  his  mother,  or  his  wife,  or  his  children,  or 
his  lands,  shall  receive  an  hundredfold,  and  shall 
inherit  eternal  life.'  " 

The  prelate  then  went  on  to  point  out  the  superior 
mundane  advantages  which  those  might  obtain  who 
took  the  Cross.  He  represented  their  own  country'' 
as  poor  and  arid,  and  Palestine  as  a  land  flowing  with 
milk  and  honey ;  and,  blending  the  barbarous  ideas 
of  a  dark  age  with  the  powerful  figures  of  enthusiastic 
eloquence,  he  proceeded — "  Tevusalen^is  in  the  cen 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  69 

tre  of  this  fertile  land ;  and  its  territories,  rich  above 
all  others,  offer,  so  to  speak,  the  delights  of  Paradise. 
That  land,  too,  the  Redeemer  of  the  human  race  ren- 
dered illustrious  by  his  advent,  honoured  by  his  resi- 
dence, consecrated  by  his  passion,  repurchased  by  his 
death,  signalized  by  his  sepulture.  That  royal  city, 
Jerusalem — situated  in  the  centre  of  the  world — held 
captive  by  infidels,  who  deny  the  God  that  honoured 
her — now  calls  on  you  and  prays  for  her  deliver- 
ance. From  you — from  you  above  all  people  she 
looks  for  comfort,  and  she  hopes  for  aid  ;  since  God 
has  granted  to  you,  beyond  other  nations,  glory  and 
might  in  arms.  Take,  then,  the  road  before  you  in 
expiation  of  your  sins,  and  go,  assured  that,  after  the 
Iionour  of  this  world  shall  have  passed  away,  impe- 
rishable glory  shall  await  you  even  in  the  kingdom  of 
heaven !" 

Loud  shouts  of  "  God  wills  it !  God  wills  it !"  pro- 
nounced simultaneously  by  the  whole  people,  in  all 
the  different  dialects  and  languages  of  which  the 
multitude  was  composed,  here  interrupted  for  a  mo- 
ment the  speech  of  the  prelate ;  but,  gladly  seizing 
the  time.  Urban  proceeded,  after  having  obtained 
silence,  "  Dear  brethren,  to-day  is  shown  forth  in  you 
that  which  the  Lord  has  said  by  his  evangelist — 
*  When  two  or  three  shall  be  assembled  in  my  name, 
there  shall  I  be  in  the  midst  of  them ;'  for  if  the  Lord 
God  had  not  been  in  your  souls,  you  would  not  all 
have  pronounced  the  same  words;  or,  rather,  God 
himself  pronounced  them  by  your  lips,  for  he  it  was 
that  put  them  in  your  hearts.  Be  they,  then,  your 
war-cry  in  the  combat,  for  those  words  came  forth 
from  God. — Let  the  army  of  the  Lord,  Avhen  it  rushes 
upon  his  enemies,  shout  but  that  one  cry, '  God  wills 
it!  God  wills  it  !'i 

"  Remember,  however,  that  we  neither  order  nor 
advise  this  journey  to  the  old,  nor  to  the  weak,  nor  to 

J  See  note  VI. 


70  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

those  who  are  unfit  to  bear  arms.  Let  not  this  way 
be  taken  by  women,  without  their  husbands,  or  their 
brothers,  or  their  legitimate  guardians,  for  such  are 
rather  a  burden  than  an  aiJ.  Let  the  rich  assist  the 
poor,  and  bring  with  them,  at  their  own  charge,  those 
who  can  bear  arms  to  the  field.  Still,  let  not  priests 
nor  clerks,  to  whatever  place  they  may  belong,  set 
out  on  this  journey  without  the  permission  of  their 
bishop ;  nor  the  layman  undertake  it  without  the 
blessing  of  his  pastor,  for  to  such  as  do  so  their 
journey  shall  be  fruitless.  Let  whoever  is  inchned 
to  devote  himself  to  the  cause  of  God,  make  it  a 
solemn  engagement,  and  bear  the  cross  of  the  Lord 
either  on  his  breast  or  on  his  brow  till  he  set  out ; 
and  let  him  who  is  ready  to  begin  his  march  place 
the  holy  emblem  on  his  shoulders,  in  memory  of  that 
precept  of  the  Saviour — '  He  who  does  not  take  up 
his  cross  and  follow  me,  is  not  worthy  of  me.'  " 

The  pontiff  thus  ended  his  oration,  and  the  multi- 
tude prostrating  themselves  before  him,  repeated  the 
Conjiteor^  after  one  of  the  cardinals.  The  pope  then 
pronounced  the  absolution  of  their  sins,  and  bestowed 
on  them  his  benediction ;  after  which  they  retired  to 
tiieir  homes  to  prepare  for  the  great  undertaking  to 
which  they  had  vowed  themselves. 

Miracles  are  told  of  the  manner  in  which  the  news 
of  this  council,  and  of  the  events  that  distinguished 
it,  spread  to  every  part  of  the  world;  but  neverthe- 
less it  did  spread,  as  may  easily  be  conceived,  with 
great  quickness,  without  any  supernatural  aid  ;  and, 
to  make  use  of  the  words  of  him  from  whom  we 
have  sketched  the  oration  of  the  pope,  "  Throughout 
tile  earth,  the  Christians  glorified  themselves  and 
were  filled  with  joy,  while  the  Gentiles  of  Arabia  and 
Persia  trembled  and  v/ere  seized  with  sadness :  the 
souls  of  the  one  race  were  exalted,  those  of  the 
others  stricken  with  fear  and  stupor." 

'  Robertas  Monachus 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  71 

Great,  certainl}^  was  the  influence  which  the  zeal 
and  eloquence  of  Urban  gave  him  over  the  people 
Some  authors,  with  a  curious  sort  of  historical  puri- 
tanism,  which  leads  them  to  judge  of  ages  past  only 
by  the  principles  of  the  day  in  which  they  themselves 
exist,  have  reproached  the  pope  with  not  using  the 
means  in  his  hands  for  purposes  which  would  have 
needed  tlie  heart  of  a  Fenelon  to  conceive  properly, 
and  the  head  of  a  Napoleon  to  execute.  They  say 
that,  with  the  powers  which  he  did  possess,  he  might 
have  reformed  a  world  !  It  is  hardly  fair,  methinks, 
to  require  of  a  man  in  a  barbarous,  ignorant,  cor- 
rupted age  the  enlightened  visions  of  the  nineteenth 
century. 

Pope  Urban  II.,  at  the  end  of  the  eleventh  centurj^ 
showed  a  great  superiority  to  the  age  in  which  he 
lived,  and  at  the  council  of  Clermont  evinced  qua- 
lities of  both  the  heart  and  the  mind  which  have  de- 
servedly brought  his  name  down  to  us  with  honour. 
His  first  act  in  the  council  was  to  excommunicate, 
for  adulterous  profligacy,  Philip,  monarch  of  the  very 
ground  on  which  he  stood ;  and,  in  so  doing,  he  made 
use  of  the  only  acknowledged  authority  by  which 
the  kings  of  that  day  could  be  checked  in  the  course 
of  evil.  Whether  the  authority  itself  was  or  was 
not  legitimate,  is  not  here  the  question ;  but,  being  at 
the  time  undisputed,  and  employed  for  the  best  of 
objects,  its  use  can  in  no  way  fairly  be  cited  as  an 
instance  either  of  pride  or  ambition.  The  pope's 
conduct  in  preaching  the  crusade  is  equally  justifia- 
ble. His  views  were  of  course  those  of  the  age  in 
which  he  lived,  and  he  acted  with  noble  enthusiasm 
m  accordance  with  those  views.  He  made  vast  ef- 
forts, he  endangered  his  person,  he  sacrificed  his  ease 
and  comfort,  to  accomplish  what  no  churchman  of 
his  day  pretended  to  doubt  w^as  a  glorious  and  a  no- 
ble undertaking.  In  thus  acting,  he  displayed  gieat 
qualities  of  mind,  and  showed  himself  superior  to 
the  century  in  powers  of  conducting,  if  he  was  not 
so  in  the  powers  of  conceiving  great  designis. 


72  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

It  would  be  very  difficult  to  prove,  also,  that  the 
pope,  had  he  even  possessed  the  will,  could,  by  the 
exertion  of  every  effort,  have  produced  the  same 
effect  in  any  other  cause  that  he  did  in  favour  of  the 
crusades.  I  have  already  attempted  to  show  that  all 
thincrs  were  prepared  in  Europe  for  the  expedition  to 
the  Holy  Land,  by  the  spirit  ofreligious  and  military 
enthusiasm ;  and  the  task  was  light,  to  aid  in  poui- 
ing  on  the  current  of  popular  feeling-  in  the  direction 
which  it  had  already  begun  to  take,  when  compared 
with  the  labour  necessary  to  have  turned  that  cur- 
rent into  another  channel.  He  who  does  not  grasp 
the  spirit  of  the  age  on  which  he  writes,  but  judges 
of  other  days  by  the  feelings  of  his  own,  is  like  one  who 
would  adapt  a  polar  dress  to  the  climate  of  the  tropics. 

Before  closing  this  chapter,  one  observation  also 
must  be  made  respecting  the  justice  of  the  crusade, 
which  enterprise  it  has  become  somewhat  customary 
to  look  upon  as  altogether  cruel  and  unnecessary. 
Such  an  opinion,  however,  is  in  no  degree  founded 
on  fact.  The  crusade  Avas  not  only  as  just  as  any 
other  warfare  of  the  day,  but  as  just  as  any  that 
ever  was  waged.  The  object  was,  the  protection 
and  relief  of  a  cruelly  oppressed  and  injured  people 
— the  object  was,  to  repel  a  strong,  an  active,  and 
an  encroaching  enemy — the  object  was,  to  wrest 
from  the  hands  of  a  bloodthirsty  and  savage  people 
territories  which  they  themselves  claimed  by  no  right 
but  the  sword,  and  in  which  the  population  they  had 
enslaved  was  loudly  crying  for  deliverance  from  their 
yoke — the  object  was,  to  defend  a  weak  and  exposed 
frontier  from  tlie  farther  aggression  of  a  nation  whosfc 
boast  was  conquest. 

Such  were  the  objects  of  the  crusades;  and  though 
much  of  superstition  was  mingled  Avith  the  incite- 
ments, and  many  cruelties  committed  in  its  course, 
the  evils  were  not  greater  than  ordinary  ambition 
every  day  produces ;  and  the  motives  were  as  fair 
as  any  of  those  that  have  ever  instigated  the  many 
feuds  and  warfares  of  the  world. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  73 


CHAPTER  IV. 

r%*  Effects  of  the  Conncil  of  Clermont— State  of  France— Motives  of 
the  People  for  embracing  the  Crusade — Benefits  produced— The  En- 
thusiasm general — Rapid  Progress — The  First  Bodies  of  Crusaders 
begin  their  March — Gautier  Sans  Avoir — His  Army — llieir  Disasters 
— Reach  Constantinople — Peter  the  Hermit  sets  out  uith  an  immense 
Multitude — Storms  Semlin-r Defeated  at  Nissa — His  Host  dispersed 
^The  Remains  collected— Joins  Gautier—  Excesses  of  the  Multitude 
— The  Italians  and  Germans  separate  from  the  French— The  Ger- 
mans extermivMed — The  French  cut  to  pieces — Conduct  of  Alexius. 

The  immediate  effects  of  the  council  of  Clermont 
are  detailed  with  so  much  animation  by  Guibert  of 
Nogent,  that  I  shall  attempt  to  trace  them  nearly  in 
his  own  words,  merely  observing,  that  previous  to  his 
departure  from  France,  Urban  II.,  having  taken  every 
means  in  his  power  to  secure  the  property  of  the  cru- 
saders during  their  absence,  committed  the  chief  di- 
rection of  the  expedition  to  Adhemar,  Bishop  of  Puy, 
in  Auvergne.^ 

"As  soon  as  the  council  of  Clermont  was  con- 
cluded," says  the  historian,  "a  great  rumour  spread 
through  the  whole  of  France,  and  as  soon  as  fame 
brought  the  news  of  the  orders  of  the  pontiff  to  any 
one,  he  went  instantly  to  solicit  his  neighbours  and 
his  relations  to  engage  with  him  in  the  way  of  God, 
for  so  they  designated  the  purposed  expedition. 

"  The  Counts  Palatine^  were  already  full  of  the 
desire  to  undertake  this  journey ;  and  all  the  knights 
of  an  inferior  order  felt  the  same  zeal.  The  poor 
themselves  soon  caught  the  flame  so  ardently,  that 
no  one  paused  to  think  of  the  smallness  of  his  wealth, 

1  Fulcher  of  Chartres;  Guibert  of  Nogent ;  William  of  Tyre. 

2  See  note  VH. 


74  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

or  to  consider  whether  he  on^-ht  to  yield  his  house 
and  his  fields,  and  his  vines ;  but  each  one  set  abou* 
selling  his  property,  at  as  low  a  price  as  if  he  had 
been  held  in  some  horrible  captivity,  and  sought  to 
pay  his  ransom  without  loss  of  time. 

"  At  this  period,  too,  there  existed  a  general  dearth. 
The  rich  even  felt  the  want  of  corn ;  and  many, 
with  every  thing  to  buy,  had  nothing,  or  next  to  no- 
thing, wherewithal  to  purchase  what  they  ner  ded. 
The  poor  tried  to  nourish  themselves  with  the  wild 
herbs  of  the  earth ;  aiid,  as  bread  was  veiy  dear, 
sought  on  all  sides  food  heretofore  unknown,  to  sup- 
ply the  place  of  corn.  The  wealthy  and  powerful 
were  not  exempt ;  but  finding  themselves  menaced 
with  the  famine  which  spread  around  them,  and  be- 
holding every  day  the  terrible  wants  of  the  poor, 
they  contracted  their  expenses,  and  lived  with  the 
most  narrow  parsimony,  lest  thej'  should  squander 
the  riches  now  become  so  necessary. 

"  The  ever  insatiable  misers  rejoiced  in  days  so  fa- 
vourable to  their  covetousness;  and  casting  their 
eyes  upon  the  bushels  of  grain  which  they  had 
hoarded  long  before,  calculated  each  day  the  profits 
of  their  avarice.  Thus  some  struggled  with  every 
misery  and  want,  while  others  revelled  in  the  hopes 
of  fresh  acquisitions.  No  sooner,  however,  had 
Christ  inspired,  as  I  have  said,  innumerable  bodies 
of  people  to  seek  a  voluntary  exile,  than  the  money 
which  had  been  hoarded  so  long  was  spread  forth  in 
a  moment ;  and  that  which  was  horribly  dear  while 
all  the  world  was  in  repose,  was  on  a  sudden  sold  for 
notliing,  as  soon  as  every  one  began  to  hasten  to- 
wards their  destined  journey.  Each  man  hurried  to 
conclude  his  affairs ;  and,  astonishing  to  relate,  we 
then  saw^ — so  sudden  was  the  diminution  in  the  value 
of  every  thing — we  then  saw  seven  sheep  sold  foi 
five  deniers.  The  dearth  of  grain,  also,  was  instantly 
changed  into  abundance ;  and  every  one,  occupied 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  /O 

solely  in  amassing  money  for  his  journey,  sold 
every  thing  that  he  could,  not  according  to  its  real 
worth,  but  according  to  the  value  set  upon  it  by  the 
buyer. 

"  In  tlie  mean  while,  the  greater  part  of  those  who 
had  not  determined  upon  the  journey,  joked  and 
laughed  at  those  who  were  thus  selling  their  goods 
for  whatever  they  could  get ;  and  prophesied  that 
their  voyage  would  be  miserable,  and  their  return 
worse.  Such  was  ever  the  language  one  day  ;  but 
the  next — suddenly  seized  with  the  same  desire  as 
the  rest — those  who  had  been  most  forwarcito  mock, 
abandoned  every  thing  for  a  few  crowns,  and  set  out 
with  those  whom  they  had  laughed  ,at  but  a  day  be- 
fore. Who  shall  tell  the  children  and  the  infirm  that, 
animated  with  the  same  spirit, hastened  to  the  war? 
Who  shall  count  the  old  men  and  the  young  maids 
who  hurried  forward  to  the  fight  1 — not  with  the  hope 
of  aiding,  but  for  the  crown  of  martyrdom  to  be  Avon 
amid  the  swords  of  the  infidels.  '  You,  warriors,' 
they  cried,  'you  shall  vanquish  by  the  spear  and 
brand  ;  but  let  us,  at  least,  conquer  Christ  by  our  suf- 
ferings.' At  the  same  time,  one  might  see  a  thousand 
things  springing  from  the  same  spirit,  which  were 
both  astonishing  and  laughable  :  the  poor  shoeing 
their  oxen,  as  we  shoe  horses,  and  harnessing  them 
to  two-wheeled  carts,  in  which  they  placed  their 
scanty  provisions  and  their  young  children ;  and  pro- 
ceeding onward,  while  the  babes,  at  each  town  or 
castle  that  they  saw,  demanded  eagerly  whether  that 
was  Jerusalem." 

Such  is  the  picture  presented,  by  an  eyewitness,  of 
the  state  of  France  after  the  first  promulgation  of 
the  crusade  ;  and  a  most  extraordinary  picture  it  is. 
The  zeal,  the  enthusiasm,  the  fervour  of  the  spirit, 
the  brutal  ignorance  and  dark  barbarity  of  the  peo- 
ple, are  the  objects  that  catch  the  eye  from  the  mere 
surface ;  but  underneath  may  be  seen  a  hundred  fine 
and  latent  tints  v/hich  mingle  in  the  portrait  of  the 


76  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

age.  There  may  be  found  the  hope  of  gain  and  the 
expectation  of  wealth  in  other  lands,  as  well  as  the 
excitement  of  devotion  ;  and  there  also  may  be  traced 
the  reckless,  daring  courage  of  a  period  when  com- 
fort was  unknown,  and  when  security  was  scarcely 
less  to  be  expected  among  the  swords  of  the  Sara- 
cens, than  in  the  fields  of  France  and  Germany. 
While  the  thirst  of  adventure,  the  master-passion  of 
the  middle  ages,  prompted  to  any  change  of  scene 
and  circumstances,  imagination  portrayed  the  land  in 
view  with  all  that  adventitious  splendour  which  none 
• — of  all  the  many  betrayers  of  the  human  mind — so 
well  knows  how  to  bestow  as  hope. 

The  same  land,  when  the  Jews  marched  towards 
it  from  the  wilderness,  had  been  represented  to  them 
as  a  land  flowing  with  milk  and  honey, — rich  in  all 
gifts ;  and  doubtless  that  inducement  moved  the  stub- 
born Hebrews,  as  much  as  the  command  of  him  they 
had  so  often  disobeyed.  Now  the  very  same  pros- 
pect was  held  out  to  another  host  of  men,  as  igno- 
rant of  what  lay  before  them  as  the  Jews  themselves  ; 
and  it  may  be  fairly  supposed  that,  in  their  case  too, 
imaginary  hopes,  and  all  the  gay  phantasma  of  am- 
bition, shared  powerfully  with  religion  in  leading 
them  onw^ard  to  the  promised  land. 

Still  zeal,  and  sympathy,  and  indignation,  and  chi- 
valrous feeling,  and  the  thirst  of  glory,  and  the  pas- 
sion for  enterprise,  and  a  thousand  vague  but  great 
and  noble  aspirations,  mingled  in  the  complicated 
motive  of  the  crusade.  It  increased  by  contagion ; 
it  grew  by  communion ;  it  spread  from  house  to 
house,  and  from  bosom  to  bosom ;  it  became  a 
universal  desire — an  enthusiasm — a  passion — a  mad- 
ness. 

In  the  mean  while,  the  crusade  was  not  without  pro- 
ducing  a  sensible  benefit  even  to  Europe.  The  whole 
country  had   previously  been  desolated  by  feuds' 

1  Gnibert  of  Nogeat, 


HISTORY    OF     CHIVALRY.  77 

and  pillage,  and  massacre  Castle  waged  war  with 
castle :  baron  plundered  baron ;  and  from  field  to 
field,  and  city  to  cit^,  the  traveller  could  scarcely 
pass  without  injury  or  death.  No  sooner,'  however, 
had  the  crusade  been  preached  at  the  council  of 
Clermont,  than  the  universal  peace,  w^hich  was  there 
commanded,  called  the  Truce^  of  God,  was  sworn 
throughout  the  country,  the  plunder  ceased  and  the 
feuds  disappeared.  The  very  fact  of  the  wicked  the 
infamous,  and  the  bloodthirsty  having  embraced  the 
crusade,  either- from  penitence  or  from  worse  mo- 
tives, was  a  positive  good  to  Europe.  That  not  alone 
the  good,^  the  religious,  the  zealous,  or  the  brave, 
filled  the  ranks  of  the  Cross  is  admitted  on  all 
hands  ;  yet  those  who  had  once  assumed  that  holy 
sign  were  obliged,  in  some  degree,  to  act  as  if  their 
motives  had  been  pure,  and  their  very  absence  was  a 
blessing  to  the  land  they  left. 

Still  the  crusade  went  on  ;  and  the  imagination  of 
the  people  being  once  directed  towards  a  particular 
object  found,  even  in  the  phenomena  which  in  for- 
mer days  would  have  struck  nations  with  fear  and 
apprehension,  signs  of  blessing  and  omens  of  success^ 
An  earthquake  itself"*  was  held  as  good  augury ;  and 
scarcely  a  meteor  shot  across  the  sky  without  afford- 
ing some  theme  for  hope. 

The  sign  of  the  Cross  was  now  to  be  seen  on  the 
shoulder  of  every  one ;  and  being  generally  cut  in 
red^  cloth,  was  a  conspicuous  and  remarkable  object. 
As  these  multiplied,  the  hearts  even  of  the  fearful 
grew  strong,  and  the  contagion  of  example  added  to 
the  number  every  hour.  Peter  the  Hermit,  indefati- 
gable in  his  calling,  though  his  mind  seems  day  by 
day"  to  have  become  more  excited,  till  enthusiasm 
^rew  nearly  akin  to  madness,  gathered  a  vast  con- 

t  Fulcher  of  Chartres  ;  William  of  Tyre.        2  Guiberti ;  Gesta  Del 
3  Albert.  Aquensis  ;  Will.  Tyr;  Guibert.         4  Albert  of  Aix. 
6  See  DucaDgftin  Sig.  Cruc. 
6  Albert  of  AU ;  James  of  Vitry ;  Robert  the  Monk ;  GuiberL 


78  HISTORY    VV    CHIVALRY. 

course  of  the  lower  orders,  and  prepared  to  set  out 
by  the  way  of  Hiing-ary.  But  the  real  and  service- 
able body  of  crusaders  was  collected  from  among 
another  class,  whose  military  habits  and  chivalrous 
character  were  well  calculated  to  effect  the  great  ob- 
ject proposed. 

In  France,  Hugh,  the  brother  of  King  Philip,  Ro- 
bert, Count  of  Fhmders,  Stephen,  Count  of  Chartres 
and  Blois,  Adhemar,  Bishop  of  Puy,  William,  Bishop 
of  Orange,  Raimond,  Count  of  Toulouse,  and  many 
others  of  the  highest  station,  assumed  the  Cross,  and 
called  together  all  the  knights  and  retainers  that  their 
great  names  and  influence  could  bring  into  the  field. 
Robert,  Duke  of  Normandy,  son  of  William  the 
Conqueror  of  England,  accompanied  by  a  number  of 
English  barons,  prepared  also  for  the  crusade.  God- 
frey of  Loraine,  and  his  brothers  were  added  to  the 
number;  and  Boemond,  Prince  of  Tarento,  the  va- 
liant son  of  Robert  Guiscard,  cast  from  him  the  large 
possessions  which  his  sword  and  that  of  his  father 
had  conquered,  and  turned  his  hopes  and  expecta- 
tions towards  the  east. 

The  immense  multitudes  thus  assembled  are  said 
to  have  amounted  to  nearly  six  millions  of  souls;'  and 
one  of  the  most  astonishing  proofs  of  the  rapidity 
with  which  the  news  of  the  crusade  must  have  spread, 
and  the  enthusiasm  with  which  it  was  received,  is  to 
be  found  in  the  fact,  that  the  council  of  Clermont 
was  held  in  the  November  of  the  year  1095,  and  that 
early  in  the  spring  of  1096  a  large  body  of  the  cru- 
saders was  in  motion  towards  Palestine. 

The  historians  of  the  day  are  not  at  all  agreed  in  re- 
gard to  which  was  the  multitude  that  led  the  way 
towards  the  Holy  Land.  It  appears'^  almost  certain, 
however,  that  Gautier  sans    avoiu  or   Walter  the 

1  Fulcher. 

2  Albert  of  Aix ;  William  of  Tyre.  Mills  follows  this  opinion  ;  Gui- 
bert  of  Nogent  and  James  of  Vitry  are  oppos&i  to  it,  and  Fulcher  gives  a 
different  account  also. 


^iSTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  79 

Penniless,  a  Biirgimdian  gentleman,  without  fortune, 
who  had  assembled  a  considerable  band  of  the  lower 
classes  under  the  banner  of  the  Cross,  was  the  first 
who  set  out  in  compliance  with  the  general  vow. 
He  was,  according  to  all  accounts,  a  complete  soldier 
of  fortune,  renowned  for  his  poverty  even  to  a  pro- 
verb, but  by  no  means,  as  has  been  asserted,  without 
military  fame  Ail'  the  contemporary  writers  desig- 
liate  him  by  his  cognomen  of  poverty ;  but  all  at  the 
same  time  describe  him  as  an  illustrious  warrior. 
Nevertheless,  the  host  that  he  led  was  rather  an  ill- 
governed  crowd  of  men  on  foot  than  an  army ;  and 
but  eight  knights  accompanied  the  leader  on  his  ex- 
pedition. The  difRculties  of  the  undertaking  were 
incalculable ;  and  the  followers  of  Walter  had  pro- 
vided but  little  for  the  necessities  of  the  way.  It 
showed,  however,  no  sma'.l  skill  in  that  leader  to 
conduct  tlie  disorderly  rabble  by  which. he  was  fol- 
lowed, so  far  as  he  did  in  safety. 

Passing  through  Germany,^  he  entered  into  Hun- 
gary; where,  entangled  among  the  marshes  and 
passes  of  that  kingdom,  his  whole  followers  must 
have  perished  inevitably,  had  he  not  met  with  the 
greatest  kindness  and  assistance  from  the  king 
and  people  of  the  country,  who,  professing  the 
Christian  religion,  understood  and  venerated  the 
motives  of  the  crusade. 

Thus  the  host  of  Walter  swept  on  till  their  arrival 
at  Semlin,  where  some  stragglers  were  attacked  and 
plundered  by  a  party  of  Hungarians  less  humane 
than  their  brethren.  The  arms  and  crosses  of  the 
crusaders  who  had  thus  been  despoiled,  were  fixed 
upon  the  walls  of  the  city  as  a  sort  of  trophy* 
but  Walter,  though  strongly  urged  by  his  followers 
to  seek  vengeance  for  the  insult,  wisely  forbore 
and  passing  forward,  entered  into  Bulgaria.  Here 
the  champions  of  the  Cross  met  with  no  furthoi 

»  Palcher ;  Will.  Tyr. ;  Albert  Aquen  «  Will.  Tyr 


80  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

aid.  The  people  regarded  them  with  jealous 
suspicion;  thjg  cities  shut  their  gates  upon  them; 
all  commerce  was  prohibited,  and  all  supplies  de- 
nied. 

Famine  now  imperiously  urged  them  to  violence  *« 
and  having  taken  possession  of  whatever  flocks  and 
herds  they  could  find,  the  crusaders  soon  found 
themselves  attacked  by  the  Bulgarians,  by  whom 
considerable  numbers  were  cut  off  and  destroyed. 

Walter  himself,  with  great  wisdom'  and  resolution, 
forced  his  way  through  innumerable  difficulties,  till 
he  had  left  behiud  him  the  inhospitable  country  of 
the  Bulgarians ;  and  at  length  brought  his  army,  infi- 
nitely wasted  by  both  famine  and  the  sword,  to  the 
neighbourhood  of  Constantinople.  Here  he  obtained 
permission  to  refresh  his  forces,  and  wait  the  arrival 
of  Peter  the  Hermit  himself,  who  followed  close 
upon  his  steps. 

The  multitude  which  had  been  collected  by  the 
Heimit  was  even  of  a  less  uniform  and  regular  de- 
scription than  that  which  had  followed  Gautier  sans 
avoir.  Men,  women,  and  children, — all  sexes,  ages, 
and  professions, — many  and  distinct  languages — a 
quantity  of  baggage  and  useless  encumlj^ance,  ren- 
dered the  army  of  Peter  as  unwieldy  and  dangerous 
an  engine  as  ever  was  put  in  motion.  Notwithstand- 
ing its  bulk  and  inconsistency,  it  also  proceeded  in 
safety,  and  without  much  reproach,  through  Germany 
and  Hungary ;  but  at  Semlin,  the  sight  of  the  crosses 
and  vestments  which  had  been  stripped  from^  the 
stragglers  of  Walter's  host  roused  the  anger  of  the 
multitude.  The  town  was  attacked  and  taken  by 
assault,  with  all  the  acts  of  savage  ferocity 
which  usually  follow  such  an  occurrence ;  and  the 
crusaders,  without  remorse,  gave  themselves  up  to 
eveiy  barbarity  that  dark  and  unrestrained  passions 


Alb3rt  of  Aix ;  William  of  Tvre       2  Albert  of  Aix.      3  Guibert. 


HISXaRY    OF    CHIVALRY.  81 

The  news  of  this  event  soon  reached  the  kins:  of 
Hungary;  who,  calling  together  a  considerable  force, 
marched  to  avenge  the  death  and  pillage  of  his  sub- 
jects. His  approach  instantly  caused  Peter  to  decamy 
from  Semlin ;  but  the  passage  of  the  Morava  was  op- 
posed  by  a  tribe  of  savage  Bulgarians:  few  boats 
were  to  be  procured;  those  that  were  found  were  of 
small  dimensions ;  and  the  rafts  that  could  be  hastily 
constructed  were  but  little  manageable  in  a  broad  and 
rapid  river.  Some  of  the  crusaders  thus  perished  in 
the  water,  some  fell  by  the  arrows  of  the  enemy; 
but  the  tribe  that  opposed  the  passage  being  defeated 
and  put  to  flight,  the  rest  of  Peter's  followers  were 
brought  over  in  safety. 

The  Hermit  now,  after  having  sacrificed  the  pri- 
soners to  what  was  then  considered  a  just  resent- 
ment, pursued  his  way  to  Nissa,  in  which  town 
the  Duke  of  Bulgaria  had  fortified  himself,  having 
abandoned  Belgrade  at  the  approach  of  the  army  of 
the  Cross.  Finding,  however,  that  Peter  did  not 
at  all  contemplate  taking  vengeance  for  the  in- 
hospitality  shovv-n  to  Gautier  sans  avoir,  the  duke 
wisely  permitted  his  subjects  to  supply  the  crusaders 
with  necessaries. 

Thus  all  passed  tranquilly  under  the  v/ails  of  Nissa, 
till  Peter  and  his  host  had  absolutely  departed,  when 
some  German  stragglers,  remembering  a  controversy 
of  the  night  before  with  one  of  the  Bulgarian  mer- 
chants, set  fire  to  several  mills  and  houses  without 
the  walls  of  the  town. 

Enraged  at  this  wanton  outrage,  the  armed  peo- 
ple of  the  city  rushed  out  upon  the  aggi'essors,  and, 
not  contented  with  sacrificing  them  to  their  furv, 
fell  upon  the  rear  of  the  Hermit's  army,  glutted 
their  wrath  with  the  blood  of  all  that  opposed  them, 
and  carried  off  the  baggage,  the  women,  the  children, 
and  all  that  part  of  the  multitude  whose  weakness 
at  once  caused  them  to  lingsr  behind,  and  left  thprn 
without  defence. 

G 


S2  HISTORY    OF    CHIVAIRY. 

T'he  moment  that  Peter  heard  of  this  event,  he 
turned  back;  and,  with  a  degree  of  calmness  and 
moderation  that  does  high  honour  to  his  memorv^, 
he  endeavoured  to  investig^ate  the  cause  of  the  dis- 
aster, and  conciliate  by  courtesy  and  fair  words. 
This  negotiation  was  highly  successful ;  the  duke, 
appeased  with  the  vengeance  he  had  taken,  agreed 
to  return  the  prisoners  and  the  baggage,  and  every 
thing  once  more  assumed  a  peaceful  aspect;  when 
suddenly,  a  body  of  a  thousand  imprudent  men,  fan- 
cying that  they  saw  an  opportunity  of  seizing  on 
the  town,  passed  the  stone  bridge,  and  endeavoured 
to  scale  the  walls.  A  general  conflict  ensued ;  tlie 
ill-disciplined  host  of  the  crusaders  was  defeated 
and  dispersed,  and  Peter  himself,  obliged  to  fly 
alone,  took  refuge,  like  the  rest,  in  the  neighbouring 
forests. 

For  some  time  he  pursued  his  way  over  moun- 
tains,' and  wastes,  and  precipices ;  and  it  may  easily 
be  conceived  that  his  heart — so  lately  elated  with 
lionour,  and  command,  and  gratified  enthusiasm — 
now  felt  desolate  and  crushed,  to  find  the  multitude 
his  voice  had  gathered  dispersed  or  slain,  and  him- 
self a  wandering  fugitive  in  a  foreign  land,  without 
shelter,  protection,  or  defence.  At  length,  it  is  said, 
he  met  by  chance  several  of  his  best  and  most  cou- 
rageous knights  at  the  top  of  a  mountain,  where 
they  had  assembled  with  no  more  than  five  hundred 
men,  which  seemed  at  first  all  that  remained  of  his 
vast  aimy.^  He  caused,  h.owever,  signals  to  be 
made  and  horns  to  be  sounded  in  the  different  parts 
of  the  forest,  that  any  of  the  scattered  crusaders 
within  hearing  might  be  brought  to  one  spot. 

These  and  other  means  which  were  put  in  prac- 
tice to  call  together  tlie  remnants  of  his  army,  proved 
so  successful,  that  before  night  seven  thous^and  men 
were  collected,  and  with  this  force  he  hastened  to 

I  Albert  of  Aix.  »  Ibid.' 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  83 

march  on  towards  Constantinople.  As  he  went, 
other  bands,  which  had  been  separated  from  him  in 
the  (Confusion  of  the  flight,  rejoined  him,  and  the 
only  dilhculty,  as  the  host  advanced,  was  to  procure 
the  necessaries  of  life. 

The  news  of  Peter's  adventures  flew  before  them, 
and  reached  even  Constantinople.  Alexius,  the  em- 
peror, w^ho  had  not  yet  learned  to  fear  the  coming  of 
the  crusaders,  sent  deputies  to  meet  the  Hermit,  and 
to  hasten  his  journey;  and  at  Philippopoli  the  eloquent 
display  of  his  suffering's,  which  Peter  addressed  to 
the  assembled  people,  moved  their  hearts  to  compas- 
sion and  sympathy.  Tlie  wants  of  the  host  were  plen- 
tifully supplied,  and,  after  reposing  for  some  days  in 
the  friendly  city,  the  whole  body,  now  again  amount- 
ing to  thirty  thousand  men,  set  out  for  Constantinople, 
■where  they  arrived  in  safety,  and  joined  the  troops 
which  Walter  the  Penniless  had  conducted  thither 
previously. 

Here  they  found  a  considerable  number  of  Lom- 
bards and  Italians ;  but  these,  also,  as  well  as  the 
troops  which  they  had  themselves  brought  thither 
were  not  only  of  the  lowest,  but  of  tlie  most  dis- 
orderly classes  of  the  people.  It  is  no  wonder 
therefore — although  Alexius  supplied  them  with  mo- 
ney and  provisions,  and  tried  to  secure  to  them  the 
repose  and  comfort  that  they  needed  in  every  re- 
spect— that  these  ruffian  adventurers  should  soon 
begin  to  tire  of  tranquillity  and  order,  and  to  exer- 
cise their  old  trades  of  plunder  and  excess.'  They 
overturned  palaces,  set  fire  to  the  public  buildings, 
and  stripped  even  the  lead  off  the  roofs  of  the 
churches,  which  they  aftenvard  sold  to  the  Greeks 
from  whom  they  had  plundered  it. 

Horrified  by  these  enormities,^  the  emperor  soon 
found  a  pretext  to  hurry  them  across  the  Bosphorus, 
still  giving  them  the  humane  caution,  to  wait  the  ar- 
rival of  stronger  forces,  before  they  attempted  to 

»  Guibert.  2  Baldric 


84  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

quit  Bithynia.  Here,  however,  their  barbarous  licen- 
tiousness soon  exceeded  all  bounds,  and  Peter  the 
Hermit  himself,  having  lost  command  over  his  tur- 
bulent followers,  returned  to  Constantinople  in  de- 
spair, upon  the  pretence  of  consulting  with  the  em- 
peror on  the  subject  of  provisions.' 

After  his  departure,  the  Lombards  and  Germans 
separated  themselves  from  the  French  and  Normans, 
whose  crimes  and  insolence  disgusted  even  their 
barbarous  fellows.  Gautier  sans  avoir  still  conti- 
nued in  command  of  the  French,  who  remained 
where  Peter  had  left  them ;  but  the  Italians^  and 
Germans  chose  for  their  leader  one  Renault,  or  Ri- 
naldo,  and,  marching  on,  made  themselves  masters 
of  a  fortress  called  Exorogorgon,  or  Xerigord.  Here 
they  were  attacked  by  the  sultaun  Soliman,  who  cut 
to  pieces  a  large  body  placed  in  ambuscade,  and  then 
invested  the  fort,  which,  being  ill  supplied  with 
water,  he  was  well  aware  must  surrender  before  long. 

For  eight  days  the  besieged  underwent  tortures 
too  dreadful  to  be  dwelt  upon,  from  the  most  ago- 
nizing thirst.  At  the  end  of  that  time,  Rinaldo  and 
his  principal  companions  went  over  to  the  Turks, 
abandoned  their  religion,  and  betrayed  their  brethren. 
The  castle  thus  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  infidels, 
the  Christians  that  remained  were  slaughtered  with- 
out mercy. 

The  news  of  this  disaster  was  soon  brought  to  the 
Flench  camp,  and  indignation  spread  among  the 
crusaders.^  Some  say  a  desire  of  vengeance,  some 
a  false  report  of  the  fall  of  Nice,  caused  the  French 
to  insist  upon  hurrying  forward  towards  the  Turkish 
territory.  Gautier  wisely  resisted  for  some  time  all 
the  entreaties  of  his  troops, but  at  length  finding  them 
preparing  to  inarch  without  his  consent,  he  put  him- 

1  Albert  of  Aix. 
Guibert  of  Nogent,  lib.  ii. ;  Albert  of  Aix,  lib.  i. ;  Orderic  Vital,  lib 
ix.     Mills  says  it  was  the  French  and  Normans  who  thus  advanced  into 
Uie  country,  but  the  great  majority  of  writers  is  against  him. 

8  Albert  of  Aix ;  WUUara  of  Tyre. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  86 

self  at  their  head,  and  led  them  towards  Nice.  Be 
fore  reaching  that  place,  he  was  encountered  by  the 
Turkish  forces.  The  battle  w'as  fierce,  but  unequal ; 
Gautier  and  his  knights  fought  with  desperate  cou- 
rage,' but  all  their  efibrts  were  vain  ;  the  Christians 
were  slaughtered  in  every  direction;  and  Gautier 
himself,  after  having  displayed  to  the  last  that  intre- 
pid valour  for  w^hich  he  was  renowned,  fell  under 
seven  mortal  wounds. 

Not  above  three  thousand  Christians  effected  their 
escape  to  Civitot.  Here  again  they  were  attacked 
by  the  Turks,  who  surrounded  the  fortress  with  vast 
piles  of  wood,  in  order  to  exterminate  by  fire  the  few 
of  the  crusaders  that  remained.  The  besieged,  how- 
ever, watched  their  moment,  and  while  the  wind  blew 
towards  the  Turkish  camp,  set  fire  to  the  wood  them- 
selves, which  tlius  was  consumed  without  injury  to 
them,  while  many  of  their  enemies  were  destroyed 
by  the  flames.^ 

In  the  mean  time  one  of  the  crusaders  had  made 
his  way  to  Constantinople,  and  communicated  the 
news  of  all  these  disasters  to  Peter  the  Hermit.  The 
unhappy  Peter,  painfully  disappointed,  like  all  those 
who  fix  their  enthusiasm  on  the  virtues  or  the  pru- 
dence of  mankind,  was  driven  almost  to  despair,  by 
the  folly  and  unworthiness  of  those  in  whom  he  had 
placed  his  hopes.  He  nevertheless  cast  himself  at 
the  feet  of  the  emperor  Alexius,^  and  besought  him, 
with  tears  and  supplications,  to  send  some  forces  to 
deliver  the  few  crusaders  who  had  escaped  from  the 
scimitar  of  the  Tuiks. 

The  monarch  granted  his  request,  and  the  little 
garrison  of  Civitot  were  brought  in  safety  to  Con- 
stantinople. After  their  arrival,  however,  Alexius 
ordered  them  to  disperse  and  return  to  their  own 
country ;  and  with  wase  caution  bought  their  arms 

1  Robert  the  Monk  ;  William  of  Tyre ;  Guibert  of  Nogent ;  Albert  of  Aix, 

2  Robert  the  Monk  ;.  Guibert  of  Nogent. 
s  William  of  Tyre ;  Albert  of  Aix. 


80  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

before  he  dismissed  them;'  thus  at  once  supplying 
them  with  money  for  their  journey,  and  depriving 
them  of  the  means  of  plundering  and  ravaging  his 
dominions  as  they  went.  Most  of  the  historians* 
of  that  age  accuse  Alexius  of  leaguing  with  the 
Turks,  even  at  this  period,  to  destroy  the  crusaders, 
or,  at  least,  of  triumphing  in  the  fall  of  those  very 
men  whom  he  had  himself  called  to  his  succour 

The  conduct  of  Alexius  in  this  transaction  is  not 
very  clear,  but  it  is  far  from  improbable  that,  fearful 
of  the  undisciplined  multitude  he  had  brought  into 
his  dominions,  horrified  by  their  crimes,  and  indig- 
nant at  their  pillage  of  his  subjects,  he  beheld  them 
fall  by  their  own  folly  and  the  swords  of  the  enemy, 
without  any  eftbrt  to  defend  them,  or  any  very  dis- 
agreeable feeling  at  their  destruction.  And  indeed, 
when  we  remember  the  actions  they  did  commit 
within  the  limits  of  the  Greek  empire,  we  can  hardly 
wonder  at  the  monarch,  if  he  rejoiced  at  their  punish- 
ment, or  blame  him  if  he  was  indiflferent  to  their  fate. 

Thus  ended  the  great  expedition  of  Peter  the  Her- 
mit :  but  several  others  of  a  similar  unruly  character 
took  place  previous  to  the  march  of  those  troops, 
whose  discipline,  valour,  and  unity  of  purpose  en- 
sured a  more  favourable  issue  to  t'heir  enterprise.  I 
shall  touch  but  briefly  upon  these  mad  and  barbarous 
attempts,  as  a  period  of  more  interest  follows. 

The  body  of  crusaders  which  seems  to  have  suc- 
ceeded immediately  to  that  led  by  Peter  the  Hermit 
was  composed  almost  entirely  of  Germans,  collected 
together  by  a  priest  called  Gottschalk.^  They  pene- 
trated into  Hungary;  but  there,  giving  way  to  all 
manner  of  excesses,  they  were  followed  by  Carlo- 
man,  the  king  of  that  country,  with  a  powerful  army, 
and  having  been  induced  to  lay  down  their  arms,  tliat 
the  criminals  might  be  selected  and  punished,  they 
were  slaughtered  indiscriminately  by  the  Hunga- 

1  Robert  the  Monk ;  Guibert  of  Nogent.  2  Ibid. 

3  William  of  Tyre ;  Albert  o  '  Aix. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  87 

rians,  who  were  not  a  little  glad  to  take  vengeance 
for  the  blood  shed  by  the  army  of  Peter  at  Semlin. 

About  the  same  period,  immense  bands  of  men  and 
women  came  forth  from  almost  cveiy  counti^'  of 
Europe,  with  the  symbol  of  the  ciusade  upon  their 
shoulders,  and  the  pretence  of  serving  God  upon  their 
lips.  They  joined  together  wheresoever  they  met, 
and,  excited  by  a  foul  spirit  of  fanatical  cruelty, 
mingled  with  the  most  infamous  moral  depravity, 
proceeded  towards  the  south  of  Germany.  They 
gave  themselves  up,  v\  e  are  told,'  to  the  pleasures  of 
the  table  without  intermission:  men  and  women,  and 
even  children,  it  is  said,  lived  in  a  state  of  promis- 
cuous debauchery  ;  and,  preceded  by  a  goose  and  a 
goat,^  v.iiich,  in  their  mad  fanaticism,  they  declared 
to  be  animated  by  the  divine  spirit,  they  marched 
onward,  slaughtering  the  Jews  as  they  went ;  and 
proclaiming  that  the  first  duty  of  Christians  was  lo 
exterminate  the  nation  which  had  rejected  the  Saviour 
himself.  Several  of  the  German  bisliops  bravely 
opposed  them,  and  en.deavoured  to  protect  the  un- 
happy Hebrews ;  but  still,  vast  multitudes  were  slain, 
and  many  even  sought  self-destruction  rather  than 
encounter  the  brutality  of  the  fanatics,  or  abjure  their 
religion. 

Glutted  with  slaughter,  the  ungodly  herd  now 
turned  towards  Hungary ;  but  at  Mersburg  they  were 
encountered  by  a  large  Hiuigarian  force,  which  dis- 
puted their  passage  over  tlie  Danube,  absolutely  re- 
fusing the  road  through  that  kingdom  to  any  future 
band  of  crusaders.  The  fanatics  forced  their  way 
across  the  river,  attacked  Mersburg  itself  with  great 
fury  and  perseverance,  and  succeeded  in  making  a 
breach  in  the  walls,  M'hen  suddenly  an  unaccount- 
able terror  seized  them — none  knew  how  or  why — 
they  abandoned  the  siege,  dispersed  in  dismay,  and 
fled  like  scattered  deer  over  the  countrj". 

'  Albert.  Aquensis  ;  William  of  Tyre.  2  Albert  of  Aix 


88  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRV. 

The  Hungarians  suffered  not  the  opportunity  to 
escape,  and  pursuing  tliem  on  every  side,  smote  them 
during  many  days  with  a  merciless  fury,  that  nothing 
but  their  own  dreadful  cruelties  could  palliate.  The 
fields  were  strewed  with  dead  bodies,  the  rivers 
flowed  with  blood,  and  the  very  waters  of  the  Danube 
are  said  to  have  been  hidden  by  the  multitude  of 
corpses. 

Disaster  and  death  had,  sooner  or  later,  overtaken 
each  body  of  the  crusaders  that  had  hitherto,  with- 
out union  or  command,  set  out  towards  the  Holy 
Land ;  but  each  of  these  very  bands  had  been  com- 
posed of  the  refuse  and  dregs  of  the  people.  I  do 
not  mean  by  that  word  dregs  tlie  poor,  but  I  mean  the 
base — I  do  not  mean  those  who  were  low  in  station, 
or  even  ignorant  in  mind;  but  I  mean  those  who 
Avere  infamous  in  crime,  and  brutal  in  desire.  Doubt- 
less, in  these  expeditions,  some  fell  who  were  ani- 
mated by  noble  motives  or  excellent  zeal ;  but  such 
were  few  compared  with  those  whose  objects  were 
plunder,  licentiousness,  and  vice.  The  swords  of 
the  Hungarians  and  the  Turks  lopped  these  away; 
and  I  cannot  find  in  my  heart  to  look  upon  the  puri- 
fication which  Europe  thus  underwent  with  any  thing 
like  sorrow.  The  crusade  itself  was  by  this  means 
freed  from  many  a  base  and  unworthy  member;  and 
Chivalry,  left  to  act  more  in  its  own  spirit,  though 
still  participating  deeply  in  the  faults  and  vices  of  a 
barbarous  age,  brought  about  a  nobler  epoch  and  a 
blighter  event. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVAX.RV.  89 


CHAPTER  V. 

TTit  jhivah-y  of  Europe  takes  the  Field— The  Leaders-  Godfrey  of  Bouil- 
lon— Cntiducts  his  Army  towards  Constantinople— Hugh  the  Great — 
Leads  his  Army  through  Italy — Embarks  for  Durazzo — Taken  Pri' 

soner — Liberated — Robert,  Duke  of  Normandy — Wi7iters  in  Italy 

Arrivp.t  at  Constantinople— Robert,  Count  of  Flanders— Joins  the  rest 
— Bnemond  of  Tarentum—Tancred— Their  March— Defeat  the  Greeks 
— Boemonddoes  Homage — Tancred  avoids  it — The  Count  of  Toulouse 
arrives — Refuses  to  do  Homage — Robert  (^Normandy  does  Homage. 

While  the  undisciplined  and  barbarous  multitudes 
who  first  set  out  were  hurrying  to  destruction,  va- 
rious princes  and  leaders  were  engaged,  as  I  have 
before  said,  in  collecting  the  Chivalry  of  Europe  under 
the  banner  of  the  Cross.  Six  distinguished  chiefs — 
Godfrej'-  of  Bouillon,  Duke  of  Loraine — Hugh  the 
Great,  Count  of  Vermandois,  and  brother  of  Philip, 
King  of  France — Robert,  Duke  of  Normandy,  brother 
of  William  Rufus— Robert,  Count  of  Flanders— Boe- 
mond.  Prince  of  Tarentum — and  Rainiond,  Count  of 
Toulouse— conducted  six  separate  armies  towards 
Constantinople:  and  I  propose,  in  this  chapter,  to 
follow  each  of  them  till  their  junction  in  Bithynia. 

It  is  indeed  a  pleasure  to  turn  our  eyes  from  scenes 
of  horror  and  crime  to  the  contemplation  of  those 
great  and  shining  qualities — those  noble  and  enthu- 
siastic virtues,  which  entered  into  the  compositiorv 
of  that  rare  quintessence,  the  spirit  of  Chivalry. 

Doubtless,  in  the  war  which  I  am  about  to  paint 
there  occurred  many  things  that  are  to  be  deeply  re- 
gretted, as  furnishing  abundantly  that  quantity  of 
alloy  which  is  ever,  unhappily,  mixed  with  virtue's 
purest  gold :  but,  at  the  same  time,  I  now  come  to 
speak  of  men,  in  many  of  whom  splendid  courage* 
and  moral  beauty,  and  religious  zeal,  and  temperate 
H 


00  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

■wisdom,  and  generous  magnanimity,  combined  to 
form  the  great  and  wonderful  of  this  earth's  chil- 
dren. Indeed,  if  ever  there  was  a  man  who  well 
merited  the  glorious  name  of  a  true  knight,  that  man 
was  Godfrey  of  Bouillon;  and  few  have  described 
him  without  becoming  poets  for  that  once. 

I  will  not  borrov/  from  Tasso — who  had  the  privi' 
lege  of  eulogium — but,  in  striving  to  paint  the  charac- 
ter of  the  great  leader  of  the  crusade,  I  shall  take 
the  words  of  one  of  the  simplest  of  the  writers  of 
his  age,'  and  give  them  as  nearly  as  possible  in  their 
original  tone  :  "  He  was  beautiful  in  countenance," 
says  Robert  the  Monk,  "tall  in  stature,  agreeable  in 
his  discourse,  admirable  in  his  morals,  and  at  the 
same  time  so  gentle,  that  he  seemed  better  fitted  for 
the  monk  than  for  the  knight ;  but  when  his  enemies 
appeared  before  him,  and  the  combat  approached,  his 
soul  became  filled  with  mighty  daring ;  like  a  lion, 
he  feared  not  for  his  person — and  what  shield,  what 
buckler,  could  resist  the  fall  of  his  sword  ?" 

Perhaps  of  all  men  of  the  age,  Godfrey  of  Bouillon 
was  the  most  distinguished.  His  mother  Ida,  daugh- 
ter of  Godfrey,  Duke  of  Loraine,  was  celebrated  for 
her  love  of  letters,^  and  from  her  it  is  probable  that 
Godfrey  himself  derived  that  taste  for  literature,  so 
singular  among  the  warriors  of  that  day.  He  spoke 
several  languages,  excelled  in  every  chivalrous  ex- 
ercise, was  calm  and  deliberate  m  council,  firm  and 
decided  in  resolution;  he  was  active,  clearsighted, 
and  prudent,  while  he  was  cool,  frank,  and  daring ; 
in  the  battle  he  was  fierce  as  the  lion,  but  in  victory 
he  was  moderate  and  humane. 

Though  still  in  his  prime  of  years  when  the  cru- 
sades were  preached,  he  was  already  old  in  exploits : 
he  had  upheld  Henry  IV.  on  the  imperial  throne,  had 
attacked  and  forced  the  walls  of  Rome,  and  had 
shone  in  a  hundred  fields,  where  his  standard  ever 
was  raised  upon  the  side  of  honour  and  of  virtue. 

^  Kobenus  Monachus,  lib.  i  i  Guiberl  of  Nogeni. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  91 

Long  ere  the  idea  of  such  an  entei-prise  as  the 
crusade  became  general  in  Europe,  Godfrey  had 
often  been  heard  to  declare,  when  tales  were  brought 
]iim  of  the  miseries  of  the  Holy  Land,  that  he  longed 
to  travel  to  Jerusalem,'  not  with  staff  and  scrip,^  but 
with  spear  and  shield ;  and  it  may  well  be  conceived 
that  his  was  one  of  the  first  standards  raised  in  the 
ranks  of  the  Cross.  A  fever  that  had  hung  upon 
him  for  some  time  left  him  at  the  tidings,  and  he  felt 
as  if  he  had  shaken  off  a  load  of  years,  and  reco- 
vered all  his  youth. ^ 

His  fame  as  a  leader  soon  collected  an  immense 
number  of  other  barons  and  knights,  who  willingly 
ranged  themselves  imder  his  banner  ;  and  we  find  that 
besides  Baldwin,  his  brother* — and  many  other  rela- 
tions—the lords  of  St.  Paul,  of  Hainault,  of  Gray, 
of  Toul,  of  Hache,  of  Conti,  and  of  Montagne,  with 
their  knights  and  retainers,  had  joined  him  before  the 
beginning  of  August,^  and  towards  the  middle  of  that 
month  they  began  their  march  with  all  the  splendoiu" 
of  Chivaliy.^ 

The  progress  of  this  new  body  of  crusaders  was 
directed,  like  that  of  Peter  the  Hermit,  towards  Hun- 
gary ;  but  the  conduct  maintained  by  the  followers 
of  Godfrey  was  as  remarkable  for  its  strict  discipline, 
moderation,  and  order,  as  that  of  his  predecessors 
had  been  for  turbulence  and  excess.'^  The  first  ob- 
jects, however,  that  presented  themselves  on  the 
Hungarian  frontier  were  the  unburied  corpses  of  the 
fanatic  crowd  slain  near  Mersburg. 

Here  then  Godfrey  paused  during  three  weeks,^  in- 
vestigating calmly  the  causes  of  the  bloody  specta- 
cle before  him;  after  which  he  wrote  to  Carloman, 
king  of  Hungary ;  and  his  letter  on  this  occasion, 
mingling  firmness  with  moderation,  gives  a  fair  pic- 
ture of  his  noble  and  dignified  character.     Having 

1  Guibert  of  Nogent.    2  See  note  VIII.  3  VVill.  Malmsburv 

*  Will,  of  Tyre  ;  Albert  «f  Aix.  5  Albert  of  Aix. 

«Guibert  of  Nogent.    7  Guibert  ;  Will.  Tyr.      8  Albert  of  Aix. 


92  HISTORY  OF    CHIVALRY. 

mentioned  the  horrible  sight  M'hich  had  arrested  him 
in  his  progress,  and  the  rumours  he  had  heard,  he 
proceeds — "  However  severe  may  have  been  the 
punishment  inflicted  on  our  brethren,  whose  remains 
lie  round  about  us,  if  that  punishment  was  merited, 
our  anger  shall  expire  ;  but  if,  on  the  contrary,  you 
have  calumniated  the  innocent,  and  given  them  up  to 
death,  we  will  not  pass  over  in  silence  the  murder  of 
the  servants  of  God,  but  will  instantly  show  our- 
selves ready  to  avenge  the  blood  of  our  brethren.'" 

It  was  easy  for  Carloman  to  prove  that  the  aggres- 
sion had  been  on  the  side  of  the  crusaders;  and  after 
various  acts  of  confidence  between  Godfrey-  and  the 
king,  the  army  of  the  Cross  was  permitted  to  pass 
through  Hungary,  which  they  accomplished  in  safety 
and  peace,  maintaining  the  strictest  discipline  and 
regularity,  and  trading  with  the  people  of  the  country 
with  good  faith  and  courtesy.  Hence,  proceeding 
through  Bulgaria  and  Thrace,  Godfrey  led  his  troops 
peacefully  on  to  Philippopoli,  where  he  was  met  by 
deputies  from  the  emperor,  charged  with  orders  to 
see  that  the  crusaders  should  be  furnished  with  every 
kind  of  necessary  provision. 

In  passing  through  Dacia  and  Bulgaria,  the  army 
of  Godfrey  had  been  not  a  little'^  straitened  foi 
food,  and  it  is  impossible  to  say  what  might  have 
been  the  consequences,  had  the  same  dearth  been  suf- 
fered to  continue.  The  prudent  conduct  of  the  em- 
peror did  away  all  cause  of  violence,  and  after  the 
arrival  of  his  deputies,  the  troops  of  the  Cross  cele- 
brated his  liberality  with  joy  and  gratitude. 

News  soon  reached  the  armjr^  of  Godfrey,  how- 
ever, which  changed  their  opinion  of  Alexius,  and 
showed  him  as  the  subtle  and  treacherous  being  that 
he  really  was.  To  explain  what  this  news  consisted 
of,  I  must  turn  for  a  moment  to  another  party  of  cru- 


«  William  of  Tyre  i  Albertof  Aix. 

'  Albert.  Aquensia  Will  Tvr. ;  Albert.  Aquena, 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  93 

sadeis,  who,  while  Godfrey  pursued  his  peaceful 
course  through  Hungary,  marched  towards  the  gene- 
ral meeting-place  at  Constantinople,  by  the  way  of 
Italy. 

Hugh,  Count  of  Vermandois,  had  assembled  an 
army  even  superior  in  number  to  that  of  Godfrey  of 
Bouillon,  and  was  himself  in  every  respect  calcu- 
lated to  shine  at  the  head  of  such  an  armament.  He 
was  gallant,'  brave,  handsome,  and  talented ;  but  the 
calm  and  dignified  spirit  of  moderation,  which  so 
characterized  Godfrey  of  Bouillon,  was  wanting  in 
the  brother  of  the  French  king.  Joined  to  his  expe- 
dition, though  marching  in  separate  bodies,  and  at 
distinct  times,^  were  the  troops  of  Robert,  Duke  of 
Normandy,  and  Stephen,  Count  of  Blois ;  with  those 
of  Robert,  Count  of  Flanders,  in  another  division.'^ 

The  count  of  Vermandois,  impetuous  and  proud, 
took  his  departure  before  his  companions,  traversed 
Italy,  and  embarking  at  Barri,  landed  with  but  a 
scanty  train  at  Durazzo.  His  expectations  were 
high,  and  his  language  haughty,  supposing  he  should 
find  in  the  Greek  emperor  the  same  humbled  suppli- 
cant who  had  craved,  in  abject  terms,  assistance 
against  the  infidels  from  his  Christian  brethren  of 
the  west.  But  the  position  of  the  emperor  had  now 
changed.  The  Turks,  occupied  with  other  interests, 
no  longer  menaced  his  frontier.     The  imperial  city 

iGuibert.  2Fulcher;  Guibert;  Will.  Tyr. ;  Albert. 

3  I  have  taken  perhaps  more  pains  than  was  necessary  to  investigate 
this  part  of  the  crusaders'  proceedings,  which  I  found  nearly  as  much 
confused  in  the  writings  of  Mills  as  in  those  of  the  contemporary  au- 
thors. Some  assert  that  the  whole  mass  of  the  western  crusaders  pro- 
ceeded in  one  body  through  Italy;  but  finding  that  Fulcher,  who  accom- 
panied Robert  of  Normandy  and  Stephen  of  Blois,  never  mentions  Hugh 
of  Vermandois ;  that  Guibert  speaks  of  that  prince's  departure  first; 
that  the  Archbishop  of  Tyre  marks  the  divisions  distinctly,  and  that  he 
certainly  embarked  at  a  different  port  in  Italy  from  the  rest,  I  have  been 
led  to  conclude,  that  though  probably  looking  up  to  Hugh  as  the  brother 
of  their  sovereign,  the  three  great  leaders  proceeded  separately  on  their 
march.  Roberlus  Monachus  is  evidently  mistaken  altogether,  as  he  j(  ins 
Uie  Count  of  Toulouse  with  the  army  of  Hugh,  when  we  know  from 
Uaimond  d'Agiles  that  that  nobleman  conducted  hia  troops  through 
Hclavonia. 


#^  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

slept  in  peace  and  splendour;  and  if  he  had  any 
thing  to  fear,  it  was  from  his  own  restless  and  turbu- 
lent subjects  rather  than  from  his  Saracen  foes.  Nor, 
in  fact,  had  he  ever  been  desirous  of  any  thing  like 
the  expedition  that  was  entering  his  dominions. 
He  had  prayed  for  aid  and  assistance  to  defend  his 
country,  but  Urban  had  preached  a  crusade,  and  the 
princes  were  now  in  arms  to  reconquer  the  Chris- 
tian territories  in  Asia,  as  well  as  to  protect  those  of 
Europe.  He  had  gladly  heard  of  the  crusade,  and 
willingly  consented  to  it,  it  is  true,  as  he  well  knew 
it  would  afford  a  mighty  diversion  in  his  favour,  but 
he  then  dreamed  not  of  the  armed  millions  that  were 
now  swarming  towards  his  capital.  His  position, 
too,  had  changed,  as  I  have  said,  and  he  immediately 
determined  upon  a  line  of  policy  well  suited  to  the 
weak  subtlety  of  his  character. 

Alexius  was  one  of  those  men  whose  minds  are 
not  of  sufficient  scope  to  view  life  as  a  whole,  and 
who  therefore  have  not  one  great  object  in  their 
deeds  ;  who  act  for  the  petty  interests  of  the  moment, 
and  whose  cunning,  compared  with  the  talents  of  a 
really  great  mind,  is  like  the  skill  of  a  fencing-master 
compared  with  the  genius  of  a  great  general.  He 
saw  not,  and  felt  not,  the  vast  ultimate  benefit  which 
he  might  receive  from  maintaining  a  dignified  friend- 
ship with  the  princes  commanding  the  crusade.  He 
did  not  perceive  what  an  immense  and  powerful  en- 
gine was  placed,  if  he  chose  it,  at  his  disposition. — - 
in  his  narrow  selfishness,  he  only  beheld  a  temporary 
danger  from  the  great  forces  that  were  approaching, 
and  he  strove  to  diminish  them  by  every  base  and 
petty  artifice.  He  did  not  endeavour  to  make  him- 
self great  by  their  means,  but  he  tried  to  bring  them 
down  to  his  own  littleness.  It  is  true,  that  on  some 
occasions  he  showed  feelings  of  liberality  and  human- 
ity ;  bnt  from  his  general  conduct  it  is  but  fair  to  in- 
fer that  these  were  the  inconsistencies  of  selfishness ; 
and  that  though  he  was  sometimes  prudent  enough 


HISTORV    OF    CHIVALRY.  95 

to  be  liberal,  he  was  not  wise  enough  to  be  uniformly 
(Teneroiis. 

On  the  arrival  of  Huf^h  at  Durazzo,  he  was  at  first 
received  with  respect,  and  entertained  with  honour 
and  profusion  ;  and  thus  finding  himself  at  ease,  he 
v;as  induced  to  remain  for  a  time  in  confident  se- 
curity. Suddenly,  however,  without  a  pretence  for 
such  violence,  he  was  arrested,  together  with  his 
train,  and  sent  to  Constantinople,  some  authors  say, 
in  chains.^ 

Nevertheless,  it  is  not  probable  that  Alexius  dared 
to  carry  his  inhospitality  so  far ;  and  one  of  the  his- 
torians2  of  the  day  particularly  marks,  that  the  pri- 
soner was  treated  with  every  testimony  of  respect. 
Guibert  also  ventures  a  supposition  respecting  the 
motives  of  Alexius,  far  superior  to  the  general  steril 
course  of  ancient  chronicles.  He  imagines — and  I 
wonder  that  the  idea  has  not  been  adopted  by  any 
one — that  the  object  of  the  Greek  emperor,  in  con- 
fining Hugh,  v/as  to  obtain  from  him,  before  the 
other  princes  should  arrive,  that  act  of  homage 
v^ilich  he  intended  to  exact  from  all.  The  brother 
of  the  king  of  France  himself  having  taken  the  oath, 
M'ould  be  so  strong  a  precedent,  that  it  is  more  than 
probable,  Alexius3  fancied  the  rest  of  the  crusaders 
would  easily  agree  to  do  that  v/hich  their  superior 
in  rank  had  done  previous  to  their  arrival. 

At  Philippopoli^  the  news  of  Hugh's  imprison- 
ment reached  the  anny  of  Godfrey  de  Bouillon,  and 
with  the  prompt  but  prudent  firmness  of  that  great 
leader's  character,  he  instantly  sent  messengers  to 
Alexius,  demanding  the  immediate  liberation  of  the 
Count  of  Vermandois  and  his  companions,  accom- 
panying the  m.essage  with  a  threat  of  hostilities,  if 
the  demand  were  not  conceded. 

Godfrey  then  marched  on  to  Adrianople,^  where 

1  Albert  of  Aix  ,  William  of  Tyre.        2  Guibert.        3  Jbid.  lib.  ii. 
4  WiU.  Tyr.  lib.  ii.  5  Albert  of  Aix ;  William  of  TvTO 


06  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

he  was  met  by  his  deputies,  bringing  the  refusal  of 
the  emperor  to  comply  with  his  request :  in  conse- 
quence of  which  the  country  was  instantly  given  up 
to  pillage ;  and  so  signal  were  the  effects  of  this 
sort  of  vengeance,  that  Alexius  speedily  found  him- 
self forced  to  put  his  prisoners  at  liberty.  The  mo- 
ment that  a  promise  to  this  effect  was  received, 
Godfrey  recalled  his  forces ;  and  with  wonderful  dis- 
cipline and  subordination,  they  instantly  abandoned 
the  ravages  they  were  before  licensed  to  commit, 
and  marched  on  peacefully  towards  Constantinople. 
Had  the  armies  of  the  Cross  continued  to  show  such 
obedience  and  moderation,  Palestine  would  now 
have  been  Christian. 

^  In  the  neighbourhood  of  the  imperial  city  Godfrey 
pitched  his  tents,  and  the  innumerable'  multitude  of 
his  steel-clad  warriors  struck  terror  into  the  heart 
of  the  fearful  monarch  of  the  east.^  To  the  Count 
of  Vermandois,  however,  it  was  a  sight  of  joy  ;  and 
issuing  forth  from  Constantinople  with  his  friends 
and  followers,  he  galloped  forv/ard  to  the  immense 
camp  of  the  crusaders,  where,  casting  himself  into 
the  arms  of  Godfrey,^  he  gave  himself  up  to  such 
transports  of  delight  and  gratitude,  that  the  bystand- 
ers were  moved  to  tears. 

The  emperor  now  turned  the  whole  force  of  his 
artful  mind  to  wring  from  Godfrey  an  act  of  homage, 
and  for  several  weeks  he  continued,  by  every  sort  of 
fluctuating  baseness,  to  disturb  his  repose,  and  to 
irritate  his  followers.  At  one  time,  he  was  all  pro- 
fessions of  kindness  and  liberality ;  at  another,  he 
breathed  nothing  but  warfare  and  opposition.  Some- 
times the  markets  were  shut  to  the  crusaders,  some- 
times the  private  stores  of  the  emperor  himself  were 
opened. 

1  Albert  of  Aix  2  Guibert. 

3  Albert  of  Aix ;  Robertus  Monachua;  Will.  Tyr. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY  97 

At  length,  after  having  twice  defeated  the  bands 
of  plunderers  sent  by  Alexius  to  attack  him,'  God- 
frey gave  way  to  his  wrath,  and  for  six  days  suc- 
cessively ravaged  the  country  round  Constantinople 
with  fire  and  sword.  Alexius  on  this  again  changed 
his  conduct,  and  with  every  profession  of  regard  de- 
manded an  interview  with  the  chief  of  the  crusaders, 
offering  his  son  as  a  hostage  for  his  good  faith 
With  this  safeguard  Godfrey,  followed  by  several 
other  noble  knights,  entered  Constantinople,  and 
proceeded  to  the  imperial  palace,  clothed  in  his 
robes  of  peace,^  and  bearing  purple  and  ermine  and 
gold,  instead  of  the  iron  panoply  of  war.^ 

The  great  leader  was  received  by  the  emperor 
with  the  highest  distinction,  was  honoured  with  the 
kiss  of  peace,  and  underwent  that  curious  ceremony 
of  an  adoption  of  honour  (as  it  was  then  called)  as 
son  to  the  emperor.^     He  was  clothed  with  imperial 

1  Will.TjT. ;  Rob.  Mon. ;  Guibert ;  Albert.  Aqnens.       2  Albert  of  Alx, 

3  Mills,  in  speaking  of  this  interview,  does  not  distinguish  between 
the  coat-of-arms  and  the  mantle  or  pallium.  They  were,  however,  very 
different,  and  never,  that  I  know  of,  worn  together.  The  coat-of-arms 
was  usually  extremely  small ;  and  the  form  may  be  gathered  from  the 
anecdote  of  an  ancient  baron,  who,  not  readily  finding  his  coat-of-arms, 
seized  tlie  cloth  of  a  banner,  made  a  slit  in  the  centre  with  his  sword, 
and  passing  his  head  through  the  aperture,  thus  went  to  battle.  These 
customs  however  often  changed,  and  we  find  many  instances  of  the 
coat-of-arms  being  worn  long.  The  mantle  was  the  garb  of  peace,  and 
was  even  more  richly  decorated  than  the  coat-of-arms.  Anoiher  peace- 
ful habiliment  was  the  common  snrcoat,  which  differed  totally  from  the 
tunic  worn  over  the  armour,  having  large  sleeves  and  cuffs,  as  we  find 
from  the  notes  upon  Joinville.  The  size  of  this  garment  may  be  very 
nearly  ascertained  from  the  same  account,  which  mentions  736  ermines 
having  been  used  in  one  surcoat  worn  by  the  king  of  France.  See 
Joinville  by  Ducange. 

For  the  use  of  the  pallium,  or  mantle,  see  St.  Palaye-^notes  on  the 
Fourth  Part. 

''  1  have  not  chosen  to  represent  this  interview  in  the  colours  with 
which  Mills  has  painted  it.  The  princess  Anna,  from  whom  he  took  his 
view  of  the  subject,  can  in  no  degree  be  depended  upon.  Her  object 
was  to  represent  her  father  as  a  dignified  monarch,  receiving  with  cold 
pomp  a  train  of  barbarous  warriors  ;  but  the  truth  was,  that  Alexius 
was  in  no  slight  measure  terrified  at  Godfrey  and  his  host,  and  sought 
by  every  means  to  cajole  him  into  compliance  with  his  wishes.  Almost 
every  other  historian  declares  that  the  crusaders  were  received  with  tlia 
Utmost  condescension  and  courtesy.    Robert  of  Paris,  one  of  Godfrey's 


98  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

robes,'  and  the  monarch,  calling  him  his  son,  nomi- 
nally placed  his  empire  at  Godfrey's  disposal.  In 
return  for  the  distinctions  he  had  received — and  pro- 
bably pressed  by  Hugh,  Count  of  Vermandois,  who 
loved  not  to  stand  alone,  in  having  yielded  homage  to 
Alexius — Godfrey  consented  to  give  the  emperor  his 
hand,  according  to  the  feudal  fonns  of  France,  and 
to  declare  himself  his  liegeman. 

His  fears  dissipated  by  this  concession,  and  his 
hopes  of  winning  the  princes  who  were  to  follow, 
by  so  illustrious  an  example,  raised  to  the  highest 
pitch,  Alexius  loaded  Godfrey  and  his  followers  with 
magnificent  presents,  and  suffered  them  to  depart. 
Peace  was  now  permitted  to  remain  unbroken;  and 
after  having  refreshed  themselves  for  some  days, 
the  army  of  the  crusaders  passed  the  Hellespont, 
tind  encamped  at  Chalcedon,^  to  wait  the  arrival  of 
their  brethren. 

It  is  more  than  probable  that  Godfrey  v/as  induced 
to  quit  the  original  place  of  rendezvous  by  the  soli- 
citations of  Alexius,  who  took  care,  it  has  been  since 
observed,  to  guard  his  capital  from  the  presence  of 
any  two  of  the  crusading  hosts  at  one  time. 

i3oemond,  prince  of  Tarentum,  and  son  of  the  fa- 
mous Guiscard,  had  quitted  Italy  shortly  after  the 
departure  of  Godfrey  from  Loraine.  Various  tales 
are  told  of  the  manner  in  which  he  first  declared  his 
purpose  of  joining  the  crusade.  Some  have  asserted, 
that  on  hearing  of  the  expedition,  while  engaged  in 
the  siege  of  Amalfi,  he  dashed  his  armour  to  pieces 
with  his  battle-axe,^  and  caused  it  to  be  formed  into 
small  crosses,  which  he  distributed  among  his  sol- 
diery. Others  reduce  the  anecdote  to  a  less  chival- 
rous but  perhaps  more  civilized  degree  of  energy, 

noble  followers,  did  indeed  seat  himself  on  the  throne  of  Alexius,  and 
replied  to  Baldwin's  remonstrance  b\-  a  braggart  boast,  for  which  the 
emperor  only  reproved  him  by  a  contemptuous  sneer.  This,  however, 
•would,  if  any  thing,  prove  that  the  pride  and  haughtiness  was  on  (he 
part  of  the  crusaders  rather  than  on  that  of  the  imperial  court. 

1  Albert  of  Aix  *  William  of  Tyn         2  Albert  of  Aix.        3  Vertot 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  99 

and  state,  that  he  caused  his  mantle  to  be  cut  into 
crosses  for  his  troops.' 

As  many  relate  the  tale,  it  is  likely  to  have  had 
some  foundation ;  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  Boe- 
mond  abandoned  all  his  vast  possessions  in  Italy, 
with  the  reserve  only  of  Tarentum,  and  devoted 
himself  to  the  wars  of  the  Cross.  His  presence 
might  have  proved  more  generally  advantageous  to 
the  cause,  had  he  not,  by  this  enthusiastic  renuncia- 
tion, given  himself  other  motives  in  the  warfare  be- 
fore him,  besides  those  of  religion  and  hum.anity. 
He  had  naturally  in  his  veins  quite  sufficient  of  the 
blood  of  Guiscard  to  require  no  additional  stimulus 
to  the  desire  of  conquering  for  himself.  He  was 
nevertheless  one  of  the  best  soldiers  of  the  Cross,  so 
far  as  military  skill  availed — bold,  powerful,  keen, 
and  active ;  and  possessing  that  sort  of  shreAvd  and 
even  wily  art,  which,  joined  with  his  other  qualities, 
formed  an  enterprising  and  successful  leader,  more 
perhaps  than  a  distinguished  knight. 

With  him,  however,  came  the  noblest  of  all  the 
Christian  Chivalry,  Tancred — whose  valour,  genero- 
sity, enthusiasm,  and  courtesy  have  been  the  theme 
of  so  many  a  song — of  whom  Tasso,  in  seeking  to 
describe  him  in  the  highest  language  of  poetry,  could 
say  nothing  more  than  truth, 

Vien  poi  Taiicredi,  e  non  ^  alcun  fra  tanti 
Traiine  Rinaldo — O  feritor  maggiore, 
O  piu  bel  di  maniere  e  di  sembianti 
O  piu  eccelso  ed  entrepido  di  core.  2 

Few  characters  can  be  conceived  more  opposed 
to  each  other  than  those  of  the  relations,^  Tancred 
and  Boemond ;  and  yet  we  find  Tancred  willingly 
serving  in  the  army  of  the  Prince  of  Tarentum,  as 

1  Robert  the  Monk.  2  Gerusalemme,  cant.  i. 

3  What  the  relationship  exactly  was  I  have  not  been  able  to  discover. 
Mills  doe:!  not  satisfy  me  that  the  mother  of  Tancred  was  the  sister  of 
Rol)ert  Guiscard.  The  expressions  of  Redph  of  Caen  on  the  subject 
appear  to  be  obscure 


100  HISTORY   OF    CHIVALRY. 

second  to  that  chief.  The  same  unambitious  mo- 
desty is  to  be  discovered  throughout  the  whole  his- 
tory of  the  young  knight ;  and  though  we  ever  be- 
hold him  opposed  to  meannesses,  by  whomsoever 
they  may  be  adopted,  we  still  see  him  willing  to 
take  upon  himself  the  danger  and  labour  of  an  infe- 
rior station. 

Under  the  banners  of  these  chiefs  marched  a  host 
of  Italian  and  Norman  nobles  ;  the  army,  it  is  said, 
amounting  to  ten  thousand  horse,'  and  an  immense 
multitude  of  foot,  in  which  view  of  the  forces  we 
must  remember  that  only  men  of  noble  birth  were 
usually  admitted  to  fight  on  horsebac-k.^  These 
troops  were  even  increased  as  they  marched  to  the 
seacoast  of  Apulia;  and  the  great  body  of  those 
Normans  who,  not  a  century  before,  had  taken  com- 
plete possession  of  the  country,  now  left  it  for  the 
Holy  Land. 

Mills,^  following  his  particular  theory,  supposes 
Urban  the  pope  to  smile  with  triumphant  self-gratu- 
lation  on  seeing  the  army  of  Eoemond  depart ;  but 
it  seems  strange,  that  the  prelate  should  rejoice  in 
the  absence  of  the  very  men  by  whom  he  had  been 
always  protected,  while  his  enemies  remained,  and 
were  even  in  possession  of  the  old  church  of  St. 
Peter*  at  Rome,  as  we  learn  by  a  contemporary  cru- 
sader. 

The  forces  of  Boemond  and  Tancred  landed  at 
Durazzo,  and  made  their  wa}^  wdth  much  more  regu- 
larity than  could  have  been  expected,  through  Epi- 
rus.^  They  were  harassed,  however,  on  their  march 
by  various  skirmishes  with  the  Greek  troops,  who 
did  every  thing  in  their  power  to  destroy  the  crusad- 
ing army,  although  Alexius^  had  sent  messengers  to 
Boemond  himself  congratulating  him  on  his  arrival, 
and  promising  every  kind  of  assistance.  These 
attacks,  nevertheless,  only  amounted  to  a  petty  degree 

1  Albert  of  Aix  2  St.  Palaye.  3  Mills,  chap.  3 

4  Fulcher.  6  Raoul  de  Caen.        €  William  of  Tyrs 


HISTOR\    OF    CHIVALRY.  10 1 

of  annoyance,  till  the  host  of  the  Cross  came  to  the 
passage  of  the  Axiiis.  Here,  a  part  of  the  forces 
having-  traversed  the  river  with  almost  the  whole  of 
the  cavalry,  the  rear  of  the  army  was  suddenly  at- 
tacked by  an  infinitely  superior  body  of  Greeks.' 

Tancred,  already  on  the  other  side,  lost  not  a  mo- 
ment, but,  spurring  his  horse  into  the  water,  followed 
by  about  two  thousand  knights,  he  charged  the 
Greeks  so  vigorously  as  to  drive  them  back  with 
considerable  loss  in  killed  and  prisoners.  When 
brought  before  Boemond,  the  captives  justified  them- 
selves by  avouching  the  commands  of  the  emperor, 
and  Tancred  would  fain  have  pursued  and  extermi- 
nated the  forces  of  the  perfidious  Greek.  Boemond, 
however,  more  prudently  forbore,  and,  without  retalia- 
tion of  any  kind,  advanced  to  Adrianople. 

I  see  no  reason  to  qualify  this  moderation  as  sub- 
tilty,  which  Mills  has  not  scrupled  to  do.  Boemond 
was  artful  beyond  all  doubt,  but  this  was  not  a  fair 
instance  of  any  thing  but  wisdom  and  self-command. 
At  Adrianople,  well  knowing  the  character  of  Alex- 
ius, to  whom  he  had  frequently  been  opposed,  and 
foreseeing  that  his  troops  might  be  irritated  by  va- 
rious acts  of  annoyance,^  Boemond  drew  up  his 
army,  and,  in  a  calm  and  temperate  speech,  repre- 
sented to  them  that  they  had  taken  up  arms  in  the 
cause  of  Christ,  and  therefore  that  it  was  their  duty 
to  refrain  from  all  acts  of  hostility  towards  their 
fellow-christians. 

Shortly  after  this,  the  Prince  of  Tarentum  was 
met  by  deputies  from  the  emperor,  inviting  him  to 
come  on  with  all  speed  to  Constantinople,  leaving 
his  army  behind,  under  the  command  of  Tancred, 
Boemond  at  first  refused  to  trust  himself  in  the  power 
of  his  ancient  enemy,'*  but   Godfrey  of  Bouillon 

1  Raoul  de  Caen  ;  William  of  Tyre ;  Albert  of  Aix;  Guibert. 

2  Orderic.  Vital,  lib.  ix. 

S  Boemond  liad  inherited  all  hie  father's  hatred  to  the  Greek  sovereigns, 
end  had  waged  many  a  bloody  and  successftil  war  ajainst  A!o\ius  himseli' 


102  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

having  visited  him  in  person,  and  guarantied  his  se- 
curity, the  Italian  chief  agreed  to  the  arrangement 
proposed,  and  accompanied  the  Duke  of  Loraine  to 
the  imperial  palace.  Gold  and  dominion  were  al- 
ways motives  of  great  force  with  the  mind  of  Boe- 
mond,  and  Alexius  did  not  spare  such  temptations, 
either  present  or  to  come,  for  the  purpose  of  inducing 
the  Prince  of  Tarentum  to  do  homage  to  the  eastern 
empire.  His  promises  were  limitless,  and  the  actual 
presents'  which  he  heaped  upon  the  Normo-Italian 
immense.  He  also  granted  him,  it  is  said,  a  territory 
in  Romania,  consisting,  in  length,  of  as  much  ground 
as  a  horse  could  travel  in  fifteen  days ;  and,  in 
breadth,^  of  as  much  as  could  be  traversed  in  eight ; 
besides  which,  he  loaded  him  with  jewels  and  gold, 
and  rich  vestments,  till  Boemond,  from  one  of  his 
most  inveterate  enemies,  became  one  of  his  firmest 
allies.  This,  indeed,  proceeded  from  no  confidence 
or  friendship  on  either  side.  Boemond  still  felt  how 
little  Alexius  could  forgive  the  injuries  he  had  in 
former  days  inflicted,  and  dared  not  trust  himself 
to  eat  of  the  meat  set  before  him  at  the  emperor's 
table. 

Alexius,  with  all  the  penetration  of  his  race,  evi- 
dently dived  into  the  Norman's  thoughts,  and  saw  that 
lie  aspired  even  to  the  imperial  crown  itself.^  No  re- 
liance, therefore,  existed  between  them ;  but,  on  the 
one  hand,  Boemond,  for  considerations  of  interest, 
forgot  his  dignity,  and  did  homage  to  the  emperor, 
■while  Alexius,  on  his  part,  agreed  that  the  homage 
should  be  void,  if  the  promises  he  made  were  not 
exactly  fulfilled.'* 

The  newsof  his  relation's  humiliation  soon  reached 
Tancred,  who  was  leading  on  their  united  forces 
towards  Constantinople ;  and  though  unquestionably, 
the  lamentation  attributed  to  him  by  his  biographer^ 


1  Will.  Tyr. ;  Albert.  Aqucns.  5i  Raoul  de  Caen  ;  Guihcrt. 

s  Alexiad  parDucange     4  Guibert,  lib.  iii.    5  Radulph.  Cad.cap.  11. 


HISTORY   OF    CHIVALRY.  103 

is  somewhat  more  poetical  than  real,  little  doubt  can 
be  entertained  that  the  gallant  prince  was  painfully 
struck  by  Boemond's  disg-raceful  concessions.  Hugh 
of  Vermaudois  had  done  homage  to  obtain  his  liberty ; 
Oodfre3'of  Bouillon,  to  restore  peace  and  unanimity 
between  the  Christian  emperor  and  the  crusaders ; 
Boemond  sold  his  homage,  with  no  palliating  cir- 
cumstance. 

The  determination  of  Tancred  seems  to  have  been 
taken  almost  immediately  on  hearing  this  news,  and 
marching  upon  Constantinople  as  if  it  were  his  inten- 
tion to  follow  exactly  the  course  of  his  relation,  he 
suddenly'  crossed  the  Hellespont^  without  giving 
notice  to  any  one,  and  joined  the  army  of  Godfrey 
at  Chalcedon.2 

Tliis  conduct  greatly  irritated  Alexius,  and  he 
made  several  efforts  to  bring  Tancred  back  without 
success;  but  the  arrival  of  Raimond  de  St.  Gilles, 
Count  of  Toulouse,  with  the  immense  army  of  the 
Languedocian  crusaders,  soon  called  the  attention  of 
the  emperor  in  another  direction.  The  Count  of 
Toulouse  has  been  very  variously  represented,  and 
no  doubt  can  exist  that  he  was  a  bold  and  skilful 
leader,  a  courageous  and  resolute  man.  He  was,  it 
is  said,  intolerant  and  tenacious  of  reverence,  fond  of 
pomp  and  display,  and  withal  revengeful,  though  his 
revenge  was  always  of  abold  and  open  character.  Not 
so  his  avarice,  which  led  him  to  commit  as  many 
pitiful  meannesses  as  ever  sprang  from  that  basest 
of  desires.  He  was  proud,  too,  beyond  all  question  ; 
but  where  his  covetousness  did  not  overbalance  the 

'  Radulph.  Cadom.  cap.  12. 

2  Albert  us  Aquensis  says  that  Tancred  took  with  him  the  whole 
army.  William  of  Tyre  follows  the  same  opinion,  as  well  as  Guibert. 
Orderic  Vital  declares  that  when  the  trooi)S  were  passing,  Tancred 
drc-ssed  himself  as  a  common  soldier,  and  passed  amonji  the  crowd  ;  but 
Hadulphus  Cadomensis  (or  Raoul  of  Caen,  as  the  French  translate 
his  name),  who  was  his  companion  and  friend  in  al'ter-years,  makes  no 
mention  of  his  having  taken  with  him  any  part  of  the  forces  he  com- 
manded, merely  stating,  that  in  his  eagerness  to  pass  before  he  was  dis- 
covered, he  aided  to  row  the  boat  himself 


104  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

Other  great  principle  of  his  nature,  he  maintained, 
in  his  general  conduct,  that  line  of  moral  firmness 
which  dignifies  pride,  and  raises  it  almost  to  a  virtue. 

Under"  the  banners  of  the  Count  of  Toulouse 
marched  the  gay  Chivalry  of  all  the  south  of 
France — Gascons,  andProvengals,  and  Auvergnats — 
people,  in  whose  hearts  the  memory  of  Saracen  in- 
vasions from  Spain  was  still  fresh ;  and  whose  quick 
and  passionate  dispositions  had  at  once  embraced 
with  enthusiasm  the  holy  war.  A  glorious  train  of 
lords  and  knights  followed  their  noble  chief,  and  the 
legate  of  the  pope,  as  well  as  several  other  bishops, 
gave  religious  dignity  to  this  body  of  the  crusaders. 

The  count  directed  his  course  by  Sclavonia  to- 
wards Greece,  notwithstanding  that  the  season  was 
unfavourable,  as  he  set  out  in  winter.'  During  the 
journey  he  displayed,  in  the  highest  degree,  every 
quality  of  a  great  commander.  Innumerable  diffi- 
culties, on  which  we  cannot  pause,  assailed  him  even 
during  the  first  part  of  his  march  through  the  barren 
and  inhospitable  passes  which  lay  between  his  own 
fair  land  and  Greece.  When  he  had  reached  the  do- 
minions of  Alexius,  whose  call  for  aid  he  had  not 
forgotten,  the  count  imagined,  to  use  the  words  of 
his  chaplain,  that  he  was  in  his  native  land,  so  much 
did  he  rely  upon  the  welcome  and  protection  of  the 
Greek  emperor.  But  he,  like  the  chiefs  who  had 
preceded  him,  was  deceived,  and  the  same  series  of 
narassing  persecutions  awaited  him  on  the  way.  An 
act  of  seasonable^  but  barbarous  vengeance,  how 
ever,  in  mutilating  and  disfiguring  several  of  the  pri- 
soners, so  much  frightened  the  savage  hordes  which 
the  emperor  had  cast  upon  his  track,  that  the  rest  of 
the  journey  passed  in  comparative  tranquillity.  Like 
those  who  had  gone  before,  the  count  was  permitted 
to  enter  the  imperial  city  with  but  few  attendants. 

Here  the  same  proposal  of  rendering  homage  was 

1  R^mond  d'AaUcs 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  105 

■mclc  to  Raimond  which  had  been  addressed  to  the 
other  leaders  of  the  crusade,  but  he  rejected  it  at 
once  with  dignified  indignation,  and  maintained  his 
resolution  with  unalterable  firmness. ^  The  means 
which  had  been  tried  with  Godfrey  of  Bouillon  were 
now  employed  against  the  Count  of  Toulouse;  and 
as  no  very  strong  body  of  crusaders  was  soon  ex- 
pected from  Europe,  the  emperor  seems  confidently 
So  have  anticipated  the  destruction  of  the  Langue- 
^ocian  force.  The  Bosphorus  lay  between  it  and  the 
armies  of  Godfrey,  of  Hugh,  of  Boemond,  and  of 
Robert  of  Flanders,^  whose  arrival  we  have  not 
(bought  it  necessary  to  dwell  upon,  as  it  was  accom- 
panied by  no  circumstance  of  interest.  Alexius  had 
taken  especial  care,  that  no  vessels  should  remain  on 
the  other  side  of  the  Straits,  which  would  facilitate 
the  return  of  the  crusaders  even  if  they  should  wish 
it,''  and  Boemond  was  devoted  to  his  cause  from  mo- 
tives of  interest. 

Under  these  circumstances  Alexius  did  not  scruple 
to  order  a  night  attack  to  be  made  upon  the  camp  of 
the  French  knights.  At  first  it  proved  successful, 
and  many  fell  under  the  treacherous  sword  of  the 
Greeks.  At  length,  however,  the  Languedocians  re- 
covered from  their  surprise,  repulsed  the  enemy  with 
great  loss,  and  for  some  time  gave  full  wiy  to  their 
indignation.  Raimond  even  resolved  to  aeclare  war 
against  the  emperor,  but  abandoned  his  intention  on 
finding  that  the  other  princes  w'ould  not  succour  him, 
and  that  Boemond  threatened  to  join  his  arms  to 
those  of  Alexius.  Thus  upheld,  the  emperor  still 
continued  to  insist  on  the  homage  of  the  count ;  but 
Raimond  declared  that  he  would  sooner  lay  down  his 
head  upon  the  block  than  yield  to  such  an  indignity.* 
*'  He  had  come,"^  he  said,  "  to  fight  for  one  Lord, 
which  was  Christ,  and  for  him  he  had  abandoned 

1  Raimond  d'Agiles  ;  Will.  T}T. ;  Guibert. 

2  Guibert ;  Albert  of  Aix.  3  Will.  Tyr. 

4  Guibert.  &  Raimond  d' Agile* 


106  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRV. 

coimtiy,  and  goods,  and  lands,  but  no  other  lord 
would  he  acknowledge ;  though,  if  the  emperor 
would,  in  person,  lead  the  host  towards  Constanti- 
nople, he  would  willingly  put  himself  and  his  troops 
under  his  august  command." 

All  that  could  ultimately  be  obtained  from  him, 
even  at  the  intercession  of  his  companions  in  arms, 
was  a  vow  that  he  would  neither  directly  nor  indi- 
rectly do  any  act  which  could  militate  against  the 
life  or  honour  of  the  emperor.^ 

This  concession,  however,  seemed  to  satisfy 
Alexius,  upon  whose  weakness  the  ambitious  spirit 
of  Boemond  was  pressing  somewhat  too  hard.  The 
power  of  Raimond  of  Toulouse,  the  monarch  saw, 
might  be  used  as  a  good  counterpoise  to  the  authority 
which  the  Prince  of  Tarentum  was  inclined  to 
assume ;  and  in  consequence,  Alexius  soon  completely 
changed  his  conduct,  and  loaded  the  count  with  dis- 
tinctions and  courtesy.  The  pleasures  of  the  impe- 
rial palace,  the  rivalry  which  the  artful  emperor  con- 
trived to  raise  up  between  him  and  Boemond,  and 
the  false  but  polished  society  of  the  Greek  court, 
excited  and  pleased  the  Count  of  Toulouse,  who 
remained  some  time  in  the  midst  of  pomp  and  enjoy- 
ment. 

His  character,  also,  though  it  had  much  of  the 
steady  firmness  of  the  north,  had,  in  common  with 
that  of  his  countrymen  in  general,  a  sparkling  and 
vivacious  urbanity,  a  splendid  yet  easy  grace,  w^hich 
suited  the  taste  of  the  Greeks  much  more  than  the 
simple  manners  of  the  northern  crusaders.  Indeed, 
to  judge  from  the  terms  in  which  she  speaks  of 
him,  his  handsome  person  and  elegant  deportment 
seem  to  have  made  no  small  impression  on  the  ima- 
gination of  the  princess  Anna,^  although  Raimond 
had  already  passed  the  middle  age. 

Boemond,  however,  had  by  this  time  departed,  and 

I  Guibert;  Raimoml:  Will  Tvr.  2  Alexlad 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  107 

had  marched  from  Chalcedon  with  Godfrey  and  the 
rest  of  the  criisadmg-  host'  towards  Nice,  the  capital 
of  the  Turkish  kingdom  of  Roum.^  His  honour  de- 
manded the  presence  of  the  Count  of  Toulouse,  and 
abandoning-  the  pleasures  of  Constantinople,  he  super- 
intended tile  embarkation  of  his  troops,  and  hastened 
to  join  the  rest  of  his  companions  in  arms. 

Scarcely  had  the  forces  of  the  count  quitted  Con- 
stantinople, when  another  army  appeared  under  the 
walls  of  that  city.  Its  principal  leader  was  Robert, 
Duke  of  Normandy — a  man,  debauched,  weak,  and 
unstable ;  endowed  with  sufficient  talents  to  have 
dignified  his  illustrious  station,  had  he  possessed  that 
rare  quality  of  mind  which  may  be  called  conduct. 
He  was  eloquent  in  speech,  brave  in  the  field,  skilful 
in  warlike  dispositions,  and  personally  humane,  even 
to  excess  ;^  but  at  the  same  time  he  was  versatile  as 
the  winds,  and  so  easily  persuaded,  that  the  common 
expression,  he  had  no  Xi^ill  of  his  own^  was,  perhaps 
more  applicable  to  him  than  to  any  other  man  thar. 
ever  existed. 

On  the  first  preaching-  of  the  crusade,  he  had  caugh 
tiie  flame  of  enthusiasm  with  others,  and  perhaps 
not  more  than  those  around  him ;  for  we  must  not 
take  the  immediate  sale  of  his  dutchy  of  Normandy 
to  William  Rufus  as  a  proof  of  his  zeal.  It  was,  in 
fact,  but  a  proof  of  that  wretched  facility  which  ulti- 
mately brought  about  his  ruin.  The  price  he  ob- 
tained,'' was  only  ten  thousand  marks  of  silver,  but 
with  so  petty  a  sum  this  modern  Esaif  thought  he 
could  conquer  worlds.  With  him  was  Stephen, 
Count  of  Blois,  more  famous  in  the  council  than  the 


1  Raimond  d'Agiles ;  Albert  of  Aix. 

2  Raimond  d'Agiles  expressly  states  that  the  army  of  the  Count  of 
Tonlouse,  which  he  accompanied  to  the  Holy  Land,  did  not  join  the 
other  crusaders  till  they  were  under  the  walls  of  Nice.  Mills  is  there- 
fore wrong  in  writing  that  the  Provencals  joined  the  other  soldiers  of 
the  Cross  before  their  arrival  at  Nice,  and  then  let  them  march  on  again 
before  them. 

3  Guibert  Ub.  ii.  ♦  Orderic  Vital. 


108  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

field,^  while  all  the  Norman  and  Eng-lish  crusaders  of 
rank,  together  with  Eustace,  brother  of  Godfrey  of 
Bouillon,^  joined  themselves  to  his  forces. 

Thus,  followed  by  a  numerous  and  well-equipper' 
army,  Robert  took  the  way  of  Italy,  and  having  en- 
countered the  pope  at  Lucca,  proceeded  to  Apulia, 
where  he  remained  to  pass  the  winter.  Here,  how- 
ever,^ many  deserted  his  army,  and  returned  to  their 
native  land,  and  several  were  drowned,  subsequently, 
in  their  passage  to  Durazzo ;  but,  on  the  whole,  the 
march  of  Robert  of  Normandy  was  more  easy  and 
less  disastrous  than  that  of  any  other  chief  of  the 
crusaders. 

We  find  no  mention  of  any  attack  or  annoyance 
on  the  part  of  Alexius ;  and,  on  the  arrival  of  the 
Norman  host  at  Constantinople,  the  oath  of  homage 
seems  to  have  been  presented  and  received,  with  a 
sort  of  quiet  indifference  well  accordmg  with  the 
indolent  and  careless  character  of  the  Duke.'*  Alex- 
ius simply  informed  the  leaders,  that  Godfrey,  Boe- 
mond,  Hugh,  and  the  rest  had  undergone  the  cere- 
mony  proposed.  "  We  are  not  greater  than  they,"* 
replied  Robert,  and  the  vows  were  taken  without 
hesitation. 

Loaded  with  presents,  and  supplied  with  money 
and  provisions,  of  both  which  Robert  stood  in  great 
want,  the  Norman  crusaders  now  passed  the  Helles- 
pont, and  marched  towards  Nice  to  join  their  com- 
panions. The  timid  Alexius  thus  found  himself 
delivered  from  the  last  body  of  these  terrific  allies ; 
and,  indeed,  the  description  given  of  their  arrival,  in 
rapid  succession,  before  Constantinople,  is  not  at  all 
unlike  the  end  of  Camaralzaman's  history  in  the 
Arabian  Nights,  where  no  sooner  is  one  army  dis- 
posed of,  than  another  is  seen  advancing  towards  the 
city  from  a  different  quarter  of  the  globe. 

»  Guibert.         2  William  of  Tyre ;  Albert  of  Aix.       3  Fulcher. 
4  Albert  of  Aix ;  Fulcher  5  Will.  Tyr 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  109 


CHAPTER  Yl, 

^erm  of  JJ/ter-mi^forturies  already  springing  up  in  the  Crusade — Stegt 
of  Nice — First  Engagement  imth  the  Turks — Siege  continued — 7%e 
Lake  occupied — Surrender  of  Nice  to  the  Emissaries  of  Alexius — DiS' 
content— March  towards  Anf.ioch — The  Army  divides  into  two  Bodies 
— Battle  of  Doryloeum — Dreadful  March  through  Phrygia — Adven- 
tures of  Baldwin  and  Tancicd — Arrival  at  Aiitioch — The  City  in- 
vested. 

One  of  the  most  unfortunate  events  which  occurred 
to  the  crusaders  in  their  march  was  their  stay  at 
Constantinople,  for  it  was  the  remote  but  certain 
cause  of  many  other  evils.  The  jealousies  and  dif- 
ferences raised  up  among"  them  by  the  intriguing 
spirit  of  Alexius  w^ere  never  entirely  done  away; 
and  besides  this,  the  intervention  of  petty  motives, 
long  discussions,  and  schemes  of  individual  aggran- 
dizement chilled  the  fervour  of  zeal,  and  thus 
weighed  down  the  most  energetic  spring  of  the 
enterprise. 

Enthusiasm  will  conquer  difficulties,  confront  dan- 
ger and  death,  and  change  the  very  nature  of  the 
circumstances  in  which  it  is  placed,  to  encourage- 
ment and  hope ;  but  it  will  not  bear  to  be  mingled 
with  less  elevated  feelings  and  considerations.  The 
common  ambitions  and  passions  of  life,  cold  reason- 
ings, and  thoughtful  debates,  deaden  it  and  put  it 
out ;  and  amid  the  intrigues  of  interest,  or  the  spe- 
culations of  selfishness,  it  is  extinguished  like  aflame 
in  the  foul  air  of  a  vault.  A  great  deal  of  the  en- 
thusiasm of  the  crusade  died  away  amid  the  bicker- 
ings of  Constantinople  ;  and  even  the  cowardly 
effeminacy  of  the  Greeks  proved  in  some  degree 
contagious,  for  the  army  of  the  Count  of  Toulouse, 
we  find,  had  at  one  time  nearly  disbanded  itself. 
The  luxury  of  the  most  luxurious  court  of  Europe, 


no  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRf. 

too,  was  not  without  its  effect  upon  the  crusaders, 
and  the  memory  of  the  delights  of  the  imperial  city 
was  more  likely  to  afford  subjects  of  disadvantag^eous 
comparisons,  when  opposed  to  the  hardships  of  Pa- 
lestine, than  the  remembrance  of  the  turbulent  and 
governless  realm  from  which  they  had  first  begun 
their  march. 

The  greatest  misfortune  of  all,  however — tiie 
cause  of  many  of  their  vices,  and  almost  all  their 
miseries, — was  the  want  of  one  acknowledged  leader, 
whom  it  would  have  been  treason  to  disobey.  Each 
chief  was  his  own  king,  but  he  was  not  the  king  of 
even  those  who  served  under  him.  Many  who  had 
followed  his  banner  to  the  field  were  nearly  his  equals 
in  power,  and  it  was  only  over  his  immediate  vassals 
that  he  had  any  but  conditional  right  of  command. 
In  respect  to  his  vassals  themselves,  this  right  was 
much  affected  by  circumstances  ;  and  over  the 
chiefs  around  him,  he  had  no  control  whatever 
Thus,  unity  of  design  was  never  to  be  obtained  ;  and 
discord,  the  fatal  stumblingblock  of  all  great  under- 
takings, was  always  ready  in  tlie  way,  whenever  the 
folly,  the  passions,  or  the  selfishness  of  any  indivi- 
dual leader  chose  to  dash  upon  it  the  hopes  of  him- 
self and  his  companions. 

Nevertheless,  during  the  siege  of  Nice,  which  was 
the  first  undertaking  of  the  crusaders,  a  considerable 
degree  of  harmony  seems  to  have  prevailed  among 
the  leaders.  Each,  it  is  true,  conducted  his  part  of 
the  attack  according  to  his  own  principles,  but  each 
seemed  happy  to  assist  the  other,  and  we  hear  of  no 
wrangling  for  idle  punctilios.  The  morals,  too,  of 
the  troops  were  hit'nerto  pure,  reaching  a  much  higher 
point  of  virtue,  indeed,  than  might  have  been  antici- 
pated from  the  great  mixture  of  classes.  I  do  not 
mean  to  say  that  they  were  free  from  vice,  or  were 
exempt  from  the  follies  of  their  nature  or  their  age ; 
but  the  noble  and  dignified  manner  in  which  tlie 
chiefs  of  the  '"•usade,  and  the  people  in  general,  bore 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  Ill 

the  conduct  of  Alexius  (mentioned  hereafter),  would 
lead  me  to  belidve  that  they  had  preserved  a  consi- 
derable share  of  purity  and  singleness  of  heart. 

The  first  body  of  the  crusaders  which  reached  the 
city  of  Nice  was  that  led  by  Godfrey  of  Bouillon.  He 
was  not  alone,  however,  being  accompanied  by  Hugh, 
Count  of  V^ermandois;  and  very  shortly  after,  the 
troops  of  Robert  of  Flanders  and  Boemond  of  Taren- 
tum  arrived,  and  took  up  their  position  on  the  north- 
ern side,  while  those  of  Godfrey  had  marked  their 
camp  towards  ihe  east.  The  Count  of  Toulouse  and 
the  Bishop  of  Puy  followed,  and  sat  down  before  the 
southern  side,'  leaving  the  west  open  for  the  Duke  of 
Normandy,  who  was  expected  from  day  to  day.^ 

This  city,  the  capital  of  the  kingdom  of  Roum,  was 
occupied  by  the  Seljukian  Turks,  and  strongly  de- 
fended by  a  solid  wall,  flanked  by  three  hundred  and 
fifty  towers.  It  was  situated  in  the  midst  of  a  fertile 
plain,  and  the  waters  of  the  lake  Ascanius,  to  the 
west,  gave  it  a  facility  of  communication  with  a 
large  extent  of  country.  The  army  of  the  crusaders, 
after  the  arrival  of  the  Count  of  Toulouse,''  waited 
not  the  coming  of  Robert  of  Normandy,  but  began 
the  siege  in  form.  Their  forces  were  already  im- 
mense ;  and  after  the  junction  of  Peter  the  Hermit 
with  the  ruins  of  his  multitude,  and  the  Duke  of 
Normandy  with  his  powerful  army,  the  amount  of 
the  fighting  men  is  said  to  have  been  six  hundred 
thousand,  without  comprising  those  who  did  not 
carry  arms."*    The  number  of  knights^  is  stated  to 

1  Raimond  d'Agiles ;  Guibert. 

2  All  authors,  those  who  were  present  as  well  as  those  who  wrote 
from  the  accounts  of  others,  differ  entirely  among  themselves  concerning 
The  dispositions  of  the  siege.  Fulcher,  who  accompanied  the  Duke  of 
Normandy,  says  that  that  chief  attacked  the  south  ;  Raimond  of  Agiles, 
who  was  present  also,  says  that  the  south  was  the  {)0st  of  the  Count  ol 
Toulouse.  I  have,  however,  adopted  the  account  of  Raimond,  who 
appears  to  me  to  have  paid  more  attention  to  the  operations  of  the  war 
than  Fulcher.  ^  Fu  clier.  4  Ibid. 

5  The  word  used  ia  Inricnli;  and  Ducange,  who  seldom  makes  a  posi- 
tive assertion  without  the  ma^t  oerlect  certainty,  states,  in  tlie  observa- 


112  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

have  reached  nearly  two  hundred  thousand,  which 
left  a  fair  proportion  of  inferior  soldiers. 

The  general  disposition  of  the  troops  had  been 
made  before  the  arrival  of  the  Count  of  Toulouse, 
and  he  marched  his  division  towards  the  spot  as- 
signed him  on  the  Sunday  after  Ascension-day.' 
His  coming,  however,  was  destined  to  be  signalized 
by  the  first  regular  battle  between  the  Turks  and 
their  Christian  invaders. 

Soliman,  or  Kilidge  Asian,  the  sultaun  of  Roum, 
on  the  approach  of  the  crusaders,  had  left  his  capital' 
defended  by  a  strong  garrison,  and  travelling  through 
his  dominions,  hastened  in  every  direction  the  levies 
of  his  subjects.  He  soon  collected  a  considerable 
body  of  horse,^  and  leading  them  to  the  mountains 
which  overlooked  the  plain  of  Nice,  he  sent  down 
two  messengers  to  the  city  to  concert  with  the  go- 
vernor a  double  attack  upon  the  camp  of  the  Chris- 
tians. 

The  messengers  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  outposts 
of  Godfrey.  One  was  killed  on  the  spot,  and  the 
other,  under  the  fear  of  death,  betrayed  the  secrets 
of  the  sultaun,  giving  at  the  same  time  an  exagge- 
rated account  of  his  forces.^  Information  of  Soli- 
man's  approach  was  instantly  sent  to  Raimond  of 
Toulouse,  who  was  advancing  from  Nicomedia,^  and 
by  a  night-march  he  succeeded  in  joining  the  army 
of  the  Cross  in  time.  Scarcely  had  he  taken  up  his 
position,  when  the  Moslems  began  to  descend  from 
the  mountains,  clad  like  the  Christians  in  steel,^  and 
borne  by  horses  tleet  as  the  wind.  Divided  into  two 
bodies,'  the  one  attacked  the  wearied  troops  of  the 

tions  on  Joinville,  that  we  may  always  translate  the  word  loricatus,  a 
knight,  "  et  quand  on  voit  dans  les  auteurs  Latins  le  terme  de  loricati  il 
se  doit  entendre  des  Chevaliers."— /J^^cangr,  Obserti.  sur  VHist.  de  St 
Louis,  page  50 

1  Gnibert  2  Albert  of  Aix,  lib.  ii.  3  Albert. 

4  Ibid.  5  Albert ;  Raimond  d'.Agiles;  Guibert 

6  Albert.  7  Raiuiond. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  113 

Count  of  Toulouse,  seeking  to  force  its  way  into  the 
city,  while  the  other  fell  upon  the  quarters  of  God- 
frey of  Bouillon. 

Doubtless  Soliman  thought  to  meet,  in  the  im- 
mense multitude  before  him,  a  wild  and  undisciplined 
crowd,  like  that  of  Peter  the  Hermit ;  but  he  soon 
found  bitterly  his  mistake.  The  crusaders  received 
him  every  where  with  chivalric  valour,  repulsed  him 
on  all  points,  became  in  turn  the  assailants,  and  the 
plain  round  Nice  grew  one  general  scene  of  con- 
flict. The  charging  of  the  cavalry,  the  ringing  of 
the  lances  and  the  swords  upon  shields  and  corslets, 
the  battle-cries  of  the  Christians,  and  the  techbir  of 
the  Turks ;  the  shouts,  the  screams,  the  groans,  rose 
up,  we  are  told,  in  a  roar  horrible  to  hear.' 

At  length,  finding  that  the  sally  he  had  expected 
was  not  made,  Soliman  retreated  to  the  mountains ; 
but  it  was  only  to  repeat  the  attempt  the  following 
day.^  In  this,  although  the  besieged  now  compre- 
hended his  intention,  and  issued  forth  upon  the 
Christians  on  the  one  side,  while  he  attacked  them 
on  the  other,  he  was  not  more  fortmiate  than  before. 
He  was  again  repelled  with  great  loss,  owning  his 
astonishment  at  the  lion-like  courage  of  the  Christian 
leaders,  who  with  a  thousand  lances  would  often 
charge  and  put  to  flight  twenty  times  the  number  of 
Turkish  horsemen. 

According  to  a  barbarous  custom  prevalent  at  that 
time,  and  which  even  descended  to  a  much  later  pe- 
riod, the  crusaders  hewed  off  the  heads  of  the  fallen 
Moslems,^  and  cast  many  of  them  into  the  city. 
Otliers  were  sent  to  Constantinople  in  token  of  vic- 
tory ;  and  Alexius,  as  a  sign  of  gratitude  and  rejoic- 
ing, instantly  despatched  large  presents  to  the  prin- 
cipal chiefs  of  the  crusade,  with  great  quantities  of 
provisions  for  the  army,  which  had  long  been  strait- 
ened to  a  fearful  degree. 

1  Albert.  2  Guibert.  8  Guibert ;  Albert  of  Alx. 

t 


114  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

After  tilie  defeat  of  Soliman,'  the  siege  was  pressed 
with  renewed  vigour;  and  battering-rams,  catapults, 
and  mangonels  were  plied  incessantly  against  the 
walls,  while  moveable  towers  of  wood,  called  beff- 
roys,  tilled  with  armed  men,  were  rolled  close  to  the 
fortifications,  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  on  the  fight 
hand  to  hand  with  the  enemy,  and  of  endeavouring 
to  effect  a  lodgment  on  the  battlements. 

In  the  mean  while,  the  plains  round  Nice  offered  a 
spectacle  of  the  most  extraordinaiy  brilliancy.  The 
glittering  arms  of  tlie  knights,  their  painted  shields, 
and  fluttering  pennons — the  embroidered  banners  of 
the  barons,  their  splendid  coats-of-arms  and  magni- 
ficent mantles — tlie  gorgeous  robes  of  the  Latin 
priests,  whr  f/ere  present  in  immense  numbers,  and 
the  animated  multitude  of  bowmen  and  foot-soldiers, 
mingled  with  thousands  of  that  most  beautiful  of 
beasts,  the  horse,  all  spread  out  in  the  unclouded 
brightness  of  an  Asiatic  sky,  formed  as  shining  and 
extraordinary  a  scene  as  the  eye  could  look  upon. 

Not  frightened,  however,  by  the  terrific  splendour 
that  surrounded  them,  the  Turks  continued  to  defend 
their  battlements  with  persevering  valour.  Every 
attack  of  the  Christians  was  met  with  dauntless  in- 
trepidity, and  every  laboured  attempt  to  sap  the  Avail, 
or  its  towers,  was  frustrated  with  unwearied  assi- 
duity. Those  who  approached  near  were  either 
slain  by  poisoned  arrows,^  or  crushed  under  im- 
mense stones ;  and  the  moment  any  one  was  killed 
at  the  foot  of  the  wall,^  "  it  was  horrible  to  see  the 
Turks,"  says  an  eyewitness,  "  seize  upon  the  body 
with  iron  hooks  let  down  from  above,  and  lifting  it 
up  through  the  air  strip  it  completely,  and  then  cast 
it  out  from  the  city."  Innumerable  artifices  were 
resorted  to  by  the  assailants  to  force  their  way  into 
the  town ;  and  none  of  the  chiefs  seem  to  have  been 
more  active  and  ingenious  than  the  Count  of  Ton 

'  Raimond  Ad'giles ;  Fulcher ;  Albert  of  Aix ;  Robert.  Mon. 
3  Robert.  Mon.  3  Fulcher. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  115 

louse,'  who  once  succeeded  in  undermining'  a  tower, 
and  casting-  it  to  the  ground.  Before  this  work  was 
concluded,  however,  night  had  fallen  over  the  army, 
and  ere  the  next  morning  the  laborious  activity  of 
the  Turks  had  repaired  the  damage  which  their  wall 
had  suffered. 

Two  of  the  principal  German  barons,  also,  con- 
trived a  machine  of  wood,  to  which  they  gave  the 
name  of  the  fox.  It  was  capable  of  containing 
twenty  knights,  and  was  secured  by  its  immense 
solidity  from  all  the  efforts  of  the  enemy.  When 
this  was  completed,  a  vast  multitude  began  to  push 
it  towards  the  part  of  the  curtain  which  they  intended 
to  sap,  but  the  inequality  of  the  ground  and  the  great 
weight  of  the  machine  itself  caused  some  of  the 
joints  to  give  way,  when  the  whole  fabric  fell  to 
pieces,  crushing  under  its  ruins  the  unhappy  knights 
within. 

The  arrivaP  of  Robert  of  Normandy  brought  a  vast 
accession  of  strength  to  the  besiegers;  notwithstand- 
ing which,  during  the  remainder  of  the  siege  of  Nice, 
the  immense  numbers  of  the  crusaders  did  not  pro- 
duce that  scarcity  of  provision  which  ultimately  fell 
upon  them ;  for  Alexius,  interested  more  than  any 
one  in  the  capture  of  the  city,  took  care,  after  the 
first  few  days,  that  the  supplies  should  be  ample  and 
unremitted. 

Nevertheless  the  courage  of  the  garrison  did  not 
at  all  decrease,  and  for  five  weeks  they  still  conti- 
nued to  return  the  assailants  combat  for  combat,  the 
whole  day  being  consumed  in  a  storm  of  arrows  from 
the  bows  and  arbalists,  and  of  stones  from  the  cata- 
pults and  mangonels."* 

Numerous  instances  of  extraordinary  personal 
courage,  shown  on  both  sides,  are  of  course  recorded, 
and  each  different  historian  has  his  own  hero,  whose 
deeds  are  lauded  to  the  sky.      One  Turk  in  par- 

1  Guibert;  Raimond  d'Agilea.  2  Albert  of  Aix. 

S  Fulcher.  4  Idun ;  Albert  of  Aix. 


116  liSITORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

ticular  signalized  himself  by  an  immense  slangh- 
ter  of  the  crusaders,  showing  himself  exposed  upon 
the  battlements,  and  plying  his  terrible  bow,  which 
winged  death  in  every  direction.  The  Christians 
became  so  fearful  of  him,  that  that  most  imaginative 
passion,  terror,  began  to  invest  him  with  some  su- 
pernatural defence.^  The  best-aimed  arrows  proved 
totally  ineffectual,  and  reports  spread  rapidly  that  he 
might  be  seen,  still  sending  destruction  around  from 
his  hand,  while  twenty  shafts — each  carrying  the 
fate  of  a  common  mortal— were  sticking  unheeded 
in  his  flesh.  Godfrey  of  Bouillon,  to  end  the  panic 
that  this  man  occasioned,  at  length  took  a  crossbow 
himself,  though  that  machine^  was  considered  but  a 
fit  weapon  for  a  yeoman,  and  directing  the  quarry 
with  a  steadier  hand  than  those  which  had  before 
aimed  at  the  Turkish  archer,  he  sent  the  missile 
directly  to  his  heart.^ 

A  multitude  of  the  noblest  crusaders  had  now  fallen 
before  the  bows  of  the  enemy,  and  many  more  had 
yielded  to  the  effects  of  a  climate  totally  different 
from  their  own.  "  Thus,"  says  one  of  the  followers 
of  tlie  Cross,  "  nothing  was  to  be  seen  on  the  high- 
ways, in  the  woods,  and  the  fields,  but  a  crowd  of 
tombs,''  where  our  brethren  had  been  buried." 

At  last,  the  leaders  perceived  the  existence  of  a 
circumstance,  their  neglect  of  which,  in  the  very  first 
instance,  showed  how  much  the  art  of  warfare  was 
then  in  its  infancy.  One  evening,  after  a  fierce  as- 
sault, the  soldiers  stationed  near  the  water,  who,  in 
common  with  the  rest  of  the  host,  usually  rested 
from  the  labours  of  the  siege  during  the  night,  sud- 
denly perceived  boats  upon  the  lake  Ascanius,  and 
it  immediately  became  evident  that  the  Turks  re- 
ceived every  kind  of  supply  by  this  easy  means  of 
communication.  As  soon  as  this  was  discovered, 
various  vessels  were  brought  from  Constantinople, 

>  Albert  of  Aix.  2  The  Philippide. 

3  Albert  of  Aix  4  Fulcher. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  117 

and  being  drawn  to  the  lake  over  a  nanow  neck  of 
land  which  separated  it  from  the  sea,  were  filled  with 
imperial  archers  ;^  and  the  blockade  of  the  town  was 
thus  rendered  absolute.  This  was  executed  during 
the  night,  and  all  hope  abandoned  the  Turks  from 
the  next  morning,  when  they  beheld  that  which  had 
proved  their  great  resource  suddenly  cut  off. 

The  crusaders  now  hoped  to  force  the  city  to  sur- 
render at  discretion ;  and  their  expectations  of  such 
an  event  were  much  raised  by  the  fact  of  the  sul- 
tauness,  the  wife  of  Soliman,  who  had  hitherto  cou- 
rageously undergone  all  the  miseries  and  dangers  of 
a  siege,  being  taken  in  endeavouring  to  make  her 
escape  by  the  lake.^ 

By  this  time  the  besieged  had  determined  to  sur- 
render ;  but  Alexius  had  taken  care  to  send  with  the 
army  of  the  Cross  an  officer  on  whose  art  and  fidelity 
he  could  depend,  to  secure  for  the  imperial  crown  a 
city  which  he  would  probably  have  rather  seen  still 
under  the  dominion  of  the  Turks,  than  in  the  hands 
of  the  Latins. 

This  man's  name  was  Taticius,  or,  according  to 
the  crusaders'  corruption,  Tatin.^  His  face  was 
dreadfully  mutilated,  and  his  mind  seems  to  have 
been  as  horrible  as  his  countenance.  What  commu- 
nication he  kept  up  within  the  town  it  is  difficult  to 
discover;  and  how  this  communication  was  con- 
cealed from  the  Latins  is  hardly  known,  but  probably 
it  took  place,  as  Mills  conjectures,  by  means  of  the 
lake  and  the  Greek  vessels  which  now  covered  it. 
Certain  it  is,  that  the  Turks  entered  into  a  private 
treaty  with  the  emissary  of  Alexius,  who  granted 
them  the  most  advantageous  terms,  securing  to  them 
not  only  life,"^  but  immunity  and  protection. 

It  had  been  covenanted  beforehand,  between  the 
emperor  and  the  crusaders,  that  on  the  fall  of  the  city 
"t  should  be  resigned  to  Alexius,  who  promised  to 

^almond  d'Agiles ;  Albert  of  Aix ;  Guibert.  2  Will.  Tyr. 

»  Albert  of  Aix.  *  Guibert ;  Albert 


118  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRV 

give  ap  to  the  troops  all  tTie  riches  it  contained,*  and 
to  found  there  a  monastery,  and  an  hospital  for  pil- 
grims, under  the  superintendence  of  the  Latins.^  Not 
contented  with  this,  or  doubting-  the  faith  of  his  allies, 
he  took  the  means  I  have  stated  to  secure  possession. 
Suddenly  the  imperial  ensigns  appeared  upon  the 
walls  of  Nice,  w^hen  the  host  of  the  crusade  was 
just  rushing  to  the  attack  in  the  full  confidence  of 
victory.  It  v/as  now  found  that  the  people  of  the 
city  had  surrendered  privately  to  Alexius,  and  had 
admitted  his  troops  within  the  w^all's ;  but  it  required 
the  greatest  efforts  of  the  leaders  of  the  crusade, 
although  disgusted  with  this  treachery  themselves, 
to  quiet  their  forces,  and  reconcile  them  to  the  per 
fidy  of  their  base  ally.^ 

On  the  part  of  the  Christians,  the  wife  and  chil* 
dren  of  Kilidge  Asian,  wdio  had  fallen  into  their 
hands,  were  delivered  to  the  Turks ;  and,  at  the  same 
time,  all  those  prisoners  wdiich  had  been  taken  by  So- 
liman,  on  the  defeat  of  Gauticr  sans  avoir,  were  re- 
stored to  liberty.  So  little,  however,  did  Alexiu:? 
keep  his  treaty  with  the  crusaders,  that,  instead  of 
yielding  to  them  the  w'hole  plunder  of  Nice,  he  con- 
tented himself  with  distributing  some  rich  presents 
to  the  chiefs,'*  and  some  money  to  the  poor  of  the 
army ;  and  suffered  them,  thus  dissatisfied  and  in- 
jured, to  raise  their  camp  and  march  on  towards  Je 
rusalem,  without  permitting  them  to  set  foot  within 
the  city  they  had  conquered.^ 

The  army  of  the  Cross  w^aited  no  time  under  the 
walls  of  Nice,  but  as  soon  as  the  principal  leaders 
had  returned  from  Pehcanum,  whither  they  had  gone 
once  more  to  confer  with  Alexius,  it  began  its  march.^ 
At  the  end  of  the   second  day  the   forces  of  the 


1  William  of  Tyre;  Raimoiid.  2  Raimond  de  Agiies. 

3  William  of  Tyre  ;  Raimond  de  Agiies ;  Guibert  de  Nogent. 

4  Fulcher,  cap.  4 ;  William  of  Tyre. 

5  Ten  at  a  time  were  admitted  within  the  walls,  but  not  more. 
e  June  29,  A.  I>.  1097 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  119 

different  chiefs*  were  accidentally  separated,*  Boe- 
mond  and  the  Duke  of  Normandy  taking  a  path  con- 
siderably to  the  left  of  that  followed  by  Godfrey  and 
the  rest  of  the  host.  They  proceeded  on  their  way, 
notwithstanding-,  knowing  that  the}^  could  not  be  very 
far  from  the  principal  body,  and  towards  night  pitched 
their  camp  in  the  valley  of  Gorgon,  in  the  midst  of 
some  rich  meadows,  and  near  a  running  stream.^ 

Their  situation  was,  nevertheless,  not  near  so  de- 
sirable as  they  imagined,  for  Soliman,  who  during 
the  siege  of  Nice  had  made  the  most  imme^nse  ef- 
forts for  the  purpose  of  relieving  that  city,  now  that 
it  had  fallen,  hung  with  the  whole  of  his  force,^  to  the 
amount  of  nearly  two  hundred  thousand  men,^  upon 
the  left  flank  of  the  army  of  the  crusaders,  conceal- 
ing his  own  evolutions  by  his  perfect  knowledge  of 
the  countrjs  and  watching  those  of  his  enemies  with 
the  keen  anxiety  of  a  falcon  hovering  over  her  prey. 
No  sooner  had  the  separation  we  have  mentioned 
taken  place  in  the  host  of  the  Cross,  than  the  sultaun 
hastened  his  march  to  overtake  the  army  of  Boe- 
mond,  which  was  infinitely  the  weaker  of  the  two 
divisions. 

Accustomed  to  every  sort  of  rapid  movement,  So- 
liman soon  came  up  with  the  forces  of  the  Prince 
of  Tarentum  and  the  Duke  of  Normandy. 

The  crusaders  had  been  from  time  to  time  warned, 

1  Fulcher,  cap.  5;  Raimond  d'Agiles  ;  Orderic  Vital ;  Raoul  de  Caen. 

2  Mills  avers  that  the  chiefs  separated  by  mutual  consent.  I  have 
found  nothing  to  confirm  this  opinion.  Radulphus  says  that  there  was 
a  rumour  to  that  effect,  but  shows  that  it  could  not  be  just,  as  the  bag- 
gage of  the  troops  of  Boemond  ;ind  his  party  had,  by  the  error  that  sepa- 
rated them,  been  left  with  the  other  division.  William  of  Tyre  leaves  the 
question  undecided.  Fuicher  says,  absolutely,  that  the  separation  origi- 
nated in  a  mistake.  Orderic  Vital  follows  the  same  opinion.  Raimond 
d'Agiles  is  not  precise,  but  he  says  that  it  was  done  inconsiderately ;  and 
Guibert  decidedly  affirms  that  it  was  accidental,  and  through  the  obscu- 
rity of  the  morning  in  ^v^^ieh  they  began  their  march. 

3  William  of  Tyre. 

4  Fulcher  ;  Raimond  d'Agiles  ;  Albert. 

»  Fulcher  makes  it  amount  to  nearly  three  hundred  and  sixty  thousand 
combatants ;  and  Raimond  reduces  the  number  to  one  hundr«>d  and  fifty 
thou^aiW. 


120  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

during  the  preceding  day,  that  an  enemy  was  in  the 
neighbourhood,  by  the  sight  of  scattered  parties  of 
Arabs  hovering  round  their  army.^  Tliey  neverthe 
less  encamped  by  the  side  of  a  beautiful  stream, 
that,  flowing  on  tlirough  the  rich  valley  in  which 
they  were  advancing,  proceeded  to  join  itself  to  the 
wateis  of  the  Sangarius.  Here  they  passed  the 
night  in  repose,  taking  merely  the  precaution  of 
throwing  out  sentinels  to  the  banks  of  the  stream. 
Early  the  next  morning,  Boemond  and  Robert  again 
commenced  their  march,  and  had  advanced  some 
way,^  when  the  immense  army  of  Soliman  began  to 
appear  upon  the  hills. 

Boemond  instantly  sent  off  messengers  to  God- 
rey  of  Bouillon,  and  the  rest  of  his  noble  compa- 
nions, of  whose  proximity  he  had  now  become 
aware,  and  gave  orders  for  drawing  up  his  forces, 
for  pitching  the  tents,  and  for  making  a  rampart  of 
the  wagons^  and  baggage  for  the  defence  of  the  sick 
and  the  weak  from  the  arrows  of  the  Turks.  In 
the  mean  while,  turning  to  his  knights  and  men  at 
arms,  he  addressed  them  with  the  brief  eloquence 
of  courage.  "  Remember  the  duties  of  your  calUng !" 
he  exclaimed.  "  Behold  the  peril  in  which  you  are 
placed — charge  boldly  to  meet  the  infidels — defend 
your  honour  and  your  lives  !" 

While  he  spoke,  the  Turks  rushed  down  to  the 
battle  with  terrific  cries,^  which,  mingling  with  the 
tramp  of  two  hundred  thousand  horse,  and  the  ring- 
ing of  their  armour,  together  with  the  trumpets  of 
the  Christian  host,  and  the  shouts  of  the  chiefs  and 
the  heralds,  raised  so  fearful  a  din,  that  no  one  could 
hear  another  speak  among  the  followers  of  the  Cross. 

The  army  of  Boemond,  hastily  drawn  up,  pre- 
sented a  mingled  front  of  horse  and  foot  soldiers, 
and  pilgrims,^  some  but  half-armed,  some  not  armed 

1  Fulcher.  '^  Ibid ;  Guibert. 

3  William  of  Tyre  ;  Guibert ;  Fulcher,  cap.  5. 

4  Guibert ;  Will,  of  Tvr.  5  Fulcher ;  Radulph.  Cad.  cap.  21. 


HIgTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  121 

at  all ;  while  the  Tu^ks  came  down  in  one  torrent 
of  cavalry.  The  immense  numbers  w^hich  it  con- 
tained all  blazing  witli  glittering  anns,  and  provided 
with  be  vs  of  horn  and  scimitars,  dazzled  and  dis- 
nmyed  the  troops  of  the  Christians.  As  the  infidels 
approached,  the  European  Chivaliy  dropped  the  points 
of  their  long  lances,  and  prepared  to  hurl  back  their 
foes,  as  was  their  wont,  by  the  heavy  and  decided 
charge  which  proved  always  so  effective ;  but  sud- 
denly, each  Moslem  raised  his  bow  even  as  he  gal- 
loped forward,'  a  thick  cloud  seemed  to  come  over 
the  sun,  and  then,  two  hundred  thousand  arrows 
dropping  at  once  among  the  crusaders,  a  multitude^ 
of  men  and  horses  were  instantly  stretched  upon 
the  plain. 

Before  the  Christians  could  rally  from  the  sur- 
prise, a  second  flight  of  arrows  followed  the  first, 
doing  dreadful  execution  among  the  foot-soldiers  and 
the  steeds  of  the  knights.^  But  now  Tancred  and 
Boemond  led  on  their  troops  to  the  charge,  and  spurred 
their  horses  into  the  midst  of  the  enemy.  The 
Turks,  as  was  their  habit,  yielded  ground  on  every 
side,  avoiding,  by  the  swiftness  of  their  chargers,  the 
lances  and  the  swords  of  the  Christians,  and,  like 
the  Parthians  of  old,  continuing  their  fearful  archery 
even  as  they  fled. 

Vain  were  all  the  efforts  of  the  European  Chivalry, 
though,  throwing  away  their  useless  spears,  they 
endeavoured  to  reach  the  Turks  with  their  swords  ;* 
but  nrvv,  in  turn,  the  swarming  multitudes  of  iheir 
foes,  pouring  down  fresh  from  the  mountains  on  every 
side,  no  longer  retreated,  but  pressed  closer  and 
closer  upon  them ;  and  as  each  adversary  fell  be- 
neath the  vigorous  blow^s  of  the  knights,  new  foes 
started  up  to  meet  them. 

In  the  mean  while,  thick  and  fast  was  mown  the 

1  William  of  Tyre  ;  Guiberi ;  Fulcher. 
3  Fulcher,  cap.  5 ;  William  of  Tyre. 
5  William  of  Tyre.  «  Raoul  of  Caen. 

K 


122  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

fiov/er  of  the  Christian  army.  The  brother  of  Tail- 
ored, famed  alike  for  his  beauty  and  his  courage,  was 
slain  before  the  eyes  of  his  relation.'  Tancred  him- 
self, surrounded  by  a  thousand  enemies,  fought  as  if 
Fate  iiad  put  the  weapon  in  his  hands,  but  fought  in 
vain.  Boemond,  with  all  his  efforts,  could  scarcely 
extricate  his  gallant  cousin  from  the  torrent  of  ad- 
versaries in  the  midst  of  which  he  struggled,  and 
even  then  it  was  with  the  loss  of  the  banner  of 
Otranto.^ 

Borne  back  by  the  growing  multitude  that  pressed 
upon  them,  the  knights  gave  v/ay  before  the  Saracens, 
and  were  driven  struggling  upon  the  very  pikes^  of 
tlie  foot-soldiers  that  were  advancing  to  their  sup- 
port. At  the  same  time  Soliman,  whose  numbers 
gave  him  the  means  of  surrounding  the  army  of  the 
crusaders,  directed  several  large  bodies  of  his  cavalry 
through  some  marshes  to  the  rear  of  the  Christians, 
and  in  a  moment  the  camp*  of  Boemond  was  invaded 
and  deluged  with  the  blood  of  the  old,  the  women, 
and  the  helpless  !^ 

Robert  of  Normandy,  however,  who  had  com- 
manded the  reserve,  noW  beholding  the  flight  of  his 
allies,  roused  all  the  courage  of  his  heart;  and  un- 
covering his  head  in  the  midst  of  the  fray,  shouted 
forth  his  battle-cry^  of  "  Normandy !  Normandy ! 
Whither  fly  you  Boemond  ?"  he  exclaimed  ;  "  Your 
Apulia  is  afar !  Where  go  you  Tancred  ?  Otranto 
is  not  near  you  !     Turn !  turn  upon  the  enemy !     God 

«  Albert ;  Raou!  of  Caen  ;  William  of  Tyre.  2  Albert. 

3  Raoiil  of  Caen.  4  Fulcher ;  A",  lert ;  Raoul  of  Caen. 

5  Albert  of  Aix  informs  us,  that  the  ladies  of  Boemond's  camp,  seeing 
the  merciles.s  fury  with  which  the  Turks  were  dealing  death  to  all  ages  and 
Bexos,  clothed  themselves  in  their  most  becoming  garments,  and  strove 
to  display  their  charms  to  the  best  advantage,  for  the  purpose  of  obtain- 
.flg  the  durance  of  the  harem  rather  than  the  grave.  Albert  was  not  pre- 
sent, and  did  not  even  visit  the  Holy  Land  ;  and  I  find  his  account  in  this 
respect  conhrmed  by  no  other  historian.  The  good  canon,  indeed,  was 
somewhat  fond  of  little  tales  of  scandal,  .so  that  I  feel  inclined  to  doubt 
his  authority,  where  such  matters  are  under  discussion.  He  has  aR 
anecdote  in  a  similar  style  appended  to  his  history  of  the  taking  of  Nice. 

<>  Rtidulphus,  cap.  2"^ 


HISTORY    or    CHIVALRY.  123 

wills  it !  God  wills  it !"  And  seizing-  his  banner,  he 
spurred  on  with  his  followers  against  the  Turks, 
drove  them  back,  rallied  the  cavalry^,  and  restored 
order  and  regularity  to  the  defence. 

Boemond,  in  the  mean  Avhile,  had  turned  his  arms 
towards  the  camp;  and  the  Turks  had  retreated  from 
that  quarter  of  the  field,  bearing  v.  ith  them  all  that 
was  valuable,  and  a  considerable  nunilier  of  prisoners. 
The  army  of  the  crusade  was  now  concentrated  on 
one  spot,  while  that  of  the  Turks,  surrounding  it  on 
all  sides,  gave  it  not  a  moment's  repose.  Soldier 
fell  beside  soldier,  knight  beside  knight.'  Fatigue 
and  thirst  rendered  those  that  remiained  little  capahle 
of  defence  ;  and  the  dust  and  the  hot  sun  made  many 
of  the  wounds  mortal,  which  otherwise  Mould  have 
been  slight  in  comparison.  In  this  conjuncture,^  the 
women  that  rem.ained  proved  infinitely  serviceable, 
bringing  to  the  troops  water  from  the  river,  and  by 
prayers  and  exhortations  encouraging  them  to  the 
fight. 

Thus  lasted  the  battle  for  many  hours,  when  first  a 
cloud  of  dust,  rising  from  beliind  the  hills,  announced 
that  some  new  combatants  Avere  hurrying  to  the  field. 
Then  rose  above  the  slope  banner,  and  pennon,  and 
lance,  and  glittering  arms,  while  the  red  cross  flutter- 
ing on  the  wind  brought  hops  and  joy  to  the  sinking 
hearts  of  the  crusaders,  and  terror  and  dismay  to  the 
victoiious  Turks.^  In  scattered  bands,  spuning  on 
their  horses  as  for  fe,  cam.e  the  Chivalry  of  the  west 
to  the  aid  of  their  brother  Christians.  None  waited 
for  the  others ;  but  each  hastened  to  the  fight  as  the 
fleetness  of  his  charger  would  permit,  and  rank  after 
rank,  troop  after  troop,  barmer  followed  by  banner, 
and  spear  glittering  after  spear,  came  rushing  ovei 
the  mountains  to  the  valley  of  the  battle.  "  God 
Wills  it !  God  wills  it !"  echoed  from  hill  to  hill.^ 

1  William  of  Tyre.  2  Orderic  Vital ;  Giiibert. 

*  Albert  of  Aix ;  Fulcher,  cap.  5  ;  William  of  Tyre 
<  Radulph.  Cadom.  cap.  26. 


124  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

Robert  of  Normandy  shouted  his  war-cry,  Boe- 
mond,  with  renewed  hope,  couched  his  lance,  and 
Tancred  rushed  upon  the  slayers  of  his  brother. 

At  the  same  time'  Godfrey  of  Bouillon  arrayed  his 
army  as  they  came  up,  and,  with  levelled  lances, 
drove  down  upon  the  Turks.  Hu^^h  of  Vermandois 
attacked  them  on  the  flank,  and  Raimond  of  Tou- 
louse, with  the  warlike  bishop  of  Puy,  soon  increased 
the  forces  of  the  Cross. 

The  Turks^  still  made  great  and  valorous  efforts  to 
maintain  tlie  superiority  they  had  gained,  but  the 
charge  of  the  Latin  Chivalry  was  irresistible.  The 
infidels  were  driven  back,  compelled  to  fly  in  disor- 
der, and  pursued  over  the  mountains  by  the  victo- 
rious crusaders.'^  In  the  hills  the  Christians,  who  fol- 
lowed hard  upon  their  course,  discovered  the  camp 
of  the  vSaracens,  where  immense  booty,  both  in  gold 
and  provisions,'*  became  the  recompense  of  their  ex- 
ertions. Here,  also,  they  found  all  the  prisoners  who 
had  been  taken  in  the  first  part  of  the  battle,  and  a 
great  number  of  beasts  of  burthen,  of  which  they 
were  themselves  in  great  need.  Among  the  rest  was 
•a,  multitude  of  camels,  an  animal  which  few  of  the 
Franks  had  ever  seen  before.  These  were  all  brought 
to  the  Christian  encampment,  and  rejoicing  suc- 
ceeded the  fatigues  and  horrors  of  the  day. 

The  loss  of  the  crusaders,  after  so  long  and  severe 
a  battle,  if  we  can  depend  upon  the  account  gene- 
rally given,  was  very  much  less  than  might  have 
been  anticipated.     Only  four  thousand  men^  are  sup 

1  Fulcher;  Albert  of  AJx. 

2  Albert ;  Radulphus  Cadomaehus,  cap.  27,  28,  et  seq. ;  William  of 
Tyre. 

3  Many  of  the  Christians  attributed  their  victory  to  the  miraculous 
jnterpositi:?!!  of  two  cenonized  niartyia,  wuo.  in  glittering  armour,  led  on 
the  army  of  Godfrey  and  the  count  of  Toulouse,  and  scared  the  Turks 
more  than  .:'l  tht.  lancers  of  the  crusaders.  Though  the  supposed  inter- 
posiiion  rf  sucH  personages  certainly  robbed  the  leaders  of  no  sraall 
b>are  of  gloi  y,  ye^  it  gave  vast  confidence  and  enthusiasm  to  the  infests* 
clasc'^s. 

»  Albert  of  i.ix;  Fulclisr;  Guibert.  «  William  of  Tyre 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRV.  125 

\jjsed  to  have  fallen  on  the  part  of  the  Christians ; 
these  were  principally,  also,  of  the  inferior  classes, 
who,  unprotected  by  the  armour  which  defended  the 
persons  of  the  knights,  were  fully  expose<l  to  the 
arrows  of  the  Turks. 

Three  men  of  great  note,  among  the  champions 
of  the  Cross,  were  added  to  this  hst  of  killed' — 
William,  the  brother  of  Tancred  ;  Geoffrey  of  Mount 
Scabius ;  and  Robert  of  Paris,  whose  conduct  at  the 
court  of  Alexius  we  have  before  mentioned.  The 
loss  on  the  part  of  the  Turks  was  infinitely  more 
considerable,  and  thus,  at  the  close  of  tlie  battle  of 
Doiylffium,  the  Christian  leaders  found  that  they  had 
marked  their  progress  towards  the  Holy  Land  by  a 
great  and  decisive  victory. 

The  crusading  armies  now  paused  for  several 
days,^  enjoying  the  repose  and  comfort  which  the 
spot  afforded,  and  which  their  exhausted  troops  so 
much  required.  The  wounds  of  the  soldiers  who 
had  suffered  in  the  late  battle  were  thus  in  some  de- 
gree healed;  and  the  abundance  of  provisions  the 
en-emy  had  left  behind  served  to  renovate  the  strength 
and  raise  r.p  the  hopes  and  enthusiasm  of  the  Chris- 
tians. In  the  mean  v/hile,  the  Turks,  who  had  sur- 
vived their  defeat  at  DorylcKum,  spread  themselves 
in  large  bands  over  the  countrj^  and,  pretending  to 
have  totally  overcome  the  Latins,  forced  themselves 
into  the  cities,  destroying  and  wasting  every  thing 
in  their  way.^  The  Christians  thus,  in  their  march 
through  Phrygia,  had  to  cross  a  large  tract  which 
had  been  completely  ravaged  by  the  enemy.  With 
their  usual  improvidence,  they  had  exhausted  the 
provisions  they  had  found  in  their  adversary's  camp ; 
and  ignorant  of  the  country,  they  had  provided 
themselves  with  no  water,  so  that  they  had  to  en- 
counter all  the  heat  of  the  solstitial  days  of  a  Phry- 
gian clhnate,  without  a  drop  of  liquid  to  allay  their 

1  Guibert ;  William  of  Tyre  ;  Albert  of  Abe 

2  Allien  of  Aix.  3  Guibert,  lib  iii. 


126  HISTORY    OF    CJlir^LtwY. 

burning  thirst.  .  Men  and  horses  fell  ^v  ♦hoi'SRrd*' 
in  the  way ;'  and  the  women,  paridied  wuh  drought, 
and  dying  with  fatigue,  forgot  dehcacy.  leelmg,  anci 
even  the  ties  of  human  nature — rolled  prostraio  on 
the  ground  v»'ith  the   agony  of  thirst — offered  theii 
naked  bosoms  to  the  swords  of  the  soldiers,  and 
prayed  for  death — or  threw  down  their  new-born 
children  in  the  track  of  the  army,  and  abandoned 
them  to  a  slow  and  miserable  fate  !     The  most  ter- 
rible mortality  prevailed  among  the  beasts  of  burden, 
so  that  the  animals  accustomed  to  bear  the  baggage 
of  the  host  having  nearly  all  died  by  the  way,  dogs 
and   oxen,  and  even  hogs,^  are  said  to  have  been 
loaded  with  the  lighter  articles  of  necessity,  while 
an  immense  quantity  of  luggage  was  cast  away  on 
the  road.    Many  falcons  and  dogs — a  part  of  knightly 
equipage  never  forgotten — had  been  brought  from 
Europe  to  Asia ;  but  the  dogs,  spreading  their  nostrils 
in  vain  to  the  hot  wind  for  the  least  breath  of  mois- 
ture, left  the  long-accustomed  hand  that  they  were 
wont  to  love,  and  stiaying  through  the  desolate  land, 
died  among  the  mountains ;  while  the  clear  eye  of 
the  noble  falcon  withered  under  the  fiery  sky,  which 
nothing  but  a  vulture  could  endure ;  and,  after  long 
privation,  he  dropped  from  the  glove  that  held  him.'' 
At  length  water  was  discovered,  and  the  whole 
army  rushed  forward  to  the  river.     Their  intempe- 
rate eagerness'*  rendered  the  means  of  relief  nearly 
as  destructive  as  the  thirst  which  they  had  endured, 
and  many  were  added  to  the  victims  of  that  horrfoie 
march  by  their  own  imprudent  indulgence  in  the 
cool  blessing  that  they  had  found  at  last.     The 
country  now  had  changed  its  aspect,  and  nothing 
presented  itself  but  splendid  fertility  till  the  host  of 
the  crusade  reached  the  city  of  Antiochetta,  where, 
surrounded  by  rivulets,  and  forests,  and  rich  pas 


Albert  of  Aix,  lib.  iii. ;  William  of  TjTe.        2  Fulcher;  Guibert. 
Albert  4  ibid. 


I 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  127 

tures,  they  pitched  their  tents,  determined  to  enjoy 
the  earthly  paradise  that  spiead  around  them. 

Some  of  the  warriors,  however,  whose  energetic 
spirit  no  fatigues  could  daunt'  or  subdue,  soon  tired 
of  tlie  idle  sweets  of  Antiochetta^  and  voluntarily 
separated  themselves  from  the  army,  seeking  either 
renown  or  profit,  by  detached  enterprises.  Tancred 
on  the  one  hand,  with  the  Prince  of  vSalernum,  and 
several  other  nobles,  five  hundred  knights,  and  a  party 
of  foot-soldiers,  set  out  from  the  army  of  Boemond, 
to  explore  the  country,  and  ascertain  the  strength  of 
the  enemies  by  which  they  were  surrounded.  De- 
taching himself,  at  the  same  time,  from  the  division 
of  Godfrey  of  Bouillon,  Baldwin,  the  brother  of  that 
leader,  joined  Tancred  with  a  somewhat  superior 
force,  actuated  probably  more  by  the  hope  of  his  own 
individual  aggrandizement,  than  by  any  purpose  of 
serving  the  general  cause  of  the  crusade. 

After  wandering  for  some  time  through  the  districts 
round  Iconium  and  Heraclea,^  which  ihe  Turks  had 
taken  care  to  desolate  beforehand,  the  two  chieftains 
again  separated,  and  Tancred,  pursuing  his  w^lj  by 
Cilicia,  came  suddenly  before  Tarsus.  The  Turks, 
by  whom  that  city  was  garrisoned,  knowing  that  the 
greater  part  of  tlie  populace  was  opposed  to  them, 
surrendered  almost  immediately  on  the  approach  of 
the  Christian  leader,  and  while  he  encamped  with  his 
forces  under  tlie  walls,  waiting,  according  to  stipu- 

1  Radulph.  Cadom.  cap.  33  ;  Guibert,  lib.  iii. ;  Will.  Tyr. 

2  All  the  authors  of  the  day  that  I  have  been  able  to  meet  with  declare 
this  expedition  of  Baldwin  and  Tancred  to  have  l)ean  voluntary.  Mills 
only,  as  far  as  I  can  discover,  attributes  their  conduct  to  an  order  re- 
ceived from  others  I  mark  the  circumstance  more  particularly,  be- 
cause, under  my  view  of  the  case,  rhe  fact  of  Tancred  and  his  compa- 
nions liavinfT  separated  themselves  from  the  rest  of  the  host,  after  such 
immense  fatigues,  abandoning  repose  and  comfort,  and  seeking  new 
dangers  and  fresh  privations,  is  one  of  the  most  extraordinary  instances 
on  record  of  the  effect  of  the  chivalrous  spirit  of  the  age.  Under  thia 
point  of  view,  all  the  historians  of  that  time  saw  the  enterprise  which 
they  have  recorded ;  but  Mills,  writing  in  the  least  chivalrous  of  aL 
epochs,  has  reduced  the  wiiole  to  a  corporal-like  obedience  of  orders 

3  Albert  of  Aix,lib  iii.  ;  Radulph.  cap.  37. 


128  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRv. 

lation,  for  tlie  arrival  of  Boemond,  his  banner  was 
hoisted  upon  the  towers  of  the  town.^  Scarcely  had 
this  been  done  when  Baldwin  also  appeared,  and  at 
first,  the  two  armies,  each  conceiving  the  other  to  be 
an  enemy,  prepared  to  give  one  another  battle.  I'he 
mistake  was  soon  discovered,  andTancred  welcomed 
his  comrade  in  arms  to  Tarsus.  The  feelings  of 
Baldwin,  however,  were  less  chivalric  than  those  of 
the  noble  chief  of  Otranto,  and  the  banner  of  Tan- 
cred  flying  on  the  walls  of  Tarsus  was  an  object 
that  he  could  not  long  endure.  After  passing  a  day 
or  two  in  apparent  amity,  he  suddenly  demanded 
possession  of  the  city,  declaring,  that  as  he  led  the 
superior  force,  he  was  entitled  to  command.  Tan- 
cred  scofled  at  the  absurd  pretence,  and  both  par- 
lies had  nearly  betaken  themselves  to  arms.^  The 
noble  moderation  of  the  Italian  leader  brought  about 
a  temporary  reconciliation.  He  agreed  that  the  peo- 
ple of  tlie  city  themselves  should  be  referred  to,  and 
choose  the  chief  to  whom  they  would  submit.  This 
was  accordingly  done,  and  the  inhabitants  instantly 
fixed  upon  the  knight  to  whom  they  had  first  surien- 
dered.^  But  Baldwin  was  yet  unsatisfied;  and  aftei 
having  made  a  proposal  to  sack  and  pillage  the  town, 
which  was  rejected  with  scorn  and  abhorrence  by 
bis  more  generous  fellow-soldier,  he  caballed  with 
tlie  citizens  and  the  Turks,  till  he  won  them  to  throw 
down  Tancred's  banner,  and  yield  themselves  to  him. 
Mortified,  indignant,  even  enraged,  the  steady  pur- 
pose of  right  within  the  bosom  of  the  chief  of  Otranto 
maintained  him  still  in  that  undeviating  course  of 
rectitude  which  he  had  always  pursued;  and,  re- 
t>olved  not  to  imbrue  a  sword  drawn  for  honour  and 
religion  in  the  blood  of  his  fellow-christians,'*  he 
withdrew  his  forces  from  before  Tarsus,  and  turned 
his  arms  against  Mamistra.     The  Turks  here,  moie 

1  Albert  of  Aix,  lib.  iii. ;  Guibert ;  Will.  Tyr. 

2  Radulphus,  cap.  S8.  3  Albert  oJ  Aix ;  Guibert,  lib.  iiL 
4  Raduiphus;  Albert  of  Aix  ;  Guibert  of  Nogeiu. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  129 

bold  vlian  those  of  the  former  city,  beheld  his  ap- 
proach unawed,  and  held  out  the  town  for  several 
days,  till  at  length  it  fell  by  storm,  and  the  victorious 
chief  planted  his  banner  on  those  walls  with  far 
more  honourable  glory  than  that  which  surrounded 
the  standard  of  Baldwin  at  Tarsus. 

In  the  mean  while,  another  body  of  crusaders,  de- 
tached  from  the  troops  of  Boemond,  arrived  before 
the  city  in  which  Baldwin  had  established  himself, 
and  demanded  entrance,  or  at  least  assistance  and 
provisions.  Baldwin'  cruelly  caused  the  gates  to  be 
shut  upon  them ;  and  had  it  not  been  for  the  charita- 
ble care  of  some  of  the  Christian  inhabitants,  who  let 
them  down  wine  and  food  from  the  walls,  they  would 
have  been  left  to  expire  of  want.  A  fate  hardly  bet- 
ter awaited  them.  The  Turks  had  still,  by  their  ca- 
pitulation, maintained  possession  of  several  of  the 
towers  of  Tarsus,  but  fearful  of  the  superior  force  of 
Baldwin,  they  sought  but  a  fair  opportunity  to  es- 
cape witlwut  pursuit.  The  very  night  that  the  de- 
tachment of  which  1  have  spoken  above  arrived,  the 
Turks  carried  their  intentions  into  effect,^  and  find- 
ing a  small  body  of  Christians  sleeping  under  the  walls 
without  defence,  they  made  the  massacre  of  the  whole 
the  first  step  in  their  flight.  The  soldiers  of  Bald- 
win and  the  citizens  of  Tarsus,  who  had  together 
witnessed,  v/ith  indignation,  the  barbarous  conduct 
of  the  French  chieftain,  now  rose  in  absolute  revolt.'^ 
Baldwin,  however,  having  remained  in  concealment 
for  a  few  da^^s,  contrived  to  pacify  his  followers,  and 
to  overawe  the  city.  After  this  he  joined  himself  to 
a  band  of  piratical  adventurers,  who  about  that  time 
arrived  accidentally  at  Tarsus,  a^id  who,  mingling 
their  lust  of  prey  with  some  dark  and  superstitious 
notions  of  religion,  had  turned  their  course  towards 
ilie  Holy  Land,  in  the  pleasant  hope  of  serving  both 

1  .Dieft.  lib,  iii.  2  Albert.  «  Ibid. 

L 


130  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

God  and  Mammon  with  the  sword.'  With  these 
Baldwin  continued  to  ravage  Cihcia,  and  at  length 
approaching  Mamistra,  in  which  Tancred  had  esta- 
blished himself,  he  pitched  his  tents  upon  the  imme- 
diate territory  of  that  city.  Tancred  now  gave  way 
to  his  indignation,  and  issmng  forth,  though  accom- 
panied by  very  inferior  forces,  he  attacked  Baldwin 
sword  in  hand,  when  a  fierce  engagement  ensued  be- 
tween the  two  Christian  armies.  The  struggle  was 
severe  but  short :  the  superior  numbers  of  the  French 
prevailed,  and  Tancred  was  forced  to  retreat  into  the 
city.  On  one  side,  the  Prince  of  Salernum  was  made 
prisoner  by  Baldvvin,^  and  on  the  other,  Gilbert  of  Mont- 
clar  was  taken ;  but  the  next  day,  shame  for  their  un- 
christian dissensions  took  possession  of  each  chief. 
Peace  was  agreed  upon ;  they  embraced  in  siglit  of 
the  two  hosts ;  the  captives  were  exchanged,  and,  as 
usual,  Satan  got  the  credit  of  the  dispute.  Baldwiii 
proceeded,  after  this,  to  join  the  main  army,  and  left 
his  piratical  associates  to  aid  Tancred  in  laying  waste 
the  country. 

During  these  events  the  great  body  of  the  crusade 
had  remained  for  some  time  at  Antiochetta,  where 
the  people  continued  to  acquire  new  health  and 
strength,  in  the  enjoyment  of  that  tranquillity  and 
abundance  which  had  been  so  long  withheld"  from 
them.  Not  so  the  chiefs,  two  of  whom^  — and  those 
of  the  most  distinguished— had  nearly,  in  this  period 
of  repose  and  peace,  found  that  death  which  they  had 
fiO  often  dared  in  ^he  midst  of  battle  and  hardship. 

Godfrey  of  Bouillon,  in  delivering  a  pilgrim  from 
the  attack  of  a  huge^  bear  in  the  v/oods  of  Antio- 
cheita,  had  almost  fallen  a  victim  to  his  chivalrous 
courage:  he  received  so  many  wounds,  that  even 
after  having  slain  his  ferocious  adversary,  he  could 

'  Albert ;  Raoul  de  Caen. '  J^ee  also  Fulcher.  who  was  chaplain  to 
Baldwin.  2  Albert  of  Aix ;  Raoul  of  Caen. 

3  Albert  of  Aix;  William  of  Tyre;  Raimond  d'Agiles. 

4  Albert  of  Aix  ;  William  of  Tvro 


HISTORY    OF     CHIVALRY.  131 

not  drag  himself  from  the  forest  to  the  camp ;  and 
remained  long  and  dangerously  ill  in  consequence. 
At  the  same  time,  the  Count,  of  Toulouse  was  seized 
with  a  violent  fever,  which  brought  him  to  the  brinlc 
of  the  grave.  Pie  was  taken  from  his  bed  and  laid 
upon  the  ground — as  was  customar}^  among  the  pil- 
grims at  the  hour  of  death,  that  they  might  expire  with 
all  humility — and  the  Bishop  of  Orange  administered 
the  last  sacraments  of  the  cliurch  :^  but  a  certain 
Count  of  Saxe,  who  accompanied  the  army,  came  to 
visit  the  leader  of  the  Proven9als,  and  told  him  that 
St.  Giles  (the  patron  saint  of  the  Counts  of  Toulouse) 
had  twice  appeared  to  him  in  a  dream,  assuiing  him 
that  so  valuable  a  life  should  be  spared  to  the  cru- 
saders. 

Whether  from  the  effect  of  that  most  excellent  me- 
dicine, hope,  or  from  a  natural  turn  in  his  disease,  the 
count  suddenly  began  to  recover,  and  before  long  was 
sufficiently  well  to  accom.pany  the  army  in  a  litter. 
The  chiefs  of  the  crusade  now  directed  their  march 
towards  Antioch,  suffering  not  a  little  from  the  deso- 
late state  of  the  country,  which,  devastated  on  every 
side  by  the  Turks,  afforded  no  means  of  supplying  the 
immense  multitude  that  followed  the  standard  of  the 
Cross.  After  passing  Iconium  and  Heraclea,  their 
fatigues  were  destined  to  increase  rather  than  di- 
minish. Their  road  now  lay  through  uninhabited 
wilds,  Vv'hich  Robert  the  Monk  describes  in  language 
at  once  picturesque  and  terrific.'^  "  They  travelled," 
says  he,  "with  deplorable  suffering 'through  moun- 
tains where  no  path  was  to  be  found  except  the  paths 
of  reptiles  and  savage  beasts,  and  where  the  passages 
afforded  no  more  space  than  just  sufficient  to  place 
one  foot  before  the  other,  in  tracks  shut  in  between 
rocks  and  thorny  bushes.  The  depths  of  the  preci- 
pices seemed  to  sink  down  to  the  centre  of  the  earth, 


1  Raimond  d'Agiles. 

2  Robert.  Mon.  lib.  iii.  Albert  of  Aix 


132  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

while  the  summits  of  the  mountains  appeared  to  rise 
up  to  the  firmament.  The  knights  and  men-at-arms 
walked  forward  with  uncertain  steps,  the  armour 
being  slung  over  their  shoulders,  and  each  of  them 
acting  as  a  foot-soldier,  for  none  daied  mount  his 
horse.  Many  would  willingly  have  sold  their  hel- 
mets, their  breastplates,  or  their  shields,  had  they 
found  any  one  to  buy,  and  some,  wearied  out,  cast 
down  their  arms,  to  walk  more  lightly.  No  loaded 
liorses  could  pass,  and  the  men  were  obliged  to  carry 
the  whole  burdens.  None  could  stop  or  sit  down : 
none  could  aid  his  companion,  except  where  the 
one  who  came  behind  might  sometimes  help  the 
person  before  him,  though  those  that  preceded 
could  hardly  turn  tlie  head  towards  those  that  fol- 
lowed. Nevertheless,  having  traversed  these  horri- 
ble paths,  or  rather  these  pathless  wildernesses,  they 
arrived  at  length  at  the  city  named  Marasia,  the  in 
habitants  of  which  received  them  with  joy  and  re- 
spect." 

At  Marasch  tlie  host  was  rejoined  by  Baldwin, 
whose  wife  died  a  few  days  before  his  arrival.  His 
brother  Godfrey,^  too,  was  still  suffering  from  the 
effects  of  his  combat  with  the  wild  beast,  and  all  the 
chiefs  of  the  crusade,  indignant  at  his  conduct  at  Tar- 
sus, gave  him  but  a  chilling  and  gloomy  reception.- 
Tlie  spirit  of  individual  aggrandizement  was  still  the 
strongest  passion  in  the  breast  of  Baldwin,  and  the 
coldness  of  his  companions  in  arms  yielded  him  no 
great  encouragement  to  stay  and  employ  his  efforts 
for  the  general  object  of  the  expedition,  rather  than 
for  the  purposes  of  his  own  selfish  ambition.  He 
very  soon  abandoned  the  rest  of  the  chiefs,  contriv- 
ing to  seduce  tw^o  hundred  knights,  and  a  large  party 
of  foot-soldiers,  to  join  him ;  and  as  his  course  was 
thenceforth  separate  from  the  rest  of  the  crusaders, 
I  shall  follow  the  example  of  Guibert,  and  briefly 

Albert  of  Aix  'i  William  oi'  Tyro 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  133 

trace  it  out,  till  it  falls  again  into  the  general  stream 
of  events. 

Accompanied  by  Pancrates,'  an  Armenian,  who 
painted  in  glowing  colours  the  wealth  of  the  provinces 
on  the  other  side  of  the  Euphrates,^  and  the  facility 
with  which  they  might  be  conquered,  he  set  out  with 
the  vague  hope  of  plundering  something  and  over- 
coming some  one,  he  knew  not  well  what  or  whom. 
However,  his  skill  as  a  commander  was  certain  to 
find  matter  on  which  to  exercise  itself,  in  a  country 
possessed  by  an  active  enemy,  while  his  rapacious 
propensities  were  very  likeh^  to  be  gratified  in  a  rich 
and  plentiful  land,  where  the  many  were  oppressed 
by  the  few.  TurbesseP  and  Ravendel  fell  imme- 
diately into  his  hands,  and  were  at  first  placed  under 
the  command  of  his  companion,  Pancrates ;  but  be- 
ginning to  suspect  that  personage,  he  forced  him  to 
deliver  up  the  cities,  by  imprisonment,  torture,  and  a 
threat  of  having  him  torn  limb  from  limb.^  He  then 
passed  onward,  crossed  the  Euphrates,  and  at  the 
Invitation  of  Thoros,  sovereign  of  Edessa,  entered 
that  city,  to  free  it  from  the  power  of  the  Turks. 
Tiioros,  a  weak  and  childless  old  man,  was  driven  by 
the  inhabitants — who  were  terrified  at  their  infidel 
neighbours,  and  had  no  confidence  in  their  feeble 
monarch — to  adopt  the  brother  of  Godfrey,  with  all 
the  curious  ceremonies  then  practised  on  such  occa- 
sions. He  passed  his  own  shirt  over  Baldwin's 
shoulder3,^jpressed  him  to  his  naked  breast,  and  pub- 
licly declared  him  his  son.^  * 

The  transactions  that  followed  are  very  obscure, 
and  as  I  have  not  been  able  to  satisfy  myself  in  re- 
gard to  the  share  which  Baldwin  had  in  the  tumults 
that  succeeded,  and  the  death  of  Thoros,  I  will  but 
state  the  facts,  without  attempting  to  trace  them  to 

1  Albert  of  Aix. 

2  The  population  of  these  countries  was  in  general  Christian. 

3  Fulcher ;  Albert.  4  Albert ;  Guibert,  lib.  iii. 
6  Guibert.  6  Albert. 


13 1  K-ISTOIir    OF    CHIVALRY. 

secret,  causes,  which  are  now  hidden  in  the  dark  ta- 
bernacle of  the  pas'^^.  Something  we  know — Baldwin 
was  ambitious,  unscrupulous,  intrig-uing,  cruel — and 
shortly  after  his  arrival,  the  people  of  Edessa  rose 
against  their  unhappy  prince,  slew  him,  and  elected 
Baldwin  in  his  place.  It  does  not  absolutely  appear 
that  Baldwin  was  the  instigator  of  these  riots,  or  the 
prompter  of  the  death  of  Thoros ;  but  it  does  appear 
that  he  did  not  exert  himself  as  he  might  iiave  done 
to  put  them  down.  That  it  was  in  his  power  to  sup- 
press them  is  evinced  by  the  rapidity  with  which  he 
reduced  the  Edessians'  to  the  most  submissive  obe- 
dience, immediately  that  the  rank  for  which  he  had  to 
contend  ^'as  his  own.  Ke  afterward  proceeded  to 
aggrandize  his  domirjions,  by  attacking  various  of 
the  neighbouring  cities,  and  thus,  in  continual  strug- 
gles, he  passed  his  days,  till  some  time  after  his  com- 
panions in  arms  had  completed  their  conquest  of  the 
Holy  Land. 

In  the  mean  while,  Tancred  took  possession  of  the 
whole  country  as  far  as  the  town  of  Alexandretta,  in 
the  Gulf  of  Ajasse ;  and  the  great  army  of  the  cru- 
sade continued  its  m.arch,  throwing  forward  Robert 
of  Flanders  to  seize  on  Artesia.^  The  Mahommedan 
soldiery  prepared  to  resist ;  but  the  Armenian  inha- 
bitants opened  the  gates  to  their  Christian  deliverers, 
and  the  infidels  were  massacred  without  mercy.  On 
the  news  of  this  event,  Baghasian,  the  commander 
of  the  Turkish  garrison  of  Antioch,  apparently  not 
knowing  the  immediate  proximity  of  the  whole  Chris- 
Yian  forcN,  endeavoured  to  cut  off,  by  stratagem,  the 
small  army  of  the  Count  of  Flanders,  who  was  accom- 
panied by  only  one  thousand  knights.  For  this  pur- 
pose the  Turk  advanced  from  Antioch,''  followed  by 
nearly  twenty  thousand  horsemen,  whom  he  placed 
in  ambush  in  a  plain  near  the  city,  while  he  himself, 

1  Guiberf,  lib.  iii.;  where  see  the  manner  in  which  Baldwin  contrived 
to  subjugate  the  inhabitants. 

2  Albert  of  \ix.  3  Guibert 


HISTORV    OF    CHIVALRY.  135 

at  the  head  of  a  petty  detachment,  armed  alone  with 
bows  of  horn,'  advanced  as  if  to  reconnoitre  the 
Christian  troops.  Robert  of  Flanders  and  his  knights 
suffered  themselves  to  be  deceived,  and  charged  the 
enemy,  v;ho  tied  before  thera,  but  in  a  moment  they 
were  surrounded  by  immensely  superior  numbers, 
who,  with  terrific  cries,  rushed  on,  to  v/hat  appeared 
a  certain  victory.  The  gallantry^  and  courage  of 
th6  Christian  warriors  served  to  deliver  them  from 
the  danger  into  which  the  excess  of  that  very  cou- 
rage had  brought  them,  and  charging  the  Turks  with 
vigour  in  one  decided  direction,  they  succeeded  in 
cutting  their  way  tiirough,  and  effecting  their  retreat 
to  the  city. 

Here,  however,  they  were  besieged  by  the  enemy ; 
but  the  arrival  of  Tancred,  on  his  return  from  his 
victorious  expedition,  together  with  reinforcements 
from  the  mam  army,  relieved  them  from  the  pre- 
sence of  the  Turks,  who  retreated  upon  Antioch. 

1  Albert. 

2  Mills  declares,  that  the  Christians  were  rescued  from  this  ambus- 
raJe  by  thu  arrival  of  Tancred.  I  find  the  account  of  Albert  of  Aix 
to'ji'lv  oo'in-frt  lo  such  a  statement ;  v.'hile  the  passage  in  Raoul  of  Caen 
relating  to  this  event  is  so  full  of  errors  in  other  respects,  that  no  reliance 
could  be  placed  upon  it,  even  if  it  justified  the  assertion  of  Mills,  which, 
however,  it  does  not  do.  He  states,  that  Tancred  arrived  long  before  the 
ambuscade,  and  that  he  Ibund  Ualdwin  at  Artesia.  By  this  he  might 
mean  Baldwin  de  Bourg,  who,  afler  the  other  Baldwin  became  King  of 
Jerusalem,  was  also  created  Count  of  Edessa ;  but  this  interpretation 
cannot  be  admitted  here,  as  he  mentions  the  former  disputes  between 
the  soldiers  of  Tancred  and  of  the  Baldwin  to  whom  he  refers,  and  who 
could  therefore  be  none  oilier  than  the  brother  of  Godfrey,  who  was,  we 
know,  in  Edessa  at  the  time.  We  may  therefore  conclude,  that  as  a 
principal  part  of  this  account  is  notoriously  false,  Raoul  of  Caea  cannot 
be  considered  as  any  authority,  so  far  as  this  event  is  concerned.  Find 
iiif,  the  statement  of  Tancred's  as.sistance  here  not  confirmed  by  any 
ul  er  good  authority,  I  have  abided  by  the  account  of  Albert. 


}3fl  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

The  Host  of  the  Cnisade  invests  Antioch— 'Description  of  that  City-^ 
Difficulties  and  Errors  of  the  Crusaders — Improvidence — Famine — 
Spiei,— Desertions — Embassy  frovi  the  Calif  of  Egypt—  Succoi.rs 
from  the  Genoese  and  Pisans — Battle — Feats  of  the  Christian 
Knights — Boeinond  keeps  up  a  Communication  within  the  Town — 
The  Town  betrayed  to  the  Christians— Massacres — Anival  of  an 
Army  from  Persia — The  Christians  besieged  in  Antioch — Famine 
— Desertions — Visions—  Renewed  Enthusiasm — Di?ninished  Forces 
of  the  Christians — Battle  of  Antiorh — The  Crusaders  victorious — 
Spoils — Disputes  ivith  the  Count  of  Toulouse — The  Chiefs  determine 
to  repose  at  Antioch — Ambassadors  sent  to  Alexius — Fate  of  t/ieir 
Embassy. 

The  army  now  began  to  approach  towards  An- 
tioch ;  and  it  was  evident,  that  the  task  which  the 
champions  of  the  Crosshad  undertaken  was  becoming 
more  and  more  difficult,  as  it  drew  near  its  consum- 
mation. The  host  was  proceeding  further  and  fur- 
ther from  all  resources  ;  its  enemies  were  gathering 
strength  and  falling  back  upon  fresh  supplies  ;  mul- 
titudes of  the  invaders  had  died,  and  others  were 
each  day  joining  the  dead :  little  hope  of  fresh  rein- 
forcements could  be  entertained,  and  the  flame  of 
enthusiasm  was  waxing  dim,  while  fatigue,  privation, 
and  continual  anxiety  were  gradually  bringing  dis- 
gust to  the  enterprise.  The  council  of  leaders,'  well 
aware  of  the  increasing  dangers,  now  issued  orders 
that  in  future  no  party  whatever  should  absent  itself 
from  the  main  body ;  and  all  considerable  detach- 
ments having  rejoined  it,  1>hey  marched  on  to  the  val- 
ley of  the  Orontes.  Over  that  river  a  stone  bridge 
of  nine  arches  was  the  only  passage :  this  was 
strongly  fortified,  and  closed  with  doors  plated  witl, 
iron,  from  which  circumstance  it  had  received  the 
name  of  the  iron-bridge.     The  Turks  defended  this 

1  Albert  of  Aix. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  137 

formidable  position  with  great  valour  ag-aiust  Robert, 
Duke  of  Normandy,  who  commanded  the  advance 
guard  of  the  crusading. army;  but  on  the  arrival  of 
Godfrey  and  the  other  forces,  the  bridge  was  carried, 
the  river  passed,  and  Antioch  invested. 

In  the  vast  plain  situated  at  the  foot  of  the  moun- 
tains,^ tlie  Orontes  Avanders  on  towards  the  sea, 
skirting,  during  a  part  of  its  course,  the  steep  boun- 
dary which  closes  in  the  plain  of  Antioch  from  the 
south.  On  one  of  the  bendings  of  the  river  was 
situated  the  town  of  Antioch,  which,  climbing  up  the 
hills,  took  within  the  embrace  of  its  massy  walls 
three  high  peaks  of  the  mountain,  one  of  which 
standing  towards  the  north  is  separated  from  the 
others  by  a  steep  precipice,  and  was  then  crowned 
by  a  high  and  almost  impregnable  citadel.^  The 
town  itself,  which  extended  in  length  two  miles,  was 
so  strongly  fortified  by  art  and  nature,  that  none  of 
the  active  means  then  known  seemed  likely  to  take 
it  by  assault.  The  walls  of  the  city  were  not  abso- 
lutely washed  by  the  Orontes ;  for  between  them  and 
that  river  was  a  space  of  level  ground,  the  breadth 
of  which  Raimond  d'Agiles  estimates  at  an  arrow's 
fliglit ;  but,  as  the  river  turned  in  its  course,  it  ap- 
proached nearer  to  the  town,  and  an  antique  bridge,^ 
Mdiichthe  crusaders  at  first  neglected  to  secure,  gave 
infinite  facility  to  the  Turks,  both  in  annoying  theii 
adversaries,  and  in  procuring  supplies.  On  the  othei 
side,  spreading  from  the  river  to  the  foot  of  the 
mountains,  was  a  marsh  supplied  constantly  by  some 
'  fresh  springs.  Over  this  also  was  thrown  a  bridge, 
which  equally  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  infidels. 

The  encampment  of  the  crusaders  was  conducted 
witliout  any  degree  of  military  science.'*  Various 
points  were  left  open  and  unguarded;  each  chief 
seemed  to  choose  his  own  situation,  and  form  hia 
own  plan  of  attack ;  and  the  most  scandalous  waste 

1  Raimond  cV.Vpiles.        2  Will.  Tyr.,  Raimond,       3  Albert  of  Aix. 
■4  Raimond ;  Guibert  of  r»"ogent. 


138  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

and  profusion  from  the  very  first  laid  the  foundation 
of  after  want  and  misery. 

Such  were  the  obstacles  which  impeded  the  pro- 
gi-ess  ©f  the  forces  of  the  Cross,  and  which  might  ul- 
timately have  rendered  all  their  efforts  abortive,  had 
not  other  circumstances  arisen  to  bring  about  an 
event  that  their  own  skill  and  conduct  would  never 
have  accomplished.  It  is  not  necessary  here  to  de- 
scribe the  position  of  the  several  leaders :  suffice  it, 
that  Tatin,  as  he  is  called  by  the  writers  of  that  day, 
the  commander  of  the  troops  of  Alexius,  took  up  his 
station  in  a  spot  detached  from  the  rest.  Three 
hundred  thousand  men  capable  of  bearing  arms,'  sat 
down  under  the  walls  of  Antioch  ;  and  such  a  pro- 
fusion of  provisions  was  found,  even  for  this  im- 
mense multitude,  that  the  greater  part  of  each  animal 
slaughtered  was  wasted,  the  crusaders  in  the  wan- 
tonness of  luxury  refusing  to  eat  any  but  particular 
parts  of  the  beast.^ 

Such  was  the  formidable  appearance  of  the  city, 
however,  that  a  council  was  held  to  consider  whether 
it  would  be  advisable  to  attack  it  at  once,  or,  remain- 
ing beneath  the  walls,  to  wait  and  see  if  famine 
would  spare  the  work  of  the  sword,  or  spring  bring 
fresh  resources  to  the  besiegers.  This  opinion  was 
soon  negatived,  and  the  attack  began  ;  but  the  walls 
of  Antioch  resisted  all  efforts.  Every  means  then 
known  was  employed  by  the  crusaders  to*batter  tlie 
heavy  masonry  of  those  mighty  bulwarks,  but  in 
vain.  Moveable  tov.'ers,  and  catapults,  and  mango- 
nels, and  battering-rams,  were  all  used  ineffectually  : 
while  the  besieged,  in  a  variety  of  sallies,  harassed 
night  and  day  the  Christian  camp,  and  destroyed 
many  of  the  assailants. 

The  consequences^  of  their  first  improvidence 
were  scion  bitterly  visited  on  the  heads  of  the  cu- 

1  Raimond ;  Albert  says  six  hundred  thousand  ;  Guibert  of  Nogent 

2  Raimond. 

3  Raimond  d'Agiles ;  Albert  d'Aix  ;  Guibert  de  Nogent,  lib.  iv.;  Robert 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  139 

saders.  Famine  began  to  spread  in  the  camp ;  and 
pestilential  diseases,  engendered  by  unwholesome 
food  and  the  neighbourhood  of  a  large  tract  of 
marshy  land,  in  the  autumn  and  winter  seasons, 
raged  tliroughthe  hosts  of  t)ie  Cross,  and  slew  more 
fearfully  even  than  the  arrows  of  the  enemy.  Death 
in  every  shape  grew  familiar  to  their  eyes,  and  the 
thought  of  passing  to  another  world  lost  all  the  salu- 
tary horror  wliich  is  so  great  a  check  on  vice. 
Crimes  of  various  descriptions  were  common;'  and 
the  sharp  urgency  of  famine,  joined  with  that  hor- 
rible contempt  of  all  human  ties,  which  the  extreme 
of  mortal  need  alone  can  bring,  induced  many  of  the 
crusaders,  deprived  of  other  aliments,  to  feed  upon 
the  dead  bodies  of  the  slain.^  At  the  same  time, 
the  Turks  suffered  not  their  miseries  to  pass  without 
aggravation,  but  kept  the  unsparing  sword  constantly 
at  their  throats;^  while,  by  a  number  of  spies, 
dressed  in  the  garb  of  Greeks  and  Armenians,  the 
garrison  became  aware  of  all  the  movements  and 
necessities  of  their  besiegers."*  To  correct  the 
crimes  of  the  camp,  a  court  was  instituted,  with  full 
power  to  try  and  punish  ;  while,  to  prevent  the  im- 
morality which  was  grov/ing  too  glaring  for  en- 
durance, the  women  were  separated  from  the  general 
host,  and  provided  for  and  protected  apart. 

At  the  same  time,  Boemond  employed  a  some- 
what savage  mode  of  freeing  the  army  from  the 
spies  by  which  it  was  infested.  Having  detected 
some  Turks  in  disguise,  he  caused  them  to  be  slain 
and  roasted  in  his  presence  ;  declaring,  that  famine 
knew  no  delicacies,  and  that  in  future  he  should 
feed  upon  such  fare.  Still,  however,  the  mortality 
and  the  dearth  increased;  and  though  an  excursion 
made  by  Boemond^  and  Robert  of  Flanders  brought 

1  Raimond  d'Agiles  :  Albert  of  Aix  ;  Guibert  de  Nogent. 

2  Malmsbur)-.  3  Albert ;  Raimond  d'AgUw*. 
*  Guibert  de  Xosent ;  Robertus  ]Monaclius,  lib.  jv 

6 Guibert;  Albert;  Robert.  Mon. 


140  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

a  temporary  supply  to  the  camp,  yet  that  was  soon 
improvidently  wasted  like  the  rest,  and  the  scarcity 
became  more  rigorous  than  ever.  Desertion  of 
course  followed.'  Among  such  a  multitude,  there 
were  many  whose  hearts  were  not  of  that  firm  and 
all-enduring  mould  which  could  alone  carry  on  an 
enterprise  surrounded  by  such  horrors  and  distresses. 
Taticius,^  the  Greek,  upon  pretence  of  searching  foi 
assistance  at  Constantinople,  retreated  with  the  few 
troops  he  commanded ;  and  his  example  was  fatal  to 
the  resolution  of  many  others.  Various  bodies  of 
crusaders  abandoned  the  army,  and  found  refuge  in 
the  different  Christian  states  that  still  subsisted  in 
the  neighbouring  countries :  many  tried  to  tread  their 
n^ay  back  to  Europe ;  and  the  Count  de  Melun,''  a 
celebrated  warrior,  but  a  notorious  plunderer,  at- 
tempted to  quit  the  host  of  the  Cross,  and  seek  some 
other  adventure,  where  personal  danger  was  not 
accompanied  by  famine  and  privation.  Even  Peter 
the  Hermit  himself,'*  no  longer  looked  upon  as  a  great 
leader  or  an  inspired  preacher,  seeing  misery,  death, 
and  horror  pursuing  the  object  of  all  his  enthusiasm, 
and  feeling  himself,  perhaps,  less  valued  than  his 
zeal  merited,  was  abandoned  by  that  ardour  which 
had  been  his  great  support.  Whereas,  had  he  been 
still  regarded  as  a  prophet,  or  followed  as  a  mighty 
chief,  he  would  probably  have  borne  the  extremity 
of  suffering  without  a  murmur;  noM%  told  to  endure 
want  and  wretchedness  as  a  private  individual,  he 
yielded,  like  the  weakest  of  those  that  surrounded 
liim,  and  tried  to  flee  from  the  pangs  which  he  had  no 
stimulus  to  endure.  Both  of  these  fugitives^  were 
brought  back  byTancred;  and  after  undergoing  a 
severe  reprimand,  were  forced  to  vow  that  they  would 

1  Raimond  d'A^rjies. 

2  Ibid;  Guibcrt;  Robertus  Monachu? 

3  Guibert  says  he  was  a  boasting  coward  ;  but  this  is  contradicted  bv 
others. 

'*  Guibert  de  Nogent ;  Robert 

6  Guibert ;  Robertus  Monachus,  hb.  iv 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  141 

never  abandon  the  enterprise  till  the  army  had  reached 
Jerusalem. 

In  the  mean  while,^  the  camp  of  the  crusaSers  re- 
ceived embassies  from  two  different  and  unexpected 
quarters.  Which  arrived  first,  or  at  what  period  of 
the  siege  either  arrived,  is  of  little  consequence,  and 
impossible  exactly  to  determine;  for  on  this  subject, 
as  well  as  every  other  collateral  circumstance,  each 
of  the  contemporary  authors  differs  from  his  fellows; 
and  the  historian  may  think  himself  fortunate  when 
he  finds  them  agreeing-  even  on  the  principal  facts. 
The  news  of  the  progress  of  the  Christian  host  had 
spread  even  to  Cairo  -{■  and  the  calif  of  Egj'pt,  from 
whose  hands  Syria  had  been  wrested  by  the  Turks, 
sent  deputies  to  the  leaders  of  tlie  crusade,  probably 
more  with  the  intent  of  ascertaining  their  real  con- 
dition, and  the  likelihood  of  their  ultimate  success, 
than  for  the  purpose  of  binding  himself  to  them  by 
any  formal  treaty.  His  messengers,  however,  were 
charged  to  congratulate  the  Latins  on  their  progress, 
and  to  offer  the  most  advantageous  terms  of  union, 
if  they  would  consent  to  act  in  concert  with  the 
Egyptian  power.  They  ^  detailed  the  mild  and  libera] 
measures  which  the  calif  had  employed  towards 
the  Christians  of  their  countiy,  and  they  engaged  the 
leaders  to  send  back  ambassadors  to  the  court  of  their 
sovereign.-* 

After  the  siege  had  continued  some  time,  a  most 

1  Robert.  Monac.  2  Albert  of  Aix. 

3  Raimond  d'Ai^iles;  Vertot ;  Guibert:  William  of  Tyre. 

4  This  is  one  of  the  points  on  which  the  authorities  of  the  day  are  in 
direct  opposition  to  each  other.  Mills  has  chosen  ths  opinion  of  Rcr- 
bertus  Monachus,  who  states  that  the  message  of  the  caiif  was  haughty 
and  insolent.  I  have  followed  another  version  of  the  story,  because  I 
find  it  supported  by  a  greater  weight  of  evidence,  and  because  1  do  not 
think  the  calif  would  have  taken  the  trouble  of  sending  all  the  way  from 
Egypt  to  insult  a  party  of  rnen  whose  persevering  conduct  showed  that 
they  were  not  likely  to  be  turned  back  by  words.  Guibert  says,  that  tlie 
c-alif  promised  even  to  embrace  the  Christian  laith,  in  case  the  crusaders 
overcame  the  Turks,  and  restored  to  him  his  Syrian  dominions.  Albert 
of  Aix  also  vouches  the  same  proposal,  which,  however  iinprobabic 
might  have  been  mado  for  the  purpose  of  deceiv-ir.g  the  crusaier.'* 


142  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

welcome  aid,  both  in  men  and  stores,  arrived  at  the 
little  .port  of  St.  Simeon,  situated  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Orontes.  This  town  had  already,  for  many  years, 
served  as  a  seaport  to  Antioch,  which,  in  its  high 
prosperity,'  had  carried  on  considerable  trade  with 
the  Italian  cities  of  the  Mediterranean;  and  to  it  the 
states  of  Genoa  and  Pisa  now  sent  a  large  rein- 
forcement of  soldiers,^  and  several  ship-loads  of  pro- 
visions. 

The  famished  crusaders  proceeded  towards  the 
spot  in  straggling  crowds,  and  Boemond,''  with  the 
Count  of  Toulouse,  at  the  head  of  some  regular  troops, 
marched  down  to  escort  their  newly  arrived  brethren, 
and  the  supplies  they  were  conveying,  to  the  general 
camp  of  the  crusaders.  The  Turks  of  Antioch, 
however,  let  no  opportunity  of  vengeance  and  annoy- 
ance pass  unemployed.  Boemond,  embarrassed  with 
a  multitude  of  rabble,  and  encumbered  with  baggage, 
was  encountered,  as  he  returned  through  the  moun- 
tains, by  a  large  body  of  Moslems,  who,  taking  him 
unprepared,  slew  a  great  number  of  the  people,  and 
put  the  leaders  and  their  knights  to  flight.  Boemond 
arrived  breathless  at  the  camp,  but  the  rumour  of  the 
battle  had  preceded  him.  Godfrey  of  Bouillon'*  was 
already  in  the  saddle  ;  and  now,  joined  by  Raimond 
and  Boemond,  together  with  Hugh  of  Vermandois, 
the  Duke  of  Normandy,  and  Robert  of  Flanders,  he 
advanced  to  the  top  of  the  hills,  behind  which  the 
victorious  Turks  Avere  winding  onward,  on  their  re- 
turn to  the  city. 

A  skirmish  took  place  for  the  position  on  the 
mountains,  but  the  Christians  obtained  it  with  little 
difficulty ;  and  thus  cut  off  the  enemy  from  the  tow^n.^ 
The  Turks  were  forced  to  fight  once  more ;  but  they 
were  opposed  no  longer  by  an  undisciplined  crowd ; 
and  the  Chivalry  of  Europe  never  displayed  that 

1  Robertson's  Historical  Disquisition  on  India. 

2  Robert,  lib.  iv.  3  Albert  of  Ai.\. 

*  Albert ;  Robert.  Mon.  6  Albert  of  Aix,  lib.  lil. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  143 

almost  superhuman  valour^  which  distinguislied  them, 
with  greater  effect.  Allowing-  even  for  the  exag^^era- 
tion  of  eulogy,  tlie  efforts  of  the  knights  must  have 
been  extraordinary.  Godfrey  is  reported  to  have 
mowm  the  heads  of  the  Turks  as  a  mower  strikes 
down  the  thistles;  and  all  the  authorities  of  that  day 
repeat  the  tale  of  his  having  at  one  blow  severed  an 
urmed  infidel  in  twain,  though  protected  by  his  cui- 
rass.2  Eveiy  chief  rivalled  the  other ;  and,  beyond 
all  doubt,  several  of  the  infidels  must  have  fallen  by 
the  hand  of  each  knight.  While  thus  the  sword 
raged  among  the  Turkish  host,  many  made  their  Avay 
to  the  bridge,  and  rushed  across  it  in  such  crowds, 
that  hundreds  were  thrust  over  into  the  water.  On 
the  other  side,  too,  Boemond,  with  a  large  body  of 
pikemen  on  foot,  opposed  their  passage,^  and  hurled 
them  at  the  point  of  the  lance  into  the  river,  the  banks 
of  which  w^ere  lined  v/ith  the  crusaders,  who  repelled 
even  those  that  swam  to  land.^  Thus  lasted  the 
fight  till  the  sun  going  down  put  a  stop  to  the 
carnage ;  and  the  Christians,  with  songs  of  victory 
and  loaded  with  spoil,  returned  to  their  camp  for  the 
night.  More  than  two  thousand  men,  several  of 
whom  were  of  high  rank,  w^ere  left  by  the  Turks  on 
the  field  of  battle :  a  multitude  found  death  in  the 
Orontes;  but  the  number  of  the  fallen  was  nevei 
correctly  ascertained,^  although  the  Christians,  with 
the  characteristic  barbarity  of  the  time,  dug  up  many 
of  the  dead  bodies  that  the  Turks  had  burled  during 
the  night.^ 

Various  efforts  both  from  within  and  without  were 
made  to  raise  the  siege,  but  in  vain.  On  one  occasion 
an  immense  body  of  Saracens,  Arabs,  and  Turks  was 
defeated  by  seven  hundred  Christian  knights,  to  which 

1  Robertus,  lib.  iv. 

2  Robert. ;  Albert  of  Aix,  lib.  iii. 

3  Guibert ;  Albert  of  Aix,  lib.  iii.  4  Robertus  ;  Albert, 

5  Five  thousand  perished  on  the  bridge  and  in  the  water,  according  t« 
Robert  the  Monk. 
9  Robertus  Monachus. 


144  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

small  number^  the  disposable  cavalry*  of  the  army 
was  reduced.  Famine,  however,  disease,  and  tem- 
pests did  more  to  alarm  and  destroy  the  crusading 
force  than  all  the  efforts  of  the  infidels.  The  winds'^ 
became  so  high  that  the  tents  even  of  the  chiefs  were 
blown  down,  and  for  some  time  they  were  forced  to 
sleep  in  the  open  air.  An  earthquake^  was  felt  to- 
wards the  beginning-  of  the  year,  and  was  of  course 
considered  as  an  omen.  A  comet,^  too,  blazed  through 
the  sky ;  but  as  the  superstitious  fancied  they  beheld 
in  it  the  form  of  the  Cross,  this  rather  increased  than 
abated  their  hope.  In  the  midst  of  these  circum- 
stances Stephen,^  Count  of  Blois,  never  very  famous 
for  his  valour,  pretended  illness,  and  retired  from  the 
army  of  the  crusade,  accompanied  by  four  thousand 
men,  whom  he  led  to  Alexandretta.  A  more  serious 
desertion,  also,  was  threatened,  though  no  design 
ever  existed  of  its  execution :  Boemond^  himself 
began  to  murmur  at  the  length  of  the  siege.  He  was 
poor,  he  declared :  he  had  given  up  every  thing  in  his 
native  country  for  the  Cross,  and  he  could  not  waste 
his  blood  and  treasure,  and  see  all  his  soldiers  fall  in 
a  siege  which  was  to  be  productive  of  no  advantage 
to  himself.  Such  murmurs  had  their  object,  and 
might  perhaps  spring,  in  some  degree,  from  a  weak 
quarrel  with  Godfrey  of  Bouillon,  on  the  subject  of  a 
tent,  which  had  been  sent  to  the  duke  by  the  Prince 
of  Armenia,  but  which  had  been  waylaid  by  Pan- 
crates,  the  Armenian  I  have  had  occasion  to  mention 
in  speaking  of  Baldwin ;  and  had  by  him  been  given 
to  Boemond.  The  Prince  of  Tarentum  had  been 
obliged  to  yield  it  by  the  decision  of  all  the  leaders ; 
but  thougli  this  was  a  subject  of  irritation,  he  had 
more  ambitious  projects  in  view. 

Boemond  for  some  time,  through  a  proselyte  Turk 

!  Guibert  menlions  previously  that  the  number  of  horses  was  rediim-ii 
to  a  tnousand ;  lib.  iv. 
2  Robertus ;  Guibert.  3  Raimond  d'Agilen. 

4  Guibert,  lib.  v.;  Fulcher,  cap.  *. 
i  Will.  Tyr, ;  Albon ;  Fuk^ier,  cap.  8.  «  Raimond  d'Agilsa. 


IHSTORY    or    CHIVALRY.  145 

to  whom  he  had  given  his  name  at  baptism,  had  kept 
up  a  communication  with  the  commander  of  one  of 
the  chief  towers,  on  tliat  part  of  the  city  wall  which 
looked  towards  the  gorges  of  the  mountains.  This 
man,'  by  birth  an  Armenian,  had  embraced  Mahomet- 
anism,  and  raised  himself  high  in  the  opinion  of  the 
prince  of  Antioch.  He  had  in  consequence  received 
the  command  of  the  important^  station  I  have  men- 
tioned, while  his  two  brothers  occupied  the  neigh- 
bouring towers.^  The  origin  of  his  communication 
with  Boemond  is  variously  stated,  but  tlie  event  is 
the  same.  He  was  won  over  by  magnificent  pro- 
mises to  engage  that  he  would  admit  that  chief  Wd 
his  followers  into  the  town  when  called  upon. 

Boemond,  however,  did  not  intend  at  all  that  the 
intelligence  which  he  had  thus  practised  within  the 
walls  should  be  lost  to  himself,  and  benefit  others 
alone  :^  but  knowing^  the  jealous  nature  of  his  com- 
panions, he  waited  patiently  till  circumstances  com- 
pelled them  to  concede  to  him  the  sovereignty  of 
Antioch,  in  the  event  of  its  being  taken  by  his  means. 
At  first  the  proposal  was  rejected  by  the  other  leaders ; 
but  soon,  increasing  reports  that  an  immense  army, 
coram ande<l  by  the  warlike  sultaun  of  Persia,  M'as 
advancing  to  the  relief  of  the  besieged,  induced  the 
Christian  chiefs,  under  the  distress  and  despondency 
which  affected  the  army  generally,  to  concur  in  the 
views  of  the  ambitious  Prince  of  Tarentum.  Boe- 
mond then  intrusted  his  secret  to  Godfrey  and  the 

1  William  of  Tyre  says  he  was  a  noble  Armenian,  chief  of  the  tribo 
of  Benizerra,  or  the  sons  of  the  armour-forgers,  and  calls  him  Emir 
Feir.  Abouh'aragi,  however,  says  he  was  a  Persian;  and  calls  him 
Ruzebach. 

2  Guibert ;  Will,  T>t.  ;  Albert.  3  Guibert. 

4  William  of  Tyre,  lib.  v. ;  Robert.  lib.  v. ;  Guibert,  lib.  v. 

5  This  transaction  is  reported  variously.  Albert  of  Aix  says,  that  the 
proposal  of  Boemond  was  at  once  received  with  joy.  Raoul  of  Caen 
gives  a  different  account,  and  states  that  the  bishop  oY  Puy,  on  the  sug- 
gestion of  Boemorrd,  suggested  that  the  town  should  be"  given  to  hin; 
who  could  first  obtain  it.  Guibert  and  Robert  rel-ate  it  as  I  have  done 
above.  The  archbishop  of  Tyre  declares  that  no  one  opposed  the  pro 
jo.-^:al  of  Boemond  but  the  Count  of  Toulouse. 


140  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

Other  great  leaders,  but  it  was  under  the  most  solemn 
promises  of  silence'  on  the  subject ;   for,  notwith- 
standing all  the  precautions  that  could  be  taken,  it 
was  well  known  that  the  Turkish  spies  infested  the 
Christian  camp.     With  the  utmost  caution  all  the 
measures  were  concerted  for  carrying  the  project  into 
effect,  and  thi-ough  the  whole  army  the  rumour  was 
spread  that  the  preparations  made  by  the  chiefs  were 
for  the  purpose  of  laying  an  ambush  for  the  Persian 
forces,  that  were  approaching.     Phirouz,  the  Arme- 
nian traitor,  was  warned  that  Boemond  was  about  to 
take  advantage  of  his  offer;  and  as  soon  as  night  had 
completely  set  in,  the  Princeof  Tarentum,  with  abody 
of  chosen  knights,  proceeded  into  the  mountains,^  as 
if  with  the  design  of  surprising  the  host  of  the  Per- 
sians.     Only  seven  hundred  men,  however,  were 
selected  for  this  perilous  expedition;  and  marching 
in  the  dead  of  the  night,  they  crossed  the  valleys  and 
precipices  of  the  rocky  chain  on  wdiich  the  city  rested, 
and  halted  in  a  deep  dell  at  some  distance  from  the 
walls.     The  wind  was  blowing  in  sharp  gusts,  and 
its  bowlings  among  the  gorges  of  the  mountains  pre- 
vented the  tramp  of  the  armed  men  from  reaching  the 
watchers  on  the  w^alls.      Having  assembled   their 
forces  in  the  valley,  Godfrey  and  Boemond  explained 
to  their  followers  the  real  nature  of  the  enterprise 
they  meditated.     A  single  interpreter  was  sent  for- 
ward, to  confer  with  their  traitorous  coadjutor,  and 
to  ascertain  that  all  was  prepared.     Phirouz  assured 
him  that  he  was  ready,  and  asked  eagerly  where  were 
'  the  knights  ;   being  told  that  they  were  near,^  he 
pressed  them  to  advance,  lest  any  thing  should  excite 
the  suspicion  of  the  other  commanders,  especially 
as,  from  time  to  time,  men  with  lighted  torches  pa- 
trolled the  wall  during  the  night,  and  it  was  neces- 
sary'' that  they  should  take  advantage  of  the  iniervaL 

1  Will.  Tvr. ;  Albert  of  Aix  ;  Guibert,  lib.  v. 

2  Albert  of  Aix ;  Robertus,  lib.  v. 

3  Rohortus.  lib.  v.,  2d  Juno,  A.  D.  lOyS. 


HISTORY    OP^    CHIVALRY.  147 

Godfrey,  Robert  of  Flanders,  and  Boemond  instantly 
led  the  troops  to  the  foot  of  the  fortifications;  a  rope 
was  let  down,  and  a  ladder  of  hides  raised.  At 
first,'  no  one  could  be  found  to  mount.  Unaccus- 
tomed to  carry  on  any  warlike  operations  during-  tha 
night,  a  thousand  unwonted  fears  took  possession  of 
the  bosoms  of  the  crusaders.  At  length,  urged  by  the 
chiefs,  and  encouraged  by  Phirouz  from  above,  one 
knight — which  of  the  body  is  not  certain^— began  to 
ascend  the  ladder,  and  was  followed  by  several 
others.  Silence  then  su  /ceeded,  and  temporary  hesi- 
tation once  more  took  p(  ssession  of  thie  force  below  : 
but  the  voices  of  their  companions  who  had  ascended, 
whispering  assurances  of  safety  and '  fidelity,  soon 
renewed  their  courage,  and  many  attempting  to  climb 
the  ladder  at  once,^  it  gave  way  under  their  weight, 
precipitating  them  upon  the  lance-heads  that  were 
buried  in  the  fosse.  The  clang  of  their  armour  as 
tliey  fell  was  a  new  cause  of  alarm,  lest  the  sound 
should  reach  the  other  towers  :  so  loud,  however, 
was  tlie  roaring  of  the  wind,  and  the  hollow  rushing 
sound  of  the  Orontes,  that  the  noise  was  not  heard 

•  Guibert,  lib.  v. ;  Raimond  d'Agiles;  Albert. 

2  There  is  some  reason  to  believe  that  Boemond  was  the  first  who 
entered,  as  stated  by  William  of  Tyre  ;  but  as  Albert  of  Aix  makes  no 
mention  of  the  fiict,  and  as  Gnibert  de  Nogent  declares  positively  that 
Boemond,  who  is  certainly  his  favourite  hero,  did  not  mount  till  si^tv 
others  had  preceded  him,  as  Raimond  d'Agiles  gives  th*  honour  of  the 
f.iat  to  Fulcher  de  Chartres,  and  as  Robert  the  Monk  confirms  that  asser- 
tion. I  have  left  the  matter  in  doubt,  as  I  found  it.  In  regard  to  the  storj'- 
of  Phirouz  murdering  his  brother  hi  his  sleep,  because  he  would  not  aid 
In  his  design,  I  believe  fully  that  it  was  but  one  of  those  ornamental 
falsehoods  with  which  men  are  ever  fond  of  decorating  great  and  extra- 
ordinary events.  1  doubt  not  that  the  tale  was  current  in  the  time  of 
William  of  Tyre,  who  reports  it;  and  the  act  was,  beyond  question, 
looked  upon  as  a  noble  and  devoted  one  on  the  part  of  Phirouz ;  but  as  I 
find  nothing  to  confirm  it  in  any  book  I  possess,  except  the  simple 
fact  of  that  Armenian  having  been  a  traitorous  rascal,  please  God, 
till  further  evidence  I  will  look  upon  it  all  as  a  lie.  Robert  the  Monk  re- 
presents, in  very  glowing  terms,  the  grief  of  Phirouz  for  the  death  of 
his  two  brothers,  who  were  killed  in  the  m  lee.  Phirouz  became  a 
Christian,  at  least  in  name ;  and  to  cover  the  baseness  of  his  perfidy,  he 
declared  that  the  Saviour  himself  had  appeared  to  him  in  a  vision,  com- 
manding him  to  deliver  up  the  town, 

3  Albert  of  Aix;  Guibert,  lib.  v.;  Raimond  d'Agil»9. 


148  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

by  any  but  those  immediately  aroimd.  The  ladder 
was  easily  repaired,  and  more  than  sixty  knights  had 
reached  the  top  of  the  battlements  when  the  torch  of 
the  patrol  began  to  gleam  along  the  walls  in  its  ap- 
proach towards  them.  Hid^  in  the  shadows  of  the 
tower,  the  crusaders  waited  the  officer's  approach, 
and  before  he  could  spread  the  alarm  death  had  fixed 
the  seal  of  silence  on  his  lips  for  ever.  The  knights 
now  descended  through  the  staircase  in  the  masonry, 
and  finding  the  soldiers  of  the  guard  asleep,  they 
speedily  rendered  their  slumbers  eternal.  A  postern 
gate  was  then  forced  open,^  and  the  seven  hundred 
champions  rushed  into  the  city  sounding  their  horns 
in  every  direction,  as  had  been  agreed  between  the 
chiefs,  in  order  that  on  this  signal  the  town  might  be 
at  the  same  time  attacked  from  without. 

It  would  be  painful  to  dwell  upon  tlie  scene  of 
slaughter  that  ensued.  The  Turks  were  soon  awa- 
kened by  the  shrieks  of  their  falling  comrades,  and 
by  the  trumpets  of  their  victorious  foe  :  they  ran  to 
arms,3  and  for  many  hours  manfully  opposed  their 
conquerors  hand  to  hand,  though  all  hope  of  victory 
Avas  now  over.  The  Greeks  and  Armenians  has- 
tened to  force  open  the  gates  and  give  entrance  to 
the  rest  of  the  army  of  the  Cross :  but,  in  the  dark- 
ness that  prevailed,  many  of  the  Christians  as  well 
as  the  Turks  were  slaughtered  by  the  victors,  who 
butchered  ail  ages,  sexes,  and  conditions,  with  indis- 
criminate rage  and  haste,-*  in  which  fear  and  agi- 
tation had  probably  as  much  to  do  as  cruelty  and 
fanaticism. 

During  the  whole  of  the  night  the  crusaders  con- 
tinued the  massacre  of  their  enemies  ;  and  Albert  of 
Aix^  declares,  that  the  following  morning  they  found 
they  had  slain  many  of  their  own  countrymen  by 

1  Albert  of  Aix,  lib.  iv. 

2  Guibert ;  Albert ;  Raimorid  d'Agiles. 

3  Raiinoiid  ;  Robertas  Monachus,  lib.  vi. ;  Albert. 

^  Guibert,  lib.  v  5  Albert  of  Aix,  lib.  iv. 


TTISTORY  OF    CHIVALRY.  149 

mistake.  Such  a  fact  is  not  difficult  to  conceive  of  a 
Dody  of  men  wandering  without  guide  through  a  hos- 
tile town,  with  the  paths  of  which  they  were  unac- 
quainted. As  ever  follows  the  violent  capture  of  a 
large  city,  the  soldiery  first  satisfied  themselves  with 
bloodshed,  Lud  perhaps  added  some  extra  cruelties 
to  gratify  tl:  eir  fanaticism,  and  then  betook  them- 
selves to  plunder  and  debauchery ;  nevertheless, 
they  committed  not  greater  excesses  than  we  have 
seen  perpetrated  in  days  not  very  distant  from  our 
own,  by  the  troops  of  civilized  nations,  without  the 
fiery  stimulus  of  religious  zeal  for  a  palliation. 

I  mean  not  to^  defend  the  cruelties  of  the  cru- 
saders, but  I  mean  to  say,  that  they  were  not  extraor- 
dinary in  that  age,  or  in  any  age  that  has  yet  passed  : 
God  only  knows  what  may  be  to  come.  The  cru- 
saders treated  the  infidels  as  the  infidels  had  often 
treated  the  Christians  ;  and  as  Christians,. unhappily, 
have  too  often  treated  Cliristians  like  the-mselves. 
Their  plunder  was  not  at  all  of  a  more  atrocious 
kind  than  that  which  attends  every  storm ;  and  as 
to  the  hypocrisy^  with  which  Mills  charges  them, 
that  writer  quite  loses  sight  of  the  spirit  of  the  age 
onwiiichhe  writes,  and  metes  men's  actions  by  a 
standard  that  they  never  kne  v/.  The  crusaders  were 
not  hypocrites,  they  were  merely  fanatics  ;  and  in 
the  relentless  fury  with  which  they  pillaged,  injured, 
and  massacred  the  Turks,  they  thought  they  did 
God  as  good  and  pleasing  service  as  in  singing 
praises  to  him  for  the  victory  they  had  obtained. 
They  w^ere  fearfully  wrong  in  their  principle,  it  is 
true,  but  still  they  acted  upon  principle,  and  there- 
fore in  this  they  were  not  hypocrites. 

Baghasian,  the  Turkish  prince  of  Antioch,^  fled 
with  a  part  of  his  troops  to  the  citadel,  but  finding 
that  security  could  not  long  be  found  within  the 
walls  of  tlie  town,  he  escaped  alone  to  the  moun- 

s  See  Mills's  History  of  the  Crusades. 

^  Roberlus  Monachus,  lib  vi. ;  GtiiberJ  •  Fulcher;  Albsrt 


150  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

tains,  where  he  was  waylaid  by  some  Syrian  Chris- 
tians and  slain.  His  head,  with  all  the  venerable 
marks  of  extreme  age,  was  struck  off  by  his  shivers, 
and  carried,  with  his  rich  sword-belt,  into  Antioch, 
where  it  proved  an  acceptable  present  to  the  rude 
victors. 

Thoiig-h  much  spoiP  of  various  kinds  was  found  in 
Antioch,  little  that  could  satisfy  the  cravings  of  hun- 
ger had  been  left  by  the  Turks.  They,  themselves 
closely  blockaded,  had  been  driven  nearly  to  want ; 
and  the  Christians  soon  began  to  suffer  from  the 
very  precautions  they  had  formerly  taken  against 
their  enemies.  In  the  first  joy  of  their  conquest,  too, 
the  little  discipline  that  ever  existed  in  a  chivalrous 
host  was  completely  relaxed,  and  before  it  could  be 
sufficiently  restored  for  necessary  measures  to  be 
taken  in  order  to  procure  supplies,  famine  v/as  in  the 
city,  and  the  hosts  of  the  Persian  sultaun'^  encamped 
beneath  the  walls. 

The  invasion  of  the  Christians,  the  fall  of  Nice, 
and  the  siege  of  Antioch  had  spread  consternation 
through  the  empires  of  the  Crescent;  and  the  mo- 
narch of  Persia  had  roused  himself  from  the  con- 
temptuous sloth  in  wliich  he  had  first  heard  of  the 
crusades,  and  raised  an  immense  army,  to  sweep 
away,  as  the  Moslem  expressed  it,  the  band  of  locusts 
that  had  fallen  upon  the  land. 

Kerboga,  or  Corbohan,  as  he  was  named  by  the 
Christians,  the  emir  of  Mosul,  and  favourite  of  the 
calif,  took  the  command  of  the  army ;  and  being 
joined  by  Kihdge  Asian,  the  sultaun  of  Roum,  with 
a  considerable  force,  proceeded  at  the  head  of  about 
three  hundred  thousand  men  towards  Antioch.  He 
would,  in  all  probability  have  reached  that  city  in 
time  to  prevent  its  fall,  had  he  not  turned  from  the 
direct  road  to  ravage  the  principality  of  Edessa,  and 
dispossess  Baldwin.^     From  thence,  however,  he 

'  Guibert,  lib.  v. ;  Robertas  ;  Albert.        2  Guibert;  Albert  of  Alx- 
'  William  of  Tyre  ;  Albert  of  Aix. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRV.  151 

was  called,  before  he  con'd  accomplish  his  object,  by 
the  news  of  the  Christians'  success,  and  in  a  few  days 
Antioch  was  once  more  invested.  The  first  attempt 
of  the  Moslems  was  to  throw  supplies  into  the  cita- 
del, which  the  Latins  had  hitherto  neglected  to  at- 
tack. In  this  they  in  some  degree  succeeded ;  and 
the  crusaders,  being-  roused  to  watchfulness,  took 
what  measures  they  could  against  further  reinforce- 
ments reaching-  the  castle. 

In  the  mean  while  the  Christians,  who  had  suffered 
what  appeared  the  extreme  of  privation  while  assail- 
ing the  very  walls  they  now  defended,  were  reduced 
to  a  state  of  famine  which  beggars  all  description.^ 
The  most  noisome  animals,  the  most  unsavoury- 
herbs,  became  dainties  at  the  tables  of  the  great. 
The  horses  that  remained  were  slaughtered  without 
consideration,  and  all  virtue  and  order  gave  way  un- 
der the  pressure  of  necessity. 

All  sorts  of  vice  became  rife,  and  debaucherv^  grew 
the  more  horrid  from  being  the  debauchery  of  despair. 
The  Persians,  encamped  closely  round  them,  had 
burnt  the  vessels,  destroyed  the  port  of  St.  vSimeon, 
and  cut  off  all  communication  with  the  neighbouring 
country.  Nevertheless  their  guard  was  not  so  strict 
but  that  many  of  the  crusaders  escaped  over  the 
v.-alls,-  and  fled  to  the  Count  of  Biois  at  Alexandretta, 
excusing  their  pusillanimity  by  tales  of  the  horrors 
they  had  undergone.  Stephen  of  Blois,  now  rejoic- 
ing in  his  timely  evasion,  abandoned  his  comrades 
altogether,  and  with  the  stragglers  who  had  joined 
him  from  Antioch,  among  wliom  were  many  knights 
and  nobles  of  distinction,  he  retreated  towards  Con- 
stantinople.^ By  the  way  he  encountered  a  large 
force  commanded  by  Alexius,  who  was  marching, 
not  to  succour  the  crusaders,  whose  condition  he 
did  not  yet  know,  but  to  take  advantage  of  their  con- 

1  Robertus,  lib.  vi. ;  Albert  of  Aix,  lib.  iv. ;  William  of  Tyre 

2  Rfibertu.s  Monachus,  lib.  vi. ;  Guibert,  lib.  v. 
•^  A  Ibert  of  Aix. 


158  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRV. 

quests.  The  cowardly  monarch,  in  deep  sympathy 
ivith  the  cowardly  fugitives,  turned  his  back  upon 
Antioch  <lie  moment  he  heard  of  its  danger,  and 
pursued  his  journey  towards  his  capital,  forcing  along 
with  h  m  a  considerable  body  of  French  and  Italian 
crusaders,  who,  under  the  command  of  Guy,'  the 
brother  of  Boemond,  had  been  advancing  to  the  aid 
of  their  brethren.  The  news  of  Alexius's  approach 
had  filled  the  hearts  of  the  besieged  with  joy,  and 
the  tidings  of  his  retreat  of  course  cast  them  into 
still  deeper  despair.  The  soldiers  forgot  their  ho- 
nour and  abandoned  their  posts,  hiding  in  the  houses 
and  avoiding  every  thing  that  called  them  into  acti- 
vity. As  a  last  resource  to  drive  them  to  their  duty, 
I3oemond2  set  fire  to  parts  of  the  town  where  they 
were  supposed  principally  to  linger  ;  but  hope  seemed 
extinguished  in  every  breast,  and  though  the  inferior 
troops  returned  to  some  degree  of  energ}%  5''et  the 
leaders  knew  full  well  that  without  succour — and  no 
succour  was  near — nothing  short  of  a  miracle  could 
save  them  from  their  distress.  Within  the  walls 
they  starved.^  and  died,  and  wasted  ;  and  they  could 
hardly  be  expected  to  issue  forth  upon  the  enemy, 
when  Godfrey  himself,  their  noblest  leader,  and 
tacitly  their  chief,  was  destitute  of  even  a  horse  to 
carry  him  to  the  battle.  At  the  same  time,  from  the 
walls  of  the  city,  the  luxuries  of  the  Turkish  camp 
might  be  beheld  in  tantalizing  splendour."^  Gold  and 
jewels,  and  rich  silks,  and  beautiful  horses,  and  gay 
seraglios,  seemed  rather  indications  of  some  joyous 
company  than  of  a  fierce  besieging  army.  Troops 
of  cattle,  too,  of  all  kinds,  were  seen  feeding  round 
about,  while  the  acute  tooth  of  famine  was  gnaw- 
ing the  entrails  of  those  who  stood  and  looked  upon 
all  the  magnificence  and  profusion  before  them. 
Many  even  of  the  leaders  of  the  crusade^  were 

I  Robertas,  vi.  ;  Albert  ofAix.  2  Gnibert. 

3  Guibert ;  Fulcher  :  Albert,  lib.  iv.  4  Guibert,  lib.  m,  ' 

6  Albert  of  Aix  lib  iv 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  153 

reduced  to  absolute  beggary,  and  several  became 
completely  dependent  on  the  bounty  of  Godfrey  for 
mere  food,  till  he  himself  had  no  more  to  give.  The 
people,  accustomed  to  privation,  still  in  some  degree 
bore  up,  but  the  knights  themselves  gave  way,  and 
had  it  not  been  for  the  noble  firmness  of  Adhemar, 
Bishop  of  Puy,  Godfrey,  Raimond,  Boemond,  and 
Tancred,  the  whole  of  the  barons  would  have  fled, 
and  left  the  people  to  their  fate.' 

The  chiefs  I  have  named,  however,  never  ceased 
their  exertions.  They  bound  themselves  by  the  most 
solemn  vows  not  to  abandon  each  other  or  the 
cause  they  had  undertaken;  and  Tancred,  alwa^^s 
the  first  where  chivalrous  enthusiasm  was  concerned, 
pledged  himself  by  oath  not  to  turn  back  from  the 
road  to  Jerusalem  so  long  as  forty  knights  would 
follow  his  banner.  At  length  superstition  came  to 
animate  the  courage  of  the  soldiery.  Visions  were 
seen  promising  victory  to  those  who  endured  to  the 
last.  The  apostles,  the  saints,  and  even  the  Saviour 
appeared  to  many  of  the  priests,  who  took  care 
that  their  miraculous  visitations  should  be  noised 
abroad.2 

Whether  originating  in  the  policy  of  the  leaders, 
or  in  the  cunning  of  the  lower  order  of  priests,  these 
supernatural  consolations  had  a  prodigious  effect 
upon  people  who,  their  reliance  on  every  earthly 
means  being  gone,  were  fain  to  turn  to  heaven.  En- 
thusiasm, supported  by  superstition,  proved  a  most 
excellent  nurse  to  hope.  Activity,  energy,  resolu- 
tion, returned  ;  and  the  wan  and  ghastly  herds  de- 
manded loudly  to  be  led  against  the  enemy.  One 
more  pious  fraud^  was  destined  to  be  committed  be- 
fore the  troops  were  brought  to  the  last  resource  of 
an  almost  hopeless  battle.  A  clerk  of  Provence, 
serving  under  Raimond  of  Toulouse,  sought  out  the 
chiefs  of  the  armament,  and  declared  that  St.  An- 

1  Albert.  2  Guibert ;  Fulcher ;  Albert. 

8  Raimond  d'Agiles ;  Fulcher  j  William  of  Tyre ;  Albert  •  GaiberU 


154  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

drew  the  Apostle  had  manifested  himself  in  a  vision, 
and  had  revealed  to  him  that  the  lance  with  which 
our  Saviour's  side  was  pierced,  at  the  crucifixion, 
might  be  found  in  a  certain  spot  in  the  church  of  St. 
Peter  of  Antioch.  Accompanied  by  this  holy  relic 
the  army  w^as  directed  by  the  saint  to  issue  forth 
upon  the  Saracens  Avitli  assurances  of  victory. 

The  P"-hop  of  Puy,'  whose  religious  feelings  were 
of  too  pure  a  kind  to  practise,  or  even  countenance, 
Buch  cheats,  declared  that  the  tale  must  be  hdse, 
and  several  chiefs  agreed  with  him  in  opinion  -^  but 
Raimond  of  Toulouse  and  others  strongly  supported 
the  story;  and  the  whole  of  the  leaders  soon  became 
convinced  that  good  policy  required  the  lance  should 
be  found,  a  battle  seeming  the  only  resource.  As  no 
support  could  be  given  to  the  bodies  of  the  ema- 
ciated troops,  it  was  as  well,  also,  to  stimulate  their 
minds  as  far  as  possible. 

The  lance  was  therefore  sought  for  in  form,  and 
though  at  first  it  could  not  be  discovered,  because  it 
was  not  there,  it  very  naturally  happened  that  no 
sooner  did  the  clerk  who  had  been  favoured  with 
the  vision  descend  into  the  pit,^  than  the  iron  head 
was  perceived,  and  brought  up  to  the  wonder  and  edi- 
fication of  the  people.  The  matter  being  now  de- 
cided, the  hearts  of  the  multitude  were  all  enthu- 
siasm, a  great  many  more  almost  sacrilegious  visions 
were  seen,  fasting  and  prayer,  and  the  ceremonies 
of  the  church  were  used  to  excite  and  increase  the 
popular  ardour ;  and,  in  the  end,  Peter  the  Hermit 
was  sent  out  to  the  camp  of  Kerboga,'*  not  to  offer 
\erms  of  capitulation,  but  rather  to  threaten  ven- 
geance, and  to  bid  the  Turks  depart.  The  reply  of  the 
emir  was  as  contemptuous  as  might  have  been  ex- 
pected, and  Peter  returned  with  a  message  that  would 
nave  somewhat  quelled  the  daring  of  the  crusaders,; 

1  Fulcher ;  Raimond.  2  Radulph.  Cadom. 

3  Kaimond  d'Agiles. 

4  Fulcher ;  Raimond ;  Albert ;  Guibert  of  Nogent 


HISTORY   OF    CHIVALRV.  155 

if  it  had  been  repeated.  This,  however,  was  pre- 
vented by  Godfrey,  and  ex-ery  preparation  made  for 
a  battle. 

The  citadel,^  I  have  before  said,  had  remained  in 
the  hands  of  the  Turks,  who  had  tied  thither  on  the 
taking  of  Antioch.  Its  commanding'  situation  ena- 
bled the  garrison  to  see  whatever  passed  in  the  town ; 
and  the  governor  being  strictly  enjoined  to  give  due 
notice  to  the  army  of  Kerboga  of  all  the  Christian 
movements,  on  the  morning  of  the  28th  of  June,  A.  D. 
1098,  a  black  flag,^  hoisted  on  the  highest  tower  of 
that  fortress,  announced  to  the  besiegers  that  the 
Latins  were  about  to  march  out  and  attack  them. 

The  army  of  the  Cross  presented  but  a  miserable 
sight;  the  ghastly  hand  of  famine  had  wrought  hor- 
ribly on  the  wan  countenances  of  the  soldiery.  Of 
all  the  fair  Chivalry  of  Europe,  whose  heavy  horses 
and  steel-clad  limbs  had  crushed  like  the  fall  of  a 
mountain  every  thing  that  opposed  them,  but  two 
hundred  knights  appeared  mounted  as  was  their 
wont.^  Those  who  could  get  them  were  glad  to  go 
forth  upon  mules  and  asses ;  some  having  sold  or  lost 
their  arms,  were  furnished  Vvith  the  small  shields  and 
scimitars  taken  from  the  Turks;  and  Godfrey  of 
Bouillon  himself  rode  the  borrowed  horse  of  the 
Count  of  Toulouse,  who  was  left  to  guard  the  tov/n. 
In  this  state  of  wretchedness,  the  crusading  army 
marched  out  against  a  splendid  force,  which,  at  the 
beginning  of  the  siege  amounted  to  more  than  three 
hundred  thousand  fighting  men,  and  had  every  day 
been  increasing.*  Nevertheless,  all  was  enthusiasm 
in  the  Christian  ranks.  The  priests  in  their  ponti- 
fical robes,^  bearing  crosses  and  holy  banners,  min- 
gled with  the  soldiers,  and,  singing  hymns  of  joy, 
already   taught  them  to  anticipate  victory.     The 

1  Albert  of  Aix ;  Raimond  d'Agiles  ;  WMU.  Tyr. 

2  Albert  of  Aix. 

8  Albert  of  Aix  ;  Guibert,  lib.  iii. 

bei-f  of  Aix.  6  Guibert;  Albert;  Raimond. 


156  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

number  of  knights  going  to  the  fight  on  foot  encou- 
raged the  common  men  by  their  presence  and  their 
example ;  and,  in  fact,  though  destitute  of  many  of 
the  physical  means  which  had  given  them  superiority 
in  former  battles,  the  valour  and  the  self-confidence^^ 
which  are  the  soul  of  victory,  were  never  more  pre- 
sent among  the  Christian  warriors. 

Kerboga  committed  the  great  fault  that  has  lost  a 
thousand  battles.  He  despised  his  enemy.  When 
first  the  news  was  brought  to  him  that  the  Christians 
were  advancing,  he  was  playing  at  chess,^  and  hardly 
rose  from  his  game.  It  was  only  the  complete  route 
of  two  thousand  men,  whom  he  had  stationed  to  de- 
fend the  bridge,  that  convinced  him  the  attack  was 
serious.  He  thus  lost  the  opportunity  of  annoying 
the  crusaders  as  they  defiled,  and  now  he  found  his 
srror  and  began  to  tremble  for  the  consequences. 

Hugh  of  Vermandois,^  Robert  of  Flanders,  and  the 
Duke  of  Normandy,  each  advanced  steadily  at  the 
head  of  his  followers  towards  the  mountains,  where 
tjie  Turkish  cavalry  were  likely  to  find  more  diflfi- 
culty  in  manceuvring.  Godfrey  of  Bouillon  followed : 
and  then  Adhemar,  Bishop  of  Puy,  clothed  in  ar- 
mour,^ and  bearing  the  sacred  lance,  led  on  the 
troops  of  Provence.  Boemond  and  Tancred  brought 
up  the  rear,  and  thus  the.  whole  wound  on  towards 
their  position. 

Kerboga  now  used  eveiy  effort  to  remedy  his  first 
neglect,  and  made  several  skilful  movements  for  the 
purpose  of  surrounding  the  crusaders.  They,  on 
their  part,  with  little  attention  to  the  arts  of  warfare, 
continued  to  march  on,  their  courage  increasing 
rather  than  diminishing,  and  persuading  themselves 
that  even  the  morning  dew  of  a  fine  summer's  day, 
whi^h  refreshed  both  themselves  and  their  horses, 
was  a  special  sign  of  favour  from  Heaven.^      It  la 

'   Raimond  d'Agiles  ;  Fulcher.  '■i  Raimond  ;  Raoul  de  Caen 

8  Raimond.  i  Raimond  d'Agiles. 

5   Histor.  Hieros :  Jacob.  Vit. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  157 

8aid,  that  Kerboga,  at  this  moment  seized  with  a  sud- 
den and  unaccountable  fear,  sent  messengers  to  de- 
clare that  he  would  accept  the  terms  formerly  offered, 
and  commit  the  decision  of  the  quarrel  to  a  com- 
bat of  live  or  ten  champions  to  be  chosen  on  each 
side.^ 

This  proposal  (if  really  made)  was  instantly  re- 
fused, and  Kerboga,  drawn  up  before  his  camp, 
waited  the  attack  of  the  Christians ;  while  Soliman 
or  Kilidge  Asian,  taking  a  wide  circuit  with  an  im- 
mense force  of  cavalry,  prepared  to  fall  upon  the  rear 
of  the  army  commanded  by  Boemond.  To  conceal 
this  evolution  the  vizier  caused  the  dry  grass  and 
weeds  with  which  great  part  of  the  ground  was  co- 
vered to  be  set  on  fire,  and  by  the  smoke  thus  raised^ 
succeeded  in  obscuring  the  movements  of  his  ca- 
valry. During  this  manoeuvre  he  extended  his  line,  and 
endeavoured  to  turn  the  flanks  of  the  crusading  army. 
The  banner-bearers,^  in  front  of  the  host,  were  now 
witliin  bow-shot  of  the  enemy,  and  the  arrows  began 
to  fall  like  hail  on  either  side.  The  columns  of  the 
Christians  came  up  one  after  another  to  the  attack, 
and  fighting  hand  to  hand  forced  back  the  Turkish 
centre  upon  their  camp,  so  that  in  that  part  of  the 
field  victory  seemed  leaning  towards  the  champions 
of  the  Cross. 

At  the  same  time,  however,  Soliman  had  fallen 
upon  the  rear  of  Boemond,*  v*-ho,  enveloped  by  infi- 
nitely superior  forces,  was  pressed  hard  and  separated 
from  the  rest  of  the  army.  The  dense  cloud  occa- 
sioned by  the  burning  weeds  emban'assed  the  Lom- 
bards and  Italians,  and  the  sword  of  the  Persians  was 
reaping  a  terrible  harvest  in  the  ranks  of  the  cru- 
saders. Tancred  flew  to  the  rescue  of  Boemond,  and 
Hugh  of  Vermandois  as  well  as  Godfrey  of  Bouillon 
abandoning  the  attack^  they  were  making  on  the 


1   Raiinoiid  d'Agiles;  Ftiloher.  2  Guibert. 

3  Will.  Tvr.  lib.  vi.  4  RaoulofCaen.         o  Albert 


15R  HISTORY    OF    CinVALRY. 

centre  of  the  infidel  army,  turned  to  the  rear,  and 
succeeded  in  repelling  tlie  troops  of  Soliman.  Still, 
the  battle  raged  undecided ;'  while  Kerboga  used 
every  effort  to  secure  the  victory,  and  iiurrying  up 
the  columns  from  his  wings,  caused  mem  to  charge 
the  rear  of  Godfrey  as  he  advanced  to  the  succour  oi 
the  Prince  of  Tarentum.  All  was  now  conl'iision  in 
tliat  part  of  the  fiekl,  the  fight  became  liand  to  hand, 
blade  crossed  with  i^lade,  and  man  struggled  against 
man.  Meanwhile  the  Bishop  of  Puy,  still  bearing 
the  sacred  lance,^  pressed  forward  upon  a  corps  at 
the  head  of  which  Kerboga  had  placed  himself;  and 
with  the  Proven9als  urged  the  battle  manfully  against 
the  infidels.  The  Persians  fought  bravely,  and  their 
nu?nbers,  asv.'ell  as  their  great  superiority  in  cavalry, 
gave  them  vast  advantages  over  the  Latins.  Re- 
tunring  again  and  again  to  the  charge  with  unequalled 
rapidity,  fighting  as  well  when  their  colunms  were 
broken  as  when  their  ranks  were  entire,  and  unri- 
valled in  the  use  of  the  bow,  they  gave  the  crusaders 
not  a  moment  to  pause,  without  some  enemy  to  at- 
tack, and  some  blow  to  repel. 

At  length  a  report  w^as  raised  through  the  Chris- 
tian host  that  the  saints  were  fighting  on  their  side : 
and  either  by  accident,  by  the  force  of  imagination, 
or  by  some  preconcerted  artifice,  the  crusaders  saw 
— or  thought  they  saw — some  figures  clothed  in 
■udiite  raiment,  and  mounted  on  white  horses,  coming 
over  the  mountains  to  their  aid.^  All' fear,  all  sus- 
pense was  at  an  end.  The  enthusiasm  was  prodigious, 
extraordinary,  overpowering.  The  redoubted  battle- 
cry  "  God  wills  it !  God  wills  it !"  once  more  rang  over 
the  field,  and  the  weapons  of  the  Clnistians  seemed 
swayed  by  the  force  of  giants.  At  the  same  time, 
among  the  Moslems  spread  the  sickening  news  that 
the  Latins  had  foiced  their  way  into  the  camp.  The 
hopes  of  the  infidels  fell,  and  terror  took  possession 

1  Albert.  2  Raimond  d'Agiles. 

2  Will.  Malmshury ;  Guibert  .le  Nogentj  Raimond  d'Aglles. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  159 

of  them,  while  the  courage  of  the  people  of  the  Cross, 
raised  into  ecstasy  by  the  belief  of  visible  aid  from  on 
high,  bore  down  all  that  opposed  it,  and  soon  converted 
feeble  resistance  into  flight.  In  vain  Kerboga  tried 
to  rally  his  troops,  the  panic  was  general,  the  pur- 
suers fierce  and  resolute ;  and  the  mighty  army  of 
the  Persians  was  scattered  to  the  four  winds  of  hea- 
ven. Tancred,'  leaving  to  others  the  plunder  of  the 
camp,  followed  the  fugitiv^es  over  the  hills,  and  pre- 
vented them  from  reassembling,  while  the  rest  of  the 
chiefs  entered  the  tents  of  the  Persians,  and  added  to 
their  slaughtered  enemies  the  blood  of  the  helpless 
and  unoffending.^  A  number  of  women  and  children 
were  either  slain  by  the  sword  or  borne  down  in  the 
flight,  and  an  immense  booty  in  gold,  arms,  horses, 
cattle,  and  rich  vestments  made  the  host  of  the  cru- 
sade richer  than  even  when  it  took  its  departure  from 
Europe.  The  pavilion  of  Kerboga  himself,  though 
not  the  most  valuable,  was  perhaps  the  most  cu- 
rious part  of  the  spoil,  being  formed  like  a  town,  with 
walls,  towers,  and  battlements,^  and  comprising 
streets,  squares,  and  avenues  within  itself.  It  fell  to 
the  share  of  Boemond,  and  was  capable,  they  say,  of 
containing  two  thousand  men. 

Sixty-nine  thousand  Turks'*  died  in  the  battle  of 
Antioch,  while  the  loss  of  the  crusaders  is  not  esti- 
mated at  more  than  ten  thousand;  but  it  must  be 
remembered  that  this  is  the  account  of  the  Christians 
themselves.  One  of  the  immediate  consequences* 
of  this  great  victory  was  the  surrender  of  the  citadel 
of  Antioch,  which  was  now  given  up  in  despair.  A 
considerable  number  of  the  soldiers  forming  its  gar- 
rison embraced  Christianity,  and  remained  in  the 
town ;  while;  the  rest,  who  firmly  adhered  to  their 
ancient  faUh,  were  honourably  conducted  beyond  the 
conquered  territory.  The  whole  army,  loaded  with 
wealth,  and  rejoicing  in  abundance,  entered  once 

'.  Albert;  RaoulofCaen;  Guibert.        "^  Fulcher;  Albert 
*  Guibprt;  Albert.  ■»  Mills.      6  Guibert;  Fulcher 


160  HISTORY    OF   cmVALRY. 

more  the  walls  of  the  city,  and  offered  up  to  Heaven 
manifold  thanksgivings  for  the  victory  they  had  ob- 
tained. The  only  occurrence  that  for  liie  time 
troubled  the  public  joy'  was,  that  the  Count  of  Tou- 
louse, who  had  remained  behind  to  guard  the  town, 
looked  upon  the  citadel,  which  had  surrendered  pre- 
vious to  the  return  of  the  host,  as  his  own  conquest, 
and  had  raised  his  banner  on  the  walls.^  The  coun- 
cil of  leaders  determined  that  their  agreement  with 
Bopmond  embraced  the  castle  as  well  as  the  town, 
and  Raimond  was,  in  consequence,  forced  to  resign 
the  authority  he  had  usurped  to  the  Prin(;e  of  Ta- 
rentum.  The  count,  notwithstanding,  still  retained 
possession  of  one  of  the  city-gates,^  with  its  adjoin- 
ing towers,  which  he  maintained  for  some  months, 
but  was  obliged  at  last,  by  force  of  arms,  to  yield 
the  whole. 

The  first  occupation  of  the  crusaders  after  quieting 
this  dispute  was  to  restore  the  temples,  which  the 
Moslems  had  converted  into  mosques,  to  the  service 
(  f  the  Christian  religion.  The  priests  were  re-esta- 
blished, the  ceremonies  of  the  church  recalled  ;  and 
1  hough  they  adhered  to  the  forms  of  the  Latin  ritual, 
with  wise  and  Christian  moderation  they  abstained 
from  interfering  with  the  Greek  patriarch,  notwith- 
standing that  they  considered  his  dogmas  heretical. 
The  next  question  more  related  to  their  further  ad- 
vance into  the  country ;  and  the  people,  proud  in 
their  victory,  and  forgetful  of  privations  in  the  fulness 
of  sudden  satiety,  clamoured  loudly  to  be  led  on  to 
Jerusalem.  The  chiefs,'*  however,  saw  how  greatly 
repose  was  required;  their  army  was  lamentably 
diminished  ;  most  of  the  soldiers  were  suffering  from 
wounds  or  weariness,  and  few,  though  refreshed  by 
their  lately  acquired  stores,  were  capable  of  bearing 
more  fatigue  and  fresh  necessities.    At  the  same 


1   Raimond  d'Agiles :  William  of  Tvre.  2  See  note  IX 

3  AlbertofAix;  will.  Tyr.;  Raimond  d'Agiles.  4  Guibert. 


mSTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  161 

time,  the  fiery  months  of  August  and  September,  with 
the  exposed  plains  of  Syria,  hiy  before  them  ;  and  it 
was  known  that  water,  scanty  on  the  road  to  Jeru- 
salem even  in  the  best  times,  was  now  hardly  to  be 
procured. 

On  these  considerations,  the  chiefs  determined  to 
postpone  their  advance  till  October,  and  in  the  mean 
while  despatched  Hush'  the  Great,  Count  of  Ver- 
mandois,  with  Baldwin  of  Pylons,  Count  of  Hainsuit, 
to  the  court  of  Constantinople.  These  ambassadors 
were  instructed  to  urge  the  base  Alexius  to  fulfil  the 
many  promises  which  he  had  made  and  neglected ; 
and  to  threaten  him,  in  case  of  his  refusal,  with  the 
anger  both  of  God  and  man. 

Baldwin  of  Mons  was  betrayed  into  a  Turkish 
ambuscade,  and  his  fate  was  never  clearly  ascer- 
tained ;-  but  Hugh  of  Vermandois  made  his  way 
safely  through  Asia  Minor,  and  arrived,  at  Constan- 
tinople. Admitted  to  the  presence  of  Alexius,  he 
detailed  the  sufferings  of  the  Christians,  and  their  di- 
minished forces,  and  showed  the  necessity  which  they 
felt  of  supplies  and  reinforcements.  He  announced 
also  their  victory  over  the  Turks,  and  the  signal  hu- 
miliation which  had  been  inflicted  on  the  proud  Mos- 
lems. This  news  in  both  respects  gratified  Alexius : 
but,  equally  well  content  that  the  Turks  should  be 
made  weak,  and  that  the  Latins  should  not  grow  strong, 
he  found  the  aflfairs  of  the  east  progressing  exactly 
as  he  could  have  desired,  and  determined  to  leave 
them  in  the  course  which  they  had  themselves  taken. 
The  wrath  of  Heaven  for  his  broken  engagements, 
and  the  vengeance  of  the  crusaders  on  the  same 
score,  were  far  too  remote  evils  for  the  narrow- 
minded  despot  to  yield  them  any  consideration. 
Hugh  of  Vermandois — now  nearhome^  and  the  com- 
forts which  he  liad  so  long  abandoned,  anticipating 
little  pleasure  and  ne  sm.all  danger  on  the  journey 

»  Gulhert ;  Albert ;  Will.  Tyr-         2  Guibcrl ;  Albert.         3  Guibcn 

N 


162  HISTORY    or    CHIVALRy. 

back,  and  having-  neither  satisfactory  news  nor  ne- 
cessary reinforcements  to  take  to  the  crusaders— de- 
termined upon  pursuing  his  journey  into  France,  and 
leaving  his  companions  to  their  fate.  Knowing-, 
liowever,  that  it  would  be  difficult  to  justify  himself 
in  their  eyes,  he  did  not  even  take  the  trouble  to 
write  for  that  purpose  ;  others  on  his  part  have  done 
so  for  posterity,  and  have  failed. 


'CHAPTER  VIII. 

Pestilence  in  Antinch— Death  of  the  Bishop  ofPuy—The  Chiefs  separate 
— Siege  of  Marrah— Cannibalism — Disputes  between  the  Count  of 
Toulouse  and  Bnemond — The  Count  marches  towards  Jerusalem — 
Siege  of  Archas  — Godfrey  of  Bouillon  marches — Siege  of  Ghibel — 
Treachery  of  Raimond — Fraud  of  the  Holy  Lance  investigated — Or- 
(leal  of  Fire — Decisive  Conduct  of  the  Crusaders  towards  the  Deputies 
of  Alexius,  and  the  Calif  of  Egypt— Conduct  of  the  Crusaders  towards 
the  Emir  of  Tripoli— First  Sight  of  Jertisalem — Siege  and  taking  of 
the  City — Fanatical  Massacres. 

The  crusaders'  in  Antioch  had  reason  to  regret 
they  had  not  at  once  marched  onward.  A  pestilence 
began  to  spread  in  the  city,  and  multitudes  were  bu- 
ried every  day.  Among  the  first  was  the  venerable 
Bishop  of  Puy,^  whose  high  qualities  of  mind  and 
excellent  cliaracter  as  a  priest  had  given  much  dig- 
nity and  strength  to  the  enterprise.  Many  celebrated 
knights  also  fell  victims  to  this  plague ;  and  all  the 
dissensions^  and  crimes  that  indolence  acting  on  semi- 
barbarians  can  produce,  begin  to  spring  up  within 
the  walls  of  Antioch.  To  effect  some  change,  the 
chiefs  agreed  to  separate,  and  to  canton  their  men  in 
the  countries  round  about.  Boemond  proceeded  to 
reduce  all  Cilicia  to  obedience,  and  carried  on  a  de- 
sultory but  successful  waifare  against  the  Turks. 

I  Albert  of  Aix.  z  Guibert ;  Raimond  d'Agiles ;  Albert 

*  Raimond  d'Agiles. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  1G3 

Godfrey'  led  his  men  to  the  assistance  of  the  emii 
of  Hezas,  who  soHcited  his  aid  against  the  sultaun 
oi  Aleppo.  Being  joined  by  Baldwin,  and  by  some 
auxiliary  forces  from  Antioch,  Godfrey  succeeded  in 
delivering  the  emir,  who  was  besieged  in  his  fortress 
by  the  sultaun.  Hezas  was  then  placed  by  the  prince 
under  the  protection  of  his  new  allies,  whom  he  found 
somewhat  exactting  in  their  friendship.  The  plague 
still  raging  in  Antioch,  Godfrey  turned  his  steps 
towards  Edessa,  the  principality  of  his  brother  Bald- 
win, to  whom  he  was  now  fully  reconciled.  After 
a  short  repose  at  Turbessel,^  he  engaged  in  the  wars 
which  his  brother  was  carrying  on  against  the  Turks, 
whose  dominions  surrounded  Edessa,  and  also  pu- 
nished Pancrates  for  the  rapine  which  he  had  for 
some  time  exercised  with  impunity  against  all  par- 
ties. The  other  princes  in  various  bodies  carried  on 
the  same  separate  hostilities  against  the  Saracens, 
and  many  towns  were  added  to  the  Christian  domi- 
nions. 

The  time  fixed  for  the  marcli  Of  the  general  army 
at  length  arrived  ;  but,  whether  from  a  taste  for  the  de- 
sultory sort  of  warfare  to  which  they  liad  now  habitu- 
ated themselves,  or  from  the  hope  of  still  receiving 
some  aid  from  Europe,  the  crusaders  tarried  on  their 
way,  and  laid  siege  to  Marrah.^  The  Moslems  made 
a  brave  resistance,  and  the  Latins  having,  with  their 
wonted  improvidence,  begun  the  siege  without  any 
supplies  whatever,  were  soon  again  reduced  to  famine 
and  the  most  horrible  cannibalism."*  At  length  Mar- 
rah  was  taken  by  storm  on  the  arrival  of  Boemond 
and  his  forces.  The  slaughter  was  terrible,  and  a 
repetition  of  all  the  scenes  on  the  taking  of  Antioch 
was  here  enacted  with  many  circumstances  of  aggra- 
vation. New  disputes  now  arose  between  Boemond 
and  the  Count  of  Toulouse,  upon  the  possession  of 
Marrah ;  the  Prince  of  Tarentum  refusing  to  give  up 

1  Albert  of  Aix.  2  William  of  Tyre.  3  Albert ;  Guibert. 

*  Fulcher ;  Albert  of  Aix :  Guibert ;  Raoul  of  Caen. 


164  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

the  portion  of  the  city  he  had  conquered,  till  Rai* 
mond  should  yield  the  towers  which  he  still  held  in 
Antioch.'  Days  and  weeks  passed  in  these  unworthy 
contests,  other  chiefs  attempting  in  vain  to  reconcile 
the  two  ambitious  princes.  At  length  the  people, 
indignant  at  the  conduct  of  their  leaders,  broke  out 
into  revolt,  and  destroyed  the  fortifications  of  Mar- 
rah,  in  spite  of  all  that  could  be  done  to  prevent 
them,^  vowing  that  it,  at  least,  should  not  be  a  new 
cause  of  delay.  They  declared  also  that  they  would 
choose  a  chief  for  themselves,  who  should  conduct 
them  to  Jerusalem.  This,  of  course,  compelled  the 
leaders  of  the  army  to  begin  their  march,  but  it  in  no 
degree  produced  a  reconciliation,  and  Raimond  of 
Toulouse,^  witli  Robert  of  Normandy  and  Tancred, 
proceeded  on  their  v/ay  to  Jerusalem,  leaving  the  rest 
of  the  princes  to  follow  as  they  might.  Town  after 
town  submitted  to  Raimond;  but  Archas  proved  a 
stumblingblock  to  his  glory,  and  resisted  the  efforts 
of  all  the  force  he  could  bring  against  it.  The  Sara- 
cen emirs  of  the  neighbouring  country,  however, 
whether  from  fear  of  the  Christians,  or  from  misun- 
derstandings among  themselves,  no  longer  pursued 
the  firm  and  destructive  plan  formerly  adopted  of 
desolating  the  land  before  the  steps  of  the  invaders. 
The  army  of  the  Cross  found  provisions  in  plenty, 
and  many  of  the  towns  which  it  approached  bought 
immunity  from  attack,  at  the  price  of  large  presents 
to  the  crusaders.^ 

Soon  after  the  departure  of  Raimond,  Godfrey  of 
Bouillon,  Robert  of  Flanders,  Boemond,  and  the  other 
leaders  marched  out  of  Antioch,  and  directed  their 
course  towards  Laodicea,  where  Boemond^  again 
quitted  them,  and  returned  to  his  new  principality, 
leaving  a  great  part  of  his  troops  to  aid  his  brethren. 
As  some  compensation  for  this  deseition,  the  host 

1  Raimond  d'Afi:iles  ;  Gnibort  de  Nog:r.t.  2  Raimond  d'Agiles 

3  Riioul  of  Caen  ;  Raimond.  •»  Guibert. 

6  Guibert,  lib.  vi.;  Albe:t  of  Aix.  lib.  v  ;  William  of  Tyre. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY,  165 

of  the  cnisade  was  joined  by  a  considerable  body  of 
English  who  had  sailed  round  Spain  ;  and,  entering 
the  Mediterranean  by  Gibraltar,  had  touched  first  at 
St.  Simeon,  and  then  proceeded  to  Laodicea — a  won- 
derful undertaking,  indeed,  as  Raimond  d'Agiles  ob- 
serves, considering  the  state  of  the  art  of  navigation 
in  that  day.  From  Laodicea,  Godfrey,  marching 
along  the  coast,  turned  his  arms  against  Ghibel,  or 
Gabala,  whither  he  was  accompanied  by  the  ships 
of  the  band  of  pirates  whom  we  have  seen  serving 
under  Baldwin ;  and  who,  having  fallen  into  the  hands 
of  the  Greeks  of  Laodicea,  had  been  kept  in  strict 
imprisonment  till  the  arrival  of  the  crusaders.  The 
emir  of  Ghibel  attempted,  by  the  oflfer  of  large 
bribes,  to  divert  the  forces  of  the  Cross  from  the  at- 
tack of  his  city,  but  his  proposals  were  met  with 
contempt  by  Godfrey  and  the  chiefs  who  accompa- 
nied him  ;  and  the  infidel  commander,  in  consequence, 
sent  messengers  to  Raimond  of  Toulouse'  (then  be- 
sieging Archas),  whose  disinterestedness  was  reported 
to  be  of  a  difierent  quality.  Raimond,  always  fond 
of  gold,  caught  at  the  bait  held  out,  and  immediately. 
•Agreed  to  draw  his  fellow-crusaders  from  Ghibel  by 
artifice.  He  lost  no  time,  therefore,  in  sending  word 
to  Godfrey,  that  an  immense  body  of  Saracens  was 
marchingdown  against  his  Proven§als  imder  the  walls 
of  Archas.  This  tale  of  course  caused  Godfrey^  to 
raise  the  siege  of  Ghibel,  and  hasten  to  the  assistance 
of  his  comrade.  On  his  arrival,  however,  Tancred, 
and  the  other  knights  of  Raimond's  army,  unde- 
ceived the  duke  of  Loraine,  who,  indignant  at  the 
treacheiy  of  the  Count  of  Toulouse,  renounced  all 
communication^  with  him,  and  withdrew  his  men  to 
the  distance  of  two  miles,  resolving  to  give  him  no 
aid  in  the  siege  of  Archas.  Tancred,  at  the  same 
time,  disgusted  M'ith  the  avarice  of  the  count,  who 
withheld  from  him  the  recompense  he  had  promised 

i  Albert  of  Aix.  2  Fulcher  ■  Guiberl.  3  Albert  of  Aix. 


166  HISTORY    or    CHIVALRY. 

for  his  services,  retired  with  the  forty*  lances  that 
accompanied  him,  and  joined  himself  to  Godfrey. 
New  disputes  of  every  kind  arose  among  the  leaders, 
and  as  Raimond  of  Toulouse  affected  a  sort  of  spi- 
ritual superiority,  as  g-uardian  of  the  holy  lance  that 
had  been  discovered  at  Antioch,  its  virtues  and  au- 
thenticity were  manfully  denied.  Peter  Barthelmy, 
who  had  found  it,  had  vision  after  vision,  till  his 
commerce  with  heaven  drew  so  heavily  on  belief, 
that  men,  even  the  most  superstitious,  yielded  him 
no  further  credit.  The  business  was  investigated, 
and  Barthelmy  brought  before  a  sort  of  council  of 
inquiry,  where  he  maintained  his  position,  supported 
by  the  Count  of  Toulouse  and  his  chaplain,  our  worthy 
chronicler,  Raimond  d'Agiles,  who,  fully  convinced 
of  the  truth  of  the  miracle,  unhappily  proposed  that 
his  proi^g^  should  prove  his  virtue  by  the  fiery 
ordeal.^  This  was  agreed  to  ;  fasts  and  prayers  suc- 
ceeded :  Peter  walked  through  the  fire  with  the  lance 
in  his  hand,  got  frightened,  stopped  in  the  middle, 
and  was  burned  to  death. ^  Some  still  believed  ;  and, 
declaring  that  their  martyr  had  been  pressed  to 
death  by  the  crowd,''  held  to  their  credulity  the  more 
eagerly,  because  it  was  unsupported  by  any  thing 
like  reason. 

The  fame  of  the  Count  of  Toulouse  suffered  as 
much  by  the  affair  of  the  lance  as  by  his  deceit  in 
respect  to  Ghibel ;  and  the  crusaders,  wearied  with 
the  delay  before  Archas,  determined  to  raise  the 
siege  and  proceed  to  Jerusalem.  In  the  mean  while, 
the  emir^  of  Tripoli,^  finding  that  the  Christians  were 
about  to  traverse  his  country,  sent  messengers  to 
the  leaders,  begging  them  to  spare  his  towns  and 
fields,  and  offering  abundant  supplies,  together  with 
several    rich   presents.      These    proffers    were    so 

1  Raimond  d'Agiles ;  Albert  of  Aix.  2  Raimond  d'Agiles. 

3  Fulcher  ;  Raoul  of  Caen.  4  Guiberl ;  Raimond. 

6  Albert  of  Ai.x ;  Ouibert ;  Robert.  Mon.  lib.  viii. 
6  Mills  follows  Raimond  d'Agiles.    I  have  chosen  the  account  of  Al 
bert  of  Aix,  because  I  find  it  better  supported  by  evidence. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  167 

favourably  received  that  the  emir  even  visited  the 
camp  of  Godfrey  himself,  and  concluded  h.  treaty 
which  was  inviolably  adhered  to  on  both  sides. 

At  the  same  time'  the  deputies  v*iio  had  been  de- 
spatched to  the  calif  of  Egypt  returned,  with  very 
unfavourable  accounts  of  their  entertainment.  The 
Saracen  monarch  still  offered  to  join  his  arms  to  those 
of  the  Christians,  for  the  purpose  of  subduing  Pales- 
tine; but  it  was  evident  that  he  proposed  to  enjoy  the 
fruits  of  victory  without  participation.  His  envoys, 
and  the  presents  which  they  bore,  were  sent  back 
with  scorn,^  the  crusaders  declaring  that  they  would 
conquer  Jerusalem  with  the  sword  of  Christ,  and 
keep  it  with  the  same.  Ambassadors  from  Alexius 
were  received  also  under  the  walls  of  Archas ;  and 
by  their  lips  the  perfidious  emperor  dared  to  re- 
monstrate against  the  cession  of  Antioch  to  Boe- 
mond,  who  by  t-his  time  had  expelled  the  troops  of 
Raimond  of  Toulouse,^  and  was  in  full  possession  of 
the  town. 

The  reply  given  to  these  messengers  was  not  less 
hauglity  than  that  which  had  been  sent  to  the  calif.* 
The  emperor,  the  crusaders  said,  had  broken  his  most 
sacred  oaths ;  he  had  neglected  to  succour  them  when 
succour  was  needful ;  he  had  betrayed  the  cause  of 
Christ,  and  violated  his  covenant  with  them.  They 
could  not,  therefore,  be  bound  by  an  engagement 
which  he  had  not  found  binding  on  him ;  and  they 
would  neither  stay  for  his  coming,  as  he  desired,  nor 
would  they  yield  him  what  they  had  conquered  with 
their  own  hands. 

These  measures  of  decision  having  been  taken, 
Godfrey  and  his  companions  set  fire  to  their  camp, 
and  quitted  the  siege  of  Archas:  many  of  the  Pro- 
ven§als  abandoned  Raimond,  and  hastened  after  the 
rest ;  and  the  count  himself,^  though  unwillingly,  was 

1  William  of  Tyre.  2  Raimond  d'Agiles. 

3  Fulcher .  Raimond  d'Agiles.  ■*  William  of  Tyre,  lib.  vii. 

'  Robert,  Mon. 


168  HISTORY    OF  CHIVALRY. 

obliged  to  follow.  The  noble  sincerity  and  moderd 
tion  of  the  crusaders  in  their  conduct  to  the  eniii-  of 
Tripoli  has  not  been  dwelt  upon  sufficiently  by  those 
authors  who  have  lost  no  opportuiiiry  of  pointing  out 
their  cruelties  and  excesses.  They  entered  a  rich 
and  beautiful  country,  where  spoil  of  every  kind  lay 
around  them.  The  inhabitants  were  infidels,  and  had 
been  enemies :  but  the  host  of  the  crusade  passed 
through  the  whole  without  the  slightest  violation  of 
their  treaty.'  To  prevent  even  casual  injur}',  they 
encamped  at  a  distance  from  the  towns,  waited  for 
the  supplies  that  had  been  promised  them,  and  fol- 
lowed, with  confidence  and  legularitj^,  the  guide  who 
M'as  appointed  to  conduct  them  through  the  land.^ 
When  at  war,  the  crusaders  waged  it  with  all  the 
barbarity  of  the  age — the  slaughter  of  the  infidel  ad- 
versary was  a  virtue  praised  by  historians,  and  sung 
by  poets,  and  mercy  would  have  been  held  a  weak- 
ness: but  with  those  to  whom  they  had  bound  them- 
selves in  peace,  we  seldom  find  that,  as  a  body,  they 
violated  the  most  chivalric  adherence  to  their  pro- 
mises. 

In  the  neighbourhood  of  Tripoli,  the  Europeans  first 
beheld  the  sugar-cane,^  and  learned  the  method  of 
preparing  the  valuable  juice  which  has  since  been 
such  an  article  of  commerce  in  Europe. 

So  great  was  the  reliance  between  the  people  of 
Tripoli  and  the  crusaders,  that  they  mutually  fre- 
quented the  camp"^  and  the  city  during  the  stay  of  the 
army.  The  emir  also  delivered  from  the  chains  in 
which  they  had  long  remained,  tiiree  hundred  Chris- 
tian pilgrims ;  and,  according  to  some  authorities, 
promised  to  embrace  the  faith  of  his  new  allies,^  in 
case  they  were  ultimately  successful.  At  the  end  of 
three  days,  the  host  of  the  Cross  was  once  more  in 
raotion;  and  passing  by  Sidon,  Acre,  Ramula,  and 

I  Aroert.  2  Wiinam  of  Tyre  ;  Albert  of  Aix. 

3  Albert  4  Robert ;  Guibert.  6  ibid. 


HISTORY    OF     CHIVALRY  ItJU 

Emmaus,  approached  the  city  of  Jerusalem.'  At 
Emmaus,  deputies  arrived  from  the  Christians  of 
Bethlehem,  praying  for  immediate  aid  against  their  in- 
fidel oppressors.  Tancred  was-  in  consequence  sent 
forward  with  a  hundred  lances ;  but  the  tidings  of  a 
deputation  from  Bethlehem  spread  new  and  strange 
sensations  through  the  bosoms  of  the  crusaders. 
That  word  Bethlehem,  repeated  through  the  camp, 
called  up  so  many  ideas  connected  with  that  sweet 
religion,  which,  however  perverted,  was  still  the 
thrilling  faith  of  every  heart  around.  The  thoughts 
of  their  proximity  to  the  Saviour's^  birthplace,  ba- 
nished sleep  from  ever>' eyelid ;  and  before  midnight 
was  well  past,  the  whole  host  was  on  foot  towards 
Jerusalem.  It  was  a  lovely  morning,  we  are  told,  in 
the  summer  time ;  and  after  they  had  wandered  on 
for  some  time  in  the  darkness,  the  sun  rushed  into 
the  sky  with  the  glorious  suddenness  of  eastern  dawn, 
and  Jerusalem  lay  before  their  eyes. 

The  remembrance^  of  all  that  that  mighty  city  had 
beheld ;  the  enthusiasm  of  faith  ;  the  memory  of  dan- 
gers, and  ills,  and  fatigues,  and  privations,  endured 
and  conquered;  the  fulfilment  of  hope ;  the  gratifica- 
tion of  long  desire  ;  the  end  of  fear  and  doubt ;  com- 
bined in  every  bosom  to  call  up  the  sublime  of  joy. 
The  name  was  echoed  by  a  thousand  tongues — Je- 
rusalem!  Jerusalem!-  Some  shouted  to  the  sky;^ 
some  knelt  and  prayed  ;  some  wept  in  silence  ;  and 
some  cast  themselves  down  and  kissed  the  blessed 
earth.  "All  had  much  ado,"  says  Fuller,  with  his 
emphatic  plainness,  "to  manage  so  great  a  glad- 
ness."^ 

To  rejoicing,  at  the  sight  of  the  Holy  City,  suc- 
ceeded wrath,  at  seeing  it  in  the  hands  of  the  infidels. 
The  ai  my  marched  forward  in  haste,  drove  in  some 
parties  of  Saracens,  who  had  vauntingly  come  forth 

»  Alb  rt.  2Raou!  of  Caen;  Albert;  Fulcl^er. 

3  Albert  of  Aix,  lib.  v.  *  Guibert. 

5  Guibert,  lib.  "^A. ;  Roben         ^  Holy  V/« 
0 


170  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

from  the  ga,tes ;  and  Jerusalem  was  invested  on  all 
sides.  Some  of  the  people,  indeed,  approaclied  bare- 
foot, in  deep  humiliation,  and  in  remembrance'  of  the 
sufferings  of  Him  wlio  had  purchased  salvation  to  a 
world  by  agony  and  death ;  but  the  greater  part  of 
the  soldiers  advanced  with  purposes  of  wrath,  and 
took,  up  their  various  warlike  positions  round  about 
the  town.  The  attack  was  begun  almost  immedi- 
ately after  the  first  preparations ;  and  Godfrey  of 
Bouillon,  Tancred,  the  Duke  of  Normandy,  and'Ro- 
bert  of  Flanders,  by  a  vigorous  effort,  carried  the 
barbicans,  and  reached  the  wall.-  A  portion  of  tliis, 
also,  was  thrown  down  with  axes  and  picks;  and 
several  knights,  mounting  by  ladders^  to  the  top  of 
the  battlements,  under  a  hail  of  arrows  and  Greek 
fire,  fought  for  some  time  hand  to  hand  with  the 
Turks. 

At  length,  after  many  had  fallen  on  both  sides,  it 
became  evident  to  the  leaders  that  nothing  could  be 
effected  without  the  usual  machines,  and  tlie  assault 
was  suspended. 

All  the  energies  of  the  host  were  now  employed  in 
constructing  implements  of  war.  Timber  was  pro- 
cured from  Sichon  :'*  some  Genoese  seamen,  having 
arrived  at  Jaffa,  were  pressed  by  the  crasaders  into 
the  service  of  the  Cross,  and  by  their  mechanical 
skill  greatly  facilitated  the  construction  of  the  engines 
required. 

Catapults,  mangonels,^  and  large  moveable  towers 
were  prepared,  as  in  the  siege  of  Nice ;  and  to  these 
was  added  a  machine  called  the  sow,  formed  of  wood, 
and  covered  with  raw  hides  to  protect  it  from  fire, 
under  cover  of  which  soldiers  were  employed  in  un- 
dermining the  walls.^  During  the  fabrication  of 
these  implements,  a  dreadful  drought  pervaded  the 
army;  and  all  the  wells  in  the  circumjacent  counti^ 

1  Raimond.  2  Robert;  Albert;  Guibert,  lib  vii. 

8  Fulcher  mentions  several  ladders,  but  says  they  were  too  few. 

*  Albert  of  Aix;  Guibert.         6  Raimoud;  Albow.        6  Albert  of  Aix 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVAOIV.  171 

having  been  filled  up  by  the  Turks,  the  only  watei 
that  reached  the  camp  was  brought  from  far,  and  paid 
for  as  if  each  drop  had  been  gold.  The  soldiers,  un- 
able to  procure  it,  wandered  away  in  the  search,  ot 
watched'  the  morning  dew,  and  licked  the  very  stones 
for  moisture.  Yice  and  immorality  again  grew  pre- 
valent, and  superstition  was  obliged  to  be  called,  in 
aid  of  virtue. 

From  forty  to  sixty  thousand  men  w^re  all  that  re- 
mained of  multitudes ;  and  it  became  obvious  to  the 
leadt'rs  that  dissensions  could  no  longer  exist  with- 
out hiizarding  their. destruction.  Tancred,^  the  first 
in  every  noble  act,  set  tlie  example  of  conciliation, 
and  em.braced  his  foe  Raimond  of  Toulouse,  in  the 
sight  of  the  whole  army.  An  expiatory*^  procession 
was  made  by  the  chiefs,  the  soldiers,  and  the  clergy, 
round  the  city  of  Jerusalem ;  and  prayers  were  of- 
fered up  on  each  holy  place  in  the  neighbourhood  for 
success  in  this  last  field.  The  Turks,  on  their  part, 
forgetting  the  desperate  valour  which  the  crusaders 
had  displayed  on  every  occasion,  beheld  these  cere- 
monies with  contempt ;  and  raising  up  the  image  of 
the  Cross  upon  the  walls,  mocked  the  procession  of 
llie  Christians,  and  threw  dirt  at  the  symbol  of  their 
faith.  The  wTath  of  the  crusaders  was  raised  to  the 
uttermost,  and  the  sacrilegious  insuif'was  remem- 
bered to  be  atoned  in  blood. 

The  engines  were  at  last  completed,  and  the  attack 
once  more  begun.  The  towers^  were  rolled  on  to 
the  walls,  the  battering-rams  were  plied  incessantly, 
the  sow  was  pushed  on  to  the  foundations ;  and  while 
the  Saracens  poured  forth  fire^  and  arrows  upon  the 
besiegers,  the  crusaders  waged  the  warfare  with  equal 
courage  from  their  machines.    Thus  passed  the  whole 

*l  Guibert;  Albert.    2  Albert  of  Aix.      3  Raimoml  d'Ajiiles  ;  Guibert. 
4  Albert  of  Aix.         5  Raimond  d'Agiles  ;  Albert  of  Aix. 
6  Albert  describes  perfectly  the  effect  of  (he  Greek  fire,  and  says  it 
could  only  be  extinguished  by  the  means  of  vinegar,  which,  on  the  second 
*  day,  the  crusaders  prorided  in  great  qua"»"> 


172  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

day  in  one  of  the  most  tremendous  fights  that  thj 
host  of  the  Cross  had  ever  sustained.  Night  fell,  ana 
the  city  was  not  taken.  The  walls  of  the  town  were 
much  injured,  as  well  as  the  engines  used  by  the  as- 
sailants ;  but  by  the  next  morning  both  had  been  re 
paired,  and  the  assault  recommenced,  and  was  re 
ceived  with  equal  ardour.'  The  leaders  of  the  Chrr. 
tian  army  occupied  the  higher  stages  of  their  move- 
able towers,  and  Godfrey  of  Bouillon  himself,^  armed 
with  a  bow,  was  seen  directing  his  shafts  against  all 
who  appeared  upon  the  walls.  Such  soldiers  as  the 
machines  could  not  contain  were  ranged  opposite  the 
walls,  urging  the  battering-rams,  plying  the  mango- 
nels, and,  by  flights  of  arrows,  covering  the  attack 
from  the  towers.  The  enthusiasm  was  great  and 
general ;  the  old,  the  sick,  and  the  feeble  lent  what 
weak  aid  they  could,  in  bringing  forward  the  mis- 
siles and  other  implements  of  war,  while  the  women 
encouraged  the  warriors  to  daring,  both  by  words 
and  their  example ;  and  hurried  through  the  ranks, 
bearing  Avater  to  assuage  the  thirst  of  toil  and  excite- 
ment. Still  the  Saracens  resisted  with  desperate 
valour.  For  their  homes  and  for  their  hearths  they 
fought ;  and  so  courageously,  that  when  more  than 
half  the  day  was  spent,  the  host  of  the  crusade  was 
still  repulsed  in  all  quarters.  At  that  moment  a  sol- 
dier was  suddenly  seen  on  IMount  Olivet,  waving  on 
the  crusaders  to  follow.^  How  he  had  penetrated 
does  not  af)pear,  or  whether  he  Avas  not  the  mere 
creature  of  fancy.  The  idea,  at  all  events,  instantly 
raised  the  fainting  hopes  of  the  Christians.  Im- 
mense and  almost  supernatural  efforts  were  made  in 
every  quarter;  the  tower  of  Godfrey  of  Bouillon  was 
rolled  up  till  it  touched  the  wall;  the  moveable  bridge 
was  let  down,  and  a  knight  called  Lutold'*  sprang 
upon  the  battlements — his  brother  followed — another 

1  Raimond.  2  Quibert ;  Albert  of  Aix. 

3  Raimond  rt'Agiles;  William  of  Tyre. 

♦  Robert  ;  Guiberl,  lib.  vii.  ;  Albert  >  ^ 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  173 

and  another  came  to  his  support.— Godfrey,  Baldwin 
de  Bourg,  and  Eustace  de  Bouillon  rushed  in ;  and 
the  banner  of  the  Cross  announced  to  the  anxious 
eyes  of  the  army  that  Cnristians  stood  upon  the  bat- 
tlements of  Jerusalem.'  Tancred  and  Robert  of  Nor- 
mandy burst  open  one  of  the  gates,  while  Raimond 
of  Toulouse,  almost  at  the  same  instant,^  forced  his 
way  into  another  part  of  the  city  by  escalade.  The 
Turks  fought^  for  a  time  in  the  streets,  but  then  fled 
to  the  mosques,  and  were  in  every  direction  massa- 
cred by  thousands.  It  is  dreadful  to  read  of  the  blood 
which  on  that  awful  day  washed  the  pavements  of 
Jerusalem.  The  courts  of  the  mosque  of  Omar  floated 
*n  gore,  and  scarcely  the  most  remote  and  obscure 
i;orners  of  the  city  gave  shelter  to  an  infidel  head. 
The  soldiers'*  remembered  the  impious  mockeries 
with  which  the  Turks  had  insulted  the  Cross,  and 
the  leaders  i)elieved  that  they  were  doing  God  good 
service  in  exterminating  the  blasphemous  strangers 
who  had  polluted  the  holy  places  of  Jerusalem,  per- 
secuted and  butchered  the  unhappy  Christians  of 
ludea,  and  desecrated  the  altars  of  God.  To  have 
spared  tliem  or  their  accursed  race  would  have  been 
;tonsidered  impious :  and  Godfrey  himself  not  only  en- 
?S':'»uraged  the  slaughter,  but  aided  with  his  own  hand. 
An  immense  number  of  Saracens  had  betaken 
themselves  to  the  temple  of  Soliman,  as  it  was  called,' 
and  there  had  prepared  to  defend  themselves  to  the 
last ;  but  the  pursuers  were  too  strong  to  be  resisted, 
and  nearly  ten  thousand  men  are  said  to  have  fallen 
in  that  building.  Those  even  who  had  climb/-"!  to 
thf^.  roof  were  sought  out  the  next  day,^  and  several, 

1  15tyi  July.  A.  T>.  1099.      2  Guibert ;  Raimond.        3  Albert ;  Robert. 

•»  Ibid  ;  Guibert.  5  Gnib^rt ;  Raimond  d'Agiles  ;  Robert. 

6  Tancred  and  Gaston  of  Bcarn  had  proini^ed  quarter  to  these  un- 
happy wretches,  and  had  ;^iven  them  a  banner  as  a  certain  protection. 
It  was  early  the  next  mornmg,  before  those  chiefs  were  awake,  that  this 
massacre  was  committed  by  some  of  the  more  bloodthirsty  of  the  era 
saders.  Tancred  was  with  great  difficulty  prevented  from  taking  sig 
r.al  vengeance  on  the  perpetrators  of  thia  crime. — fi«xibert ;  Albert 


174  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

to  avoid  the  sword,  cast  themselves  down  and  were 
dashed  to  pieces. 

Some  authors  mention  a  second  massacre,'  and 
greatly  exaggerate  the  butcliery  that  was  perpetrated. 
In  reg-ard  to  this  second  massacre,  there  is  much  his- 
torical evidence  to  show  that  no  such  event  took 
place ;  and  I  v/ould  fain  believe  that  it  was  not  the 
case.  It  cannot,  however,  be  denied,  that  the  most 
humane  of  the  Christian  leaders  in  that  age  were 
taught  to  look  upon  all  mercy  to  the  infidels  as  an 
injury  to  religion;  and  it  is  beyond  doubt,  that  after 
the  general  slaughter  committed  on  the  capture  of 
Jerusalem,  Godfrey  de  Bouillon,^  with  the  other  lead- 
ers and  soldiers,  washed  away  the  marks  of  gore, 
cast  oif  their  armour,  assumed  the  robe  of  penitents, 
and,  going  to  the  holy  sepulchre,  offered  up  their 
prayers  to  the  mild  Teaclier  of  our  beautiful  reli- 
gion, convinced  that  they  had  accomplished  a  great 
and  glorious  work,  and  consummated  an  acceptable 
sacrifice  in  the  blood  of  the  infidels. 

Such  was  the  doctrine  which,  in  that  day,  men  were 
taught  from  their  cradles :  such  the  strange  inter- 
pretation put  upon  the  Gospel  of  Peace. 

I  The  story  of  the  second  massacre  rests  upon  the  authority  of  Albert 
of  Aix",  from  whose  writings  it  has  been  copied  by  all  who  have  repeated 
it.  Albert  of  Aix  never  visited  the  Hely  Land.  None  of  those  who 
were  present  at  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  (that  1  can  discover)  make  th<3 
slightest  mention  of  such  an  occurrence;  and  we  have  the  stronjre^ 
proof  that  part  of  Albert's  story  is  false  ;  for  he  declares  that  all  the  Sa 
racens  were  slaughtered  in  this  second  massacre,  even  tnose  who  hav. 
previously  been  promi-ijed  protection  ;  and  we  kiiov/  that  many  we(3 
sent  to  Ascalon. — See  Guibert,  lib.  vii.'  Robert,  who  was  present 
speaks  of  many  who  v/ere  spared.-  -Robfrtus.  lib.  ix.  Fulcher.  who 
was  in  the  country,  if  not  present,  does  not  allude  to  a  second  massacre 
Raimond  d'Agiles,  who  was  a  witness  to  the  whole,  passes  it  over  ia 
silence ;  though  each  of  these  persons  always  speaks  of  the  slaughter 
of  the  Saracens  as  the  most  praiseworthy  of  actions.  The  Archbishop 
of  Tyre  also,  who  copied  Albert  wherever  he  could  be  proved  correct 
has  stamped  doubt  upon  this  anecdote  by  omitung  it  entirely  I  havi 
thought  fit  to  notice  this  particularly,  because  Mills  lays  no  small  stresa 
upon  the  tale. 

2  Guibert ;  Albert ;  William  of  Tyre. 


HtSTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  175 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Sleet  ion  of  a  King — dodprey  of  Bouillon — Sketch  of  the  History  o/Je- 
rusnlem — DeaUi  fif  the  cliirf  (Uusmkrs — iVt'Ju  Bodies  of  Crusaders  sit 
out  from  Europe — Their' Destnict ion  in  Asia  Minor— Arvird  Pit 
gnmages — The  Northern  Armaments — The  Venetians — The  Genoese. 
and  Pisans — Anecdotes  of  the  Crusaders — Battle  of  the  Childrtn  at 
Antioch—The  Thafnrs—Baldwin''s  Htimanity  well  repaid — Svper 
stitions—Armsofike  Crusaders— Of  the  Turks— Hospitallers — Tem- 
plars. 

The  great  end  of  the  crusade  was  now  accom- 
plished. Jerusalem  was  delivered  from  the  hands  of 
tlie  infidels ;  but  much  remained  to  be  done.  To 
conquer  the  Holy  City  had  been  a  work  of  prodi- 
gious difficulty ;  to  keep  it  was  perhaps  more  so ; 
and  it  became  evident  that  its  defence  must  be  in- 
trusted to  one  powerful  chief.  For  this  purpose  the 
several  lea,ders  who  had  formed  the  general  council 
of  the  crusade  met  to  elect  a  King  of  Jerusalem. 
The  nomination  to  that  liigli  office  was  so  extraor- 
dinary an  honour,  that  the  writers  of  each  nation 
whose  forces  contributed  to  the  crusade  have  de- 
clared their  own  particular  prince  to  have  been 
chosen;'  and,  as  it  was  known  that  none  of  tliese 
did  actually  reign,  they  have  furnis-hed  each  with  a 
suitable  excuse  for  declining  the  distinguished  task. 
It  is  probable,  however,  that  the  choice  of  the  as- 
sembly reaih'^  fixed  at  once  upon  the  only  person 
fitted  for  tlie  office ;  and  (to  combine  the  words  of 
Fulcher  and  Robert  the  Monk)  that,  "  considering 
the  excellence  of  his  nobility,^  his  valour  as  a  kniglit, 
his  gentleness  and  patient  modesty,  as  well  as  the 
purity  of  Ins  morals,  Godfrey  of  Bouillon  was  elected 
king  by  the  wFiole  people  composing  tlie  aimy  of 
God,  with  the  unanimous  wish,  the  general  consent, 

1  See  Raimond  d'Agilcs ;  Giiibert;  Albert  :  Brompton ;  William  ot 
MalmsbHry.  2  Fulciier,  cap.  18;  Robert.  Mon.  lib.  ix 


176  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

and  the  judgrnent  of  all."  Various  clerical  cabals 
followed  for  the  dignity  of  patriarch,  of  which  it  is 
not  necessary  to  speak  here. 

Scarcely  v/as  the  new  monarch'  seated  on  his 
throne,  when  the  gathering  forces  of  the  Moslems 
called  him  again  into  the  field.  With  the  wise  po- 
licy of  activity,  Godfrey  did  not  wait  to  be  besieged 
in  Jerusalem,  but  marching  out  with  all  the  troops 
he  could  muster,  he  advanced  tov/ards  Ascalou, 
where  a  large  infidel  army  had  assembled,  attacked 
and  routed  it  completely,  and  thus  secured  the  con- 
quest he  had  gained. ^  But  the  virtues  of  Godfrey 
were  not  long  destined  to  bless,  or  his  talents  to 
protect,  the  new  kingdom  of  Jerusalem.'*  In  the 
month  of  July,  1100,  he  was  seized  with  a  severe 
illness,  on  his  return  from  a  distant  expedition,  and  in 
a  few  days  the  throne  of  the  Holy  Land  was  vacant. 

Such  an  unexpected  event  of  course  spread  dis- 
sension and  consternation  among  the  crusaders. 
Tancred,  who  was  at  Jerusalem,  and  from  his  great 
military  name  enjoyed  no  small  power,  offered  tlie 
crown  to  Boemond,  and  beyond  all  doubt  would  have 
succeeded  in  causing  his  election,  had  Boemond  been 
able  to  accept  immediately  the  sceptre  thus  held  out 
to  him.'*  But  the  Prince  of  Antioch^  was  at  the 
moment  a  prisoner  in  the  hands  of  some  Armenian 
Tin-ks.<^  The  Patriarch,  on  his  part,  endeavoured 
to  raise  Jerusalem  into  a  simple  hierarchy,"^  and  to 
unite  the  crown  with  the  mitre.  The  partisans  of 
the  Count  of  Toulouse  also  struggled  in  his  behalf 

1  Godfrey  appears  never  to  have  taken  the  title  of  king,  from  a  feeling 
of  rslijiious  humilit}'.       2  Robert.       3  Albert ;  Will.  Tyr.     4  Albert 

5  lie  was  taken,  after  having  sufTered  a  complete  defeat  from  the  emir 
Damisman,  as  he  was  hastening  to  the  succour  of  Gabriel  of  Armenia. 

6  Will.Tyren.;  Radulph. ;  Cadom. 

7  Arnould,  one  of  the  most  corrupt  priests  in  the  army,  had  been 
elected  patriarch,  but  was  deposed  almost  inimedisTtely ;  and  Daimhert, 
"Who  arrived  from  Rome  as  legate,  was  chosen  in  "his  stead.  This 
Daimbert  it  is  of  whom  I  speak  above.  He  seems  to  have  conceived, 
frcm  the  first,  the  idea  of  making  Jerusalem  an  eastern  Rome,  and 
•wrung  many  concessions  from  Godfrey,  whu-b  were  little  respected  by 
that  cbief's  successors. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  177 

fo  the  supreme  power ;  but  in  the  end,  Baldwin, 
Prince  of  Edessa,  the  brother  of  Godfrey,  was  elected, 
and  after  some  intriguing  on  the  part  of  the  Patri- 
arch, was  anointed  King  of  Jerusalem. 

It  does  not  enter  into  the  plan  of  this  book  to  give 
a  history  of  Jerusalem  under  its  Latin  kings:  I  shall, 
however,  briefly  notice  each,  that  the  occasion  and 
object  of  the  after-crusades  may  be  properly  under- 
stood. 

Baldwin,  on  his  election,'  displayed  virtues  that 
had  slumbered,  and  lost  vices  that  had  been  displayed 
on  other  occasions.  He  extended  the  boundaries  of 
his  kingdom,  humbled  its  Saracen  enemies, instituted 
wise  and  salutary  laws,  and  showed  firmness,  mode- 
ration, and  activity  in  his  new  station,  as  well  as  the 
great  military  skill  and  enterprising  spirit  he  had 
formerly  evinced.  He  took  Assur,^  Cesarea,  and 
Acre;  and  added  Beritus,  Sidon,  and  several  other 
places  to  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem.  At  length,  in 
the  execution  of  a  bold  expedition  into  Egv'pt,  Bald- 
win died,  and  his  body,  after  being  embalmed,  by  his 
own  particular  direction,  was  carried  back  to  the 
Holy  City. 

Baldwin  de  Bourg,  who,  on  the  elevation  of  Bald- 
win I.  to  the  throne  of  Jerusalem,  had  received  the 
principality  of  Edessa,  was  now  called  to  the  vacant 
throne,  and  proved  himself  one  of  the  wisest  and 
most  valiant  of  the  Latin  sovereigns  of  Judea.  He 
also  greatly  extended  the  limits  of  his  dominions ; 
but  in  passing  between  Turbessel  and  Edessa,  ac- 
companied by  a  few  soldiers  only,^  and  unsuspicious 
of  any  ambuscade,  he  was  suddenly  surrounded,  and 
carried  a  prisoner  to  Khortopret,  where  he  remained 
in  close  confinement  for  several  years.  During  his 
imprisonment  Tyre  was  added  to  the  territories  of 
Jerusalem,'*    and  various    successful    battles  were 

William  of  Tvre. 

2  Ilist.  llipros. ;  Jacob,  lib.  i.;  William  of  Tvre;  Fulcher;  Albert. 

3  Will,  of  Tyre  ;  Fulcher  of  Chartres.  4  Fulcher. 


178  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

fought  against  the  Moslems.  After  his  liberatioit 
he  offered  the  hand  of  his  daughter  to  Foi-lk  d 
Anjou,  who  had  some  time  before  visited  Jerusalem 
upon  an  armed  pilgrimage.  The  Count  of  Anjou 
gladly  accepted  the  proposal,  and  returning  to  the 
Holy  Land,  espoused  Melesinda,  soon  after  which 
he  ascended  the  throne  of  Jerusalem,  on  the  deall; 
of  Baldv/in.  Foulic  combined  many  virtues;  was 
kind,  affable,  and  humane,  as  well  as  skilful  and 
Courageous  in  the  field.  After  a  reign  of  thirteen 
years  he  left  the  kingdom  to  his  son,  entire,  indeed, 
but  neither  more  extended  in  territory,  nor  more 
consolidated  in  power,  than  when  he  received  it. 

Baldwin  III.  succeeded;  at  the  time  of  his  acces- 
sion being  but  a  boy.  Dissensions  and  animosities 
raged  among  all  the  feudal  dependants  of  the 
crown  of  Jerusalem.^  The  Mosiems  scattered 
through  the  country,  and  girding  it  on  ever)^  side, 
took  advantage  of  each  new  dispute  to  harass  their 
Latin  invaders  with  desultory  warfare.  The  empe- 
rors of  the  east  strove  continually  to  wrest  some- 
thing of  their  old  possessions  from  live  descendants 
of  the  crusaders,  and  thus  divided  the  forces,  and 
paralyzed  ail  the  efforts  made  by  the  Christians  to 
establish  and  secure  their  yet  infirm  dominion.  At 
length  Zenghi,  emir  of  Aleppo,  and  Mosul  marched 
against  B»dessa,  the  government  of  which  principality 
had  been  transferred,  on  the  accession  of  Baldwin  de 
Bourg  to  the  throne  of  Jerusalem,  to  Joscelyn  de 
Courtenay,  and  from  him  had  descended  to  his  son. 
The  son  had  not  inherited  the  virtues  or  tlie  valour 
of  his  father;  and  while  Zenghi  attacked,  stormed, 
and  took  Edessa,  he  was  rioting  in  debauclieries  at 
Trrbessel.  So  severe  a  reverse  spread  consternatiov 
througli  Palestine.  Others,  though  of  a  less  impop 
tant  nature,  followed ;  and  the  news  of  these  mis- 
fortunes soon  reached  Europe,  where  it  gave  mattrt 

1  WiiiiamofTirc.         2  Hist  Iliero?. :  Jacob.  Vit. ;  Will,  of  Tyre 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  179 

.0  the  eloquence  of  St.  Bernard,  and  occasion  for  a 
118V/  crusade. 

Long  before  this  period,  all  the  chiefs  wlio  had  at 
fiist  led  the  armies  of  the  Cross  to  Jerusalem  had 
tasted  of  the  cup  reserved  for  all  men,  and  few  words 
will  end  the  history  of  each.  Godfrey,  Baldwin,  and 
Baldwin  de  Bourg  we  have  already  conducted  to  the 
tomb.  Boemond,  as  I  have  said,  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  Moslems ;  :  nd  after  a  captivity  of  two  years, 
was  permitted  to  pay  a  ransom,  and  return  to  his  pnn- 
cipality.  On  arriving,  he  found  that"  his  noble  rela- 
tive, Tancred,  had  not  only  preserved,  but  increased 
his  territories  during  his  absence  ;  and  after  several 
years  continual  warfare  with  Alexius  on  the  one  hand, 
and  the  Moslems  on  the  other,  mingled  with  opposi- 
tion to  the  King  of  Jerusalem,  Boemond  sailed  for 
Europe.  There  the  fame  he  had  acquired  obtained 
for  him  the  hand  of  Constantia,'  daughter  of  the  King 
of  France.  Heryoungersister,  Cecilia,  was  bestowed 
upon  Tancred,  who  had  remained  in  the  government 
of  Antioch. 

By  the  aid  of  France,  Boemond  raised  large  forces 
and  landing  in  Greece,  ravaged  the  dominions  of 
Alexius,  who  was  at  length  fain  to  conclude  a  peace 
with  the  powerful  and  enterprising  Italian.  The 
Prince  of  Antioch  then  sent  forward  the  greater  part 
of  his  troops  to  the  Holy  Land,  while  he  himself  re- 
turned to  Italy  to  prepare  for  the  same  journey. 
Death,  hmvever,  staid  his  progress  ;^  for,  after  a  short 
ilhiess,  he  ended  his  career  in  Apulia,  in  1109.^  Tan- 
cred still  survived,  and  defended  constantly  the  ter- 
ritories of  his  cousin  against  every  attack  for  three 
years  after  the  decease  of  Boemond.     At  last  the 

1  Fulcher;  Abert.  2  Raoul  of  Caen;  Will.  Tyr.  ;  Fu'cber. 

3  Guibert.'lih.  vii.  i  Will,  of  Tyr.  ;  Guibert. 

5  Guibert  say.s  that  Boemond  died  from  the  effects  of  poison.     Other 

suthors  declare  that  ^rief  for  havintc  been  obliged  to  enter  into  a  less 

«dvaiUa2eous  treaty  with  Alexins  than  he  had  anticipated  occasioned 

k-.^  death  ;  bat,  from  his  whole  history,  I  should  not  look  upon  Boemond 

a  mail  i.kely  to  die  of  grief. 


180  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

consequences  of  a  wound  he  had  received  some  tim» 
before  proved  fatal,  and  the  noblest  and  most  chival- 
rous of  all  the  Christian  warriors  died  in  the  prime  of 
his  days.  On  his  death-bed  he  called  to  him  his  wife, 
and  Pontius,  the  son  of  the  Prince  of  Tripoli,'  and, 
aware  of  the  necessity  of  union  among  the  Christians, 
he  recommended  strongly  their  marriage,  after  death 
should  have  dissolved  the  ties  between  himself  and 
Cecilia.  The  government  of  Antioch  he  bequeathed 
to  his  cousin  Roger  ;^  but,  with  the  same  noble  in- 
tegrity which  he  had  displayed  through  life,  he  made 
the  new  regent  promise,  that  in  case  the  son  of  Boe- 
mond  should  ever  come  to  claim  those  territories, 
they  should  be  resigned  to  him  without  dispute. 
Thus  died  Tancred ;  who,  from  all  that  we  read  of 
the  crusaders,  was,  with  the  exception  of  Godfrey, 
the  noblest  of  the  followers  of  the  Cross — a  gallant 
leader,  a  disinterested  man,  a  generous  friend,  a  true 
knight. 

Previous  to  his  death,  however,  he  had  been  en- 
gaged in  all  the  great  events  in  Palestine.  After  the 
election  of  Godfrey,  and  the  battle  of  Ascalon,  the 
other  chiefs  of  the  crusade  had  either  returned  to 
Europe  or  spread  themselves  over  the  country,  in 
pursuit  of  their  own  schemes  of  private  ambition, 
leaving  the  new  kingdom  of  Jerusalem  to  be  supported 
by  its  king  and  Tancred,  with  an  army  of  less  than 
three  thousand  men.  This  penury  of  forces  how- 
ever, did  not  long  continue,  or  the  Holy  Laud  must 
soon  have  resumed  the  yoke  it  had  thrown  off.  The 
spirit  of  pilgrimage  was  still  active  in  Europe ;  and 
combined  with  this  spirit  was  the  hope  of  gain,  spring- 
ing from  vague  and  exaggerated  accounts  of  the 
wealth  and  the  principalities  v/hich  the  leaders  of 
ilie  first  expedition  had  acquired. 

'  Ilevvafs  the  grandson  of  that  Raimond,  Count  of  Toulouso,  of  whos« 
conduct  1  have  so  often  had  occasion  to  speak  already,  and  whose  pers9> 
vera-K-e  against  Tripoli  will  be  mentioned  hereafter. 

3  Will.  Tvr. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  181 

Pilgrimages  now  differed  from  those  that  had  pre- 
ceded the  conquest  of  Jerusalem,  in  being  anned; 
and  many  bodies,  of  several  thousand  men  each, 
arrived  both  by  sea  and  land,  and  proved  exceedingly 
serviceable  in  peopling  the  devastated  lands  of  Pa- 
lestine. Various  larger  enterprises,  more  deserving 
the  name  of  crusades,  were  planned  and  attempted, 
which  it  would  be  endless  to  name,  and  tedious  to 
lecount.  Nearly  five  hundred  thousand  people  set 
out  from  Europe  for  Syria,'  and  to  these  seveial  of 
those  crusaders  who  had  gojie  back  to  Europe  joined 
themselves,  urged  either  by  shame  for  their  former 
desertion,  or  by  the  hope  of  obtaining  easier  con- 
quests, and  less  dangerous  honours.  Of  these,  then, 
I  will  speak  first,  before  noticing  more  particularly 
the  armed  pilgrimages,  in  order  that  I  may  trace  to 
the  end  all  those  leaders  of  the  first  crusade  who 
died  in  the  Holy  Land.  The  first  great  expedition 
set  out  not  many  years  after  the  taking  of  Jerusalem, 
and  consisted  of  several  smaller  ones  from  various 
countries,  which  united  into  larger  bodies  as  they 
proceeded,  and  endeavoured  to  force  their  M'ay 
through  Asia  Minor.  At  tlie  head  of  tnese  armies 
were  Count  Albert,^  of  Lombardy ;  Conrad,  Constable 
of  the  Western  Empire ;  Stephen,  Count  of  Blois, 
wliom  we  have  seen  flying  from  the  land  to  which 
shame  now  drove  him  back  ;  Stephen,  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy ;  the  Bishops  of  Laon  and  of  Milan  ;  the  Duke 
of  Parma ;  Hugh,  Count  of  Yermandois,'^  who  now 
again  turned  towards  Jerusalem ;  and  the  Count  of 
Nevers :  as  well  as  William,  Count  of  Poitiers; 
Guelf,  Duke  of  Bavaria;  and  Ida,  Marchioness  of 
Austria.  At  Constantinople  the  first  division  mel 
with  Raimondof  Toulouse,**  who  had  returned  to  ihac 
city  from,  tlie  Holy  Land,  in  search  of  aid  to  pursue 
the  schemes  of  a  grasping  and  ambitious  spirit. 
The  new  crusaders  put  themselves,  in  some  c''3gree, 

1  Fulcher  ;  Albert  of  Aix  ;  William  of  Tyre. 

'  Albert  of  Aix  ;  William  of  Tyro      3  Fulcher.     4  Albett  of  Aix. 


183  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY 

under  his  command  and  guidance ;  but  their  first  step 
was  to  disobey  his  orders,  and  to  take  the  way  of 
Paphlagonia,  instead  of  following  the  track  of  the 
former  crusade.  They  were  for  many  days  harassed 
in  their  march  by  the  Turks,  then  exposed  to  famine 
and  drought,  and  finally  attacked  and  cut  to  pieces 
by  Kilidge  Asian,  who  revenged,  by  the  death  of  more 
Ihan  a  hundred  thousand  Christians,'  all  the  losses 
they  had  caused  him  to  undergo.  The  principal 
leaders  made  good  their  escape,  first  to  Constan- 
tinople, and  then  to  Antioch ;  except  Hugh  of  Ver- 
mandois,  who  died  of  his  wound  at  Tarsus.  The 
Count  of  Nevers,^  who  commanded  the  second  body, 
met  the  same  fate  as  the  rest,  and  followed  them  to 
Antioch,  after  the  destruction  of  his  whole  force. 
William  of  Poitiers,  with  the  Duke  of  Bavaria  and 
the  Marchioness  Ida,  were  also  encountered  by  the 
victorious  Saraceuv's,  and  their  defeat  added  another 
to  the  triumphs  of  the  infidels  and  to  the  Christian 
disasters.  The  Duke  of  Bavaria,  stripping  himself 
of  his  arms,  fled  to  tlie  mountains,  and  made  his  ea- 
;;ape.  The  precise  fate  of  Ida  of  Austria  remained 
unknown  ;  but  it  appears  certain  she  was  either  suf- 
fered to  die  in  captivity,  or  was  crushed  to  death 
under  the  horses'  feet.^  The  Count  of  Poitiers,  com- 
pletely destitute  of  all  resources,  and  separated  from 
his  companions,  wandered  on  foot  till  he  arrived  at 
Antioch,'*  where  he  was  kindly  received  by  Tancred, 
still  alive,  and  met  the  other  chiefs  who  had  encoun 
tered  disasters  like  his  own.^  The  principal  leaders 
proceeded  straight  to  Jerusalem,  with  the  exception 
of  Raimond  of  Toulouse,  who  had  long  fixed  his 
heart  upon  the  conquest  of  the  rich  tract  of  Tripoli, 
which  he  attempted  for  some  time  in  vain.  Death 
staid  him  in  his  progress,^  and  Baldwin  succeeded  in 
accomplishing  wliat  he  had  designed  ;  after  which 
the  king  erected  the  territory  acquired  into  a  feudal 

1  Fulcber;  Albert.      2  Albert.      3  Albert  of  Aix.  •*  Fulchsr. 

Albert.  6  Fulcher.  cap.  35,  A.  D.  1105. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  183 

county,  which  was  bestowed  upon  the  son  of  the  de- 
ceased Raimond. 

In  the  mean  while  Stephen,  Count  of  Blois,  reached 
Jerusalem ;  and  having,  by  a  second  completed 
pilgrimage,  wiped  out,  as  he  thought,  the  disgrace 
of  having  quitted  the  first  crusade,  he  embarked, 
with  William  of  Poitiers,  to  return  to  Europe.  A 
contrary  wind,  however,  drove  back  the  vessel  nUo 
Jaffa,'  and  here  Stephen  found  himself  called  upon  to 
join  Baldwin  in  an  attack  upon  the  Turks.  The 
king  advanced  with  only  seven  hundred  knights,''  de- 
ceived by  reports  of  the  enemy's  weakness ;  but  in 
the  plains  of  Ramula  he  found  himself  suddenly  op- 
posed to  the  whole  Turkisii  army.  The  spirit  of 
Chivalry  forbade  his  avoiding  the  encounter,  and  in 
a  short  time  the  greater  part  of  his  force  was  cut  to 
pieces.  He  himself,  with  his  principal  knights,  made 
their  way  to  the  castle  of  Ramula,  from  which  he 
contrived  to  escape  alone.  The  rest  were  taken, 
fighting  bravely  for  their  lives ;  and  though  some 
were  spared,  Stephen  of  Elois''  was  one  of  severa. 
who  were  only  reserved  for  slaughter.  Thus  died 
the  leaders  of  the  first  crusade  who  met  their  fate  in 
Palestine,  and  thus  ended  the  greater  and  more 
general  expeditions  which  had  been  sanctioned  by 
the  council  of  Clermont,  and  excited  by  the  preach- 
ing of  Peter  the  Hermit.  The  ultimate  fate  of  that 
extraordinary  individual  himself  remains  in  darkness. 
On  the  capture  of  Jerusalem,  when  the  triumphant 
Europeans  spread  themselves  through  the  city,  the 
Christian  inhabitants  fiocked  forth  to  acknowledge 
and  gratulate  their  deliverers."*  -  Then  it  was  that  all 
the  toils  and  dangers  which  the  Hermit  had  endured, 
were  a  thousand  fold  repaid,  and  that  ail  his  enthu- 
siasm met  v/ith  its  reward.  The  Christians  of  Jeru- 
salem instantly  recognised  the  poor  pilgrim  who  had 
first  spoken  to  them  words  of  hope,  and  had  promised 

I  Fulcher,  cap.  27.  2  Albert,  lib.  ix. ;  Fnlcher 

8  Albert:  Fulcher.  James  of  Vitry  :  Hist.  Hieros.  ab 


184  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

them,  in  their  misery  under  the  Turkish  oppression, 
that  aid  and  deliverance  which  had  at  length  so  glo- 
riously reached  them.'  In  the  fervour  of  their  giati- 
tude  they  attributed  all  to  him ;  and,  casting  them- 
selves at  his  feet,  called  the  blessing  of  Heaven  on 
the  head  of  their  benefactor.  After  that  period  Peter 
is  mentioned  several  times  by  the  historians  of  Jeru- 
salem -^  and  we  find  that  he  certainly  did  act  a  very 
principal  part  in  the  clerical  government  of  the  city.'' 
Whether  he  returned  to  Europe  or  not  I  confess  I  do 
not  know.  He  is  said  to  have  founded  the  abbey  of 
Montier,  in  France,  and  to  have  died  tliere  ;  but  this 
rests  upon  no  authority  worthy  of  confidence. 

In  the  meanwhile,  many  of  the  Christians  who  had 
escaped  the  active  swoitIs  of  the  Saracens  in  Asia 
Minor  made  their  way  to  Jerusalem,  and  served  to 
people  and  protect  the  land.  Various  armaments, 
also,  arrived  at  the  different  seaports,  bearing  each 
of  them  immense  numbers  of  military  pilgrims,  who, 
after  having  visited  the  holy  places,  never  failed  to 
offer  their  services  to  the  king  of  Jerusalem,  for  the 
purpose  of  executing  any  single  object  that  might  be 
desirable  at  the  time. 

Three  only  of  these  bodies  are  worthy  of  particular 
notice,  that  of  the  English,  Danes,^  and  Flemings, 
who  assisted  Baldwin  at  the  unsuccessful  siege  of 
Sidon — the  Norwegian  expedition  which  succeeded 
in  taking  that  city — and  that  of  the  Venetians,  who 
afterward  aided  in  the  capture  of  Tyie.  The  Ge- 
noese^  and  the  Pisans,  also,  from  time  to  time  sent 
out  vessels  to  the  coast  of  Palestine ;  but  these 
voyages,  which  combined  in  a  strange  manner  the 
purposes  of  traffic,  superstition,  and  warfare,  tended 

1  Hi?t.  Hieros.  abrev. 

2  Mills  says  that  the  last  historical  meiit'on  of  Peter  is  that  \vhic!i  re 
lates  to  his  recognition  by  the  Christians  of  Jerusalem  ;  but  such  is  no- 
the  case.  \Ve  find  him  mentioned  as  a  very  influential  person  on  the 
occasion  of  the  battle  of  Ascalon. — See  Raimond  (VAgiles;  Guibert,  lib.    'i. 

3  Guibert,  I  b.  vii.  4  Albert  of  Aix,  lib.  x.  fw^illiam  of  Tyre. 
5  Fu'.cher;  William  of  Tyro. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  185 

rather  lo  the  general  prosperity  of  the  country  by 
commerce,  and  to  its  protection,  by  bring-ing  conti- 
nual recruits,  than  to  any  individual  enterprise  or 
conquest. 

Many  anecdotes  are  told  of  the  first  crusaders  by 
their  contemporary  historians,  which — though  resting 
on  evidence  so  far  doubtful  as  to  forbid  their  intro- 
duction as  absolute  facts — I  shall  mention  in  exem- 
plification of  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  time. 

The  number  of  women  and  children  who  followed 
the  fiist  crusaders  to  the  Holy  Land  is  known  to  have 
been  immense ;  but  it  is  not  a  little  extraordinary, 
that  in  spite  of  all  the  hardships  and  dangers  of  the 
way,  a  great  multitude  of  both  arrived  safe  at  Jeru- 
salem. The  women  we  find,  on  almost  all  occasions, 
exercising  the  most  heroic  firmness  in  the  midst  of 
battles  and  destruction ;  and  Guibert  gives  a  curious 
account  of  the  military  spirit  which  seized  upon  the 
children  during  the  siege  of  Antioch.  The  boys  of 
the  Saracens  and  the  young  crusaders,  armed  with 
sticks  for  lances,  and  stones  instead  of  arrows,  would 
issue  from  the  town  and  the  camp,  and  under  leaders 
chosen  from  among  themselves,'  who  assumed  the 
names  of  the  principal  chiefs,  would  advance  in 
regular  squadrons,  and  fight  in  the  sight  of  the  two 
hosts,  with  a  degree  of  rancour  which  showed  to  wb^-.t 
a  pitch  the  mutual  hatred  of  the  nations  was  carried. 
Even  after  the  crusaders  had  fallen  in  battle  or  had 
died  of  ihe  pestilence,  their  children  still  pursued 
their  way,  and  getting  speedily  accustomed  to  fatigue 
and  privation,  evinced  powers  of  endurance  equal  to 
those  of  the  most  hardy  warriors. 

With  the  army  of  the  Cross  also  was  a  multitude 
of  men — the  same  author  declares — who  made  it  a 
profession  to  be  without  money ;  they  walked  bare- 
foot, carried  no  arms,  and  even  preceded  the  beasts  of 
burden  in  the  march,  living  upon  roots  and  herbs-  and 

1  Guibert,  lib.  vii. 
P 


186  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

presenting  a  spectacle  both  disgusting-  and  pitiable.  A 
Norman,'  vvho,  according  to  all  accounts,  was  of  noble 
birth,  but  who,  having  lost  his  horse,  continued  to  fol- 
low as  a  foot-soldier,  took  the  strange  resolution  of 
putting  himself  at  the  head  of  this  race  of  vagabonds, 
v.'ho  willingly  received  him  for  their  king.  Among  tlie 
Saracens  these  men  became  well  known,  under  the 
name  of  Thafurs  (which  Guibert  translates  Tru- 
dentes),  and  were  held  in  great  horror  from  the 
general  persuasion  that  they  fed  on  the  dead  bodies 
of  their  enemies :  a  report  which  was  occasionally 
justified,  and  which  the  king  of  the  Thafurs  took  care 
to  encourage.  This  respectable  monarch  was  fre- 
quently in  the  habit  of  stopping  his  followers  one  by 
one,  in  any  narrow  defile,  and  of  causing  them  to  be 
searched  carefully,  lest  the  possession  of  the  least 
sum  of  money  should  render  them  unworthy  of  the 
name  of  his  subjects.^  If  even  two  sous  were  found 
upon  any  one,  he  was  instantly  expelled  from  the 
society  of  his  tribe,  the  king  bidding  him,  contemptu- 
ously, buy  arms  and  fight. 

This  troop,  so  far  from  being  cumbersome  to  the 
army,  was  infinitely  serviceable,  carrying  burdens, 
bringing  in  forage,  provisions,  and  tribute,  working 
the  machines  in  the  sieges,  and,  above  all,  spreading 
consternation  among  the  Turks,  who  feared  death 
from  the  lances  of  the  knights  less  than  that  further 
ronsumm.ation,  they  heard  of,  under  the  teeth  of  the 
Thafurs. 

Mercy  tCA'ards  the  Turks  was  considered,  by  the 
contemporary  clergy,  to  whom  we  owe  all  accounts 
of  the  crusades,  as  so  great  a  weakness,  that  perhaps 
fewer  instances  of  it  are  on  record  than  really  too'c 
place  ;  for  we  seldom  find  any  mention  of  clemency 
to  an  infidel,  witliout  blame  being  attached  to  it. 
Thus  the  promise  of  Tancred  to  save  the  Turks  oa 
the  roof  of  the  temple  is  higlily  censured,  as  well  as 

I  GuiberMJb-  vii.        2  Ibid. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  187 

the  act  of  the  Count  of  Toulouse,  in  granting  their 
lives  to  some  five  hundred  wretches,  who  had  taken 
refuge  in  the  Tower  of  David. 

One  deed  of  this  kind  is  told  of  Baldwin  I.,  more 
as  in  its  consequences  it  saved  the  king's  person, 
than  as  any  thing  praiseworthy  in  itself.  Pass- 
ing along  one  day  on  horseback,  after  his  troops 
had  been  employed  in  wasting  the  country,  Bald- 
win is  said  to  have  met  with  an  Arabian  woman, 
who  had  been  taken  in  labour  by  the  way.'  He  co- 
vered her  with  his  own  cloak,  ordered  her  to  be  pro- 
tected by  his  attendants,  and  having  left  her  with 
two  skins  of  water,  and  two  female  camels,  he  pur- 
sued his  march.  The  chances  of  the  desultory  war- 
fare of  those  times  soon  brought  back  her  husband 
to  the  spot,  and  his  gratitude  was  the  more  ardent 
as  the  benefit  he  had  received  was  unusual  and  unex- 
pected. After  the  fatal  day  of  Ramula,  while  Bald- 
win, with  but  fifty  companions,  besieged  in  the  ill- 
fortified  castle  of  that  place,  was  dreaming  of  no- 
thing but  how  to  sell  his  life  dearly,  a  single  Arab 
approached  the  gates  in  the  dead  of  the  night,  and 
demanded  to  speak  with  the  king.  He  w^as  in  con- 
sequence brought  to  Baldwin's  presence,^  where  he 
recalled  to  his  mind  the  kindness  once  shown  to 
the  Arab  woman,  his  wife;  and  then  offered  to  lead 
him  safely  through  the  lines  of  the  enemy.  The 
fate  of  Palestine  at  that  moment  hung  upon  Bald- 
win's life,  and,  trusting  himself  in  the  hands  of  the 
Arab,  he  was  faithfully  conducted  to  his  own  camp,^ 
where  he  appealed,  says  William  of  Tyre,  like  the 
morning  star  breaking  through  the  clouds. 

Superstition,  which  in  that  age  was  at  its  height  in 
Europe,  was,  of  course,  not  unknown  in  Palestine, 
and  all  sorts  of  visions  w^ere  seen.  Battles,  accord- 
ing  to  the  monkish  accounts,  were  won  by  relics  and 

5  William  of  Tyre. 

?  Albert  ofAix  and  Fulcher  give  a  different  account  of  Baldwin's  escape 

^  Will.  Tyr.  lib.  x. 


188  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

prayers  more  than  by  swords  and  lances.  A  part  of 
theHoly  Cross  was  said  to  be  found  in  Jerusalem,  a 
thousand  more  martyrs  were  dug  up  than  ever  were 
buried,  and  we  find  one  of  the  bishops  ferens  in 
pyxide  lac  sanctce  Marice  Virginis.  Ghosts'  of  saints, 
too,  were  seen  on  every  occasion,  and  the  Devil  him- 
self, in  more  than  one  instance,  appeared  to  the  cru- 
saders, tempting  them  with  consummate  art  to  all 
kinds  of  crimes.  The  evil  spirit,  however,  often — 
indeed  generally — found  himself  cheated  by  his  vic- 
tims in  the  end,  who,  by  repentance,  gifts  to  the 
church,  and  fanatical  observances,  easily  found 
means  to  "  swear  the  seal  from  oft'  their  bond." 

The  appearance  of  an  army  in  the  times  of  the  first 
crusade  was  highly  gorgeous  and  magnificent.^  The 
number  of  banners  of  purple  and  gold,  and  rich 
colours — each  feudal  baron  having  the  right  to  bear 
his  banner  to  the  field — rendered  the  Christian  host 
in  full  array  as  briglit  a  spectacle  as  the  sun  could 
shine  upon.  The  armour  of  the  knights  also  gave  a 
glittering  and  splendid  effect  to  the  scene  ;  nor  was 
this  armour  as  has  been  represented,  entirely  of  that 
kind  called  chain  mail,  which  formed  tlie  original 
hauberk.  It  varied  according  to  various  nations, 
and  it  is  evident  from  the  continual  mention  of  the 
corslet  or  breastplate,  by  all  the  authors  I  have  had 
occasion  to  cite  in  this  work,  that  that  piece  of  plate 
armour  was  used  during  the  first  crusade.^  It  is  pro- 
bable, however,  that  the  armour  generally  worn  was 
principally  linked  mail,  which,  in  the  case  of  tlie 
knights,  enveloped  the  whole  body,  being  composed 
of  a  shirt  of  rings,  with  hose,  shoes,  and  gauntlets, 
Df  the  same  materials.     The  helmet  misrht  also  be 


1  Albert ;  Raimond  d'Agiles  ;  Fulcher ;  William  of  Tyre  ;  G*iibert. 

2  Albert  of  Aix;   Raimond  d'Asfiles ;  Guibert. 

3  Mills  is  wrong  in  supposing  tiiat  plate  armour  was  not  at  all  known 
Before  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century.  As  far  back  as  the  time 
Mf  Louis  the  Debonair,  the  Monk  of  St.  G-all  gives  a  full  description  of 
e  man  in  plate  armour,  and  also  mentions  the  barb,  or  iron  covering  of 
the  horse. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  189 

covered  with  a  chainhood,  which  completed  the  dress. 
In  addition  to  this,  it  is  not  unlikely  that  a  cuirass 
was  frequently  M'orn  with  the  shirt,  as  we  find,  from 
the  poem  of  William  the  Breton  on  Philip  Augustus, 
that  it  was  even  then  a  common  practice  to  wear  a 
double  plastron  or  cuirass,  though  plate  armour  had 
returned  into  common  use.  The  shield,  charged  with 
some  design,  but  certainly  not  with  regular  armorial 
bearings,  together  with  the  lance,  sword,  and  mace, 
completed  the  arms,  offensive  and  defensive,  of  a 
knight  of  that  day.'  I  cannot  find  that  either  the  bat- 
tle-axe or  the  armour  for  the  horse  is  mentioned 
during  the  crusade;  yet  we  know  that  both  had  been 
made  use  of  long  before.  The  foot-soldiers  were  in 
some  cases  allowed  to  wear  a  shirt  of  mail,  but  not 
a  complete  hauberk,  and  were  armed  with  pikes, 
b:ws,  and  crossbows;  though  it  would  seem  that 
tliey  gained  their  knowledge  of  the  latter  instrument 
from  the  Saracens,  there  being  several  lamentations, 
in  all  the  accounts  of  their  first  entrance  into  Asia 
Minor,  over  their  unsKilfi^lness  in  the  use  of  the  arbalist. 
The  luxury  with  which  the  Christians  marched  to 
the  crusade  may  be  conceived  from  the  narrative 
given  by  Albert  of  Aix,  of  the  rout  of  the  troops  of 
Conrad  and  his  companions,  who  followed  to  the 
Holy  Land,  immediately  after  the  capture  of  Jerusa- 
lem. Among  the  spoils  taken  by  the  Turks,  he  men- 
tions ermines,^  sables,  and  all  kinds  of  rich  furs, 
purple  and  gold  embroidery,  and  an  incalculable 
quantity  of  silver.  The  roads,  he  says,  were  so 
strewed  with  riches,  that  the  pursuers  trod  upon  no- 
thing but  besants  and  other  pieces  of  money,  precious 
stones,  vases  of  gold  and  silver,  and  every  sort  of 
siik  and  fine  stuff. 

The  Turks  proceeded  to  battle  with  even  greater 

1  See,  for  these  particnlars,  the  Monk  of  St.  Gall;  Albert  of  Aix :  Rai- 
mond  d'Ajiiles;  Fulcher;  Guiberi;  William  of  Brittany;  Menestner 
Bt.  Palaye ;  Ducange. 

2  Albert  of  Aix,  lib.  viii. 


190  HISTORY    OF    CIIIVALRy. 

magnificence ;  and,  after  the  victories  of  Antioch  and 
Ascaloii,  we  read  continually  of  invaluable  booty, 
jewels,  golden  helmets  and  armour  standards  of  sil- 
ver, and  scimitars  of  unknown  worth.  The  arms  of 
the  Turks  were  lighter,  in  all  probability,  than  those 
of  the  Christians,  and  in  general  consisted  of  the 
sword  and  the  bow,  in  the  use  of  which  they  were 
exceedingly  skilful.^  We  find,  however,  thrit  the  va- 
rious nations  of  which  the  Mahommedan  armies  were 
composed  used  very  different  weapons;  though  all 
Vv'ere  remarkable  for  the  manner  in  which  they  eluded 
their  enemies,  by  their  skill  in  horsemanslhp,  and  the 
jfleetness  of  their  chargers.  One  nation,  mentioned 
by  Albert  of  Aix  under  the  title  of  Azoparls,  are 
called  the  invincible,  and  were  furnished  with  heavy 
maces,  with  which  they  aimed  at  the  heads  of  the 
horses,  and  seldom  failed  to  bring  them  down. 

After  the  conquest  of  Palestine  by  the  Christians,^ 
the  surrounding  tribes  continued  to  wage  an  unceas- 
ing war  against  their  invaders ;  but  nevertheless  many 
of  the  Mussulman  towns  ^''Itum  the  limits  of  the 
kingdom  of  Jerusalem  submitted  to  the  conquerors, 
and  were  admitted  to  pay  tribute.  A  fi'ee  communi- 
cation also  took  place  between  the  followers  of  the 
two  religions,  and  a  greater  degree  of  connexion  be- 
gan to  exist  than  was  very  well  consistent  with  the 
fanaticism  of  either  people.  A  mixed  race  even 
sprang  up  from  the  European'  and  Asiatic  population, 
the  children  of  parents  from  different  continents  being 
called  PuUani.  At  the  same  time  the  country  was 
governed  by  European  laws,^  which,  not  coming 
within  the  absolute  scope  of  this  book,  I  must  avoid 
treating  of,  from  the  very  limited  spac.'e  to  which  I 
am  obliged  to  confine  myself.  Suffice  it  to  say,  that 
Godfrey  of  Bouillon,  among  the  first  cares  of  govern* 

1  Fu'cher  ;  Guibert. 

2  Albert  of  Aix  ;  Fulcher;  Robertus  Monachus. 

3  Fulcher ;  William  of  Tyre  ;  Albert.  •»  Ducange. 
«  Assizes  par  Thaumassiere 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  191 

merit,  appointed  a  commission  to  inquire  into  the  laws 
and  customs  of  the  various  nations  which  formed  the 
population  of  the  country  he  was  called  to  rule. 
From  the  investigation  thus  entered  into  was  drawn 
up  an  admirable  code  of  feudal  law,  under  the  title  of 
Assizes  cle  Jerusalem.  Two  institutions  of  a  strictlr 
chivalrous  nature,  which  were  founded,  properl] 
speaking-,  between  the  first  and  second  crusades,  J 
must  mention  here,  as  all  the  after-liistory  of  knight 
hood  is  more  or  less  connected  with  their  progress. 
I  mean  the  two  military  orders  of  the  Hospital  and 
the  Temple. 

The  spirit  of  religious  devotion  and  military  fervour 
had  been  so  intimately  united  during  the  whole  of  the 
crusade,  that  the  combination  of  ttie  austere  rules  of 
the  monk,  with  the  warlike  activity  of  the  soldier, 
seems  to  have  b-;en  a  necessary  consequence  of  the 
wars  of  the  Cros^. 

Long  previous  to  the  crusade,  some  of  the  citizens 
of  Amalti  having  been  led  to  Jerusalem,'^  partly  from 
feelings  of  devotion,  partly  in  the  pursuit  of  com- 
merce, had  witnessed  the  misery  to  which  pilgrims 
were  exposed  on  their  road  to  the  Holy  Land,  and 
determined  to  found  an  hospital  in  which  pious  tra- 
vellers might  be  protected  and  solaced  after  their 
arrival  at  the  end  of  their  journey.  The  influence 
which  the  Italian  merchants  possessed  through  their 
commercial  relations  at  the  court  of  the  calif,  easily 
obtained  permission  to  establish  tlie  institution  pro- 
posed. A  piece  of  ground  near  the  supposed  site  of 
the  holy  sepulchre  was  assigned  to  them,  and  the 
chapel  and  hospital  were  accordingly  built,  at  dif- 
ferent times,  and  placed  under  the  patronage,  the 
one  of  St.  Mary,  and  the  other  of  St.  John  the  Al- 
moner. 

A  relidous  house  was  also  constructed  for  those 
charitaUe  persons,  of  both  sexes,  who  chose  to  dedi- 

1  William  of  Tyre,  lib.  xviii.  3  Vertct 


192  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

cate  themselves  to  the  service  of  tlie  pilgrims,  and 
who,  on  tlieir  admission,  siibje<-ted  themselves  to  the 
rule  of  St.  Benedict.  All  travellers,  whether  Greeks 
or  Latins,  were  received  into  the  hospital ;  and  the 
monks  even  extended  their  charitable  care  to  the  sick 
or  poor  Mussulmans  who  surrounded  them. 

During  the  siege  of  Jerusalem  by  the  crusaders,  all 
the  principal  Christians  of  the  town  were  thrown  into 
prison  ;  among  others,  the  abbot  (as  he  is  called  by 
James  of  VMtry)'  of  the  monastery  of  St.  John.  He 
was  a  Frenchman  by  birth,  named  Gerard  ;  and,  after 
the  taking  of  the  city,  was  liberated,  with  other  Chris- 
tian prisoners,  and  returned  to  the  duties  of  his 
office,  in  attending  the  sick  and-wounded  crusaders 
who  weie  brought  into  tlie  Hospital.  After  the  bat- 
tle of  Ascalon,  Godfrey  visited  tlie  establishment, 
wiiere  he  still  found  many  of  the  followeis  of  the 
crusade,  who,  struck  with  admiration  at  the  institu- 
tion, and  filled  with  gratitude  for  the  services  they 
had  leceived,  determined  to  embrace  the  order,  and 
dedicate  their  lives  also  to  acts  of  charity.  Godfrej^, 
as  a  reward  for  the  benefits  which  these  holy  men 
had  conferred  on  his  fellow-christians,  endowed  the 
Hospital  (now  in  a  degree  separated  from  the  abbey 
of  St.  Mary)  with  a  large  estate,  in  his  hereditary 
dominions  in  Brabant.  Various  other  gifts  were 
added  by  the  diflferent  crusaders  of  rank ;  andthePoor 
Brothers  of  the  Hospital  of  St.  John  began  to  find 
themselves  a  rich  and  flourishing  community.  It 
was  at  this  period  that  they  first  took  the  black  habit 
and  the  white  cross  of  eight  points,  and  subjected 
themselves,  by  peculiar  vows,  to  the  continual  at- 
tendance on  pilgrims  and  sick  persons.^  Pascal  H. 
soon  after  bestowed  upon  the  order  several  valuable 
privileges,  among  which  were,  exemption  from  all 
tithes,  the  right  of  electing  their  own  superior,  and 
absolute  immunity  from  all  secular  or  clerical  inter- 

1  Hist.  Hierosol. .  Jacob,  Vitri.  Vertot  Preuvff' 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  193 

ference.  The  constant  resort  of  pilgrims  to  the  Holy 
Land  not  only  increased  the  wealth  of  the  Hospi- 
tallers, but  spread  their  fame  to  other  countiies. 
Princes  and  kin^s  conferred  lands  and  benefices  upon 
them,  and  the  order  began  to  throw  out  ramifications 
into  Europe,  where  hospitals,  under  the  same  rule, 
were  erected  and  maybe  considered  as  the  first  com- 
manderies  of  the  institution. 

At  the  death  of  Gerard,  which  took  place  almost 
immediately  after  that  of  Baldwin  I.,  Raimond 
Dupuy,  one  of  the  crusaders  who  had  attached  him- 
self to  the  Hospital  on  having  been  cured  of  his 
wounds  received  at  the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  was 
elected  master,  and  soon  conceived  the  idea  of  ren- 
dering the  wealth  and  number  of  the  Hospitallers 
serviceable  to  the  state  in  other  ways  than  tliose 
which  they  had  hitherto  pursued.  His  original  pro- 
fession of  course  led  him  to  the  thought  of  combin- 
ing war  with  devotion,  and  he  proposed  to  his  bre- 
thren to  reassume  the  sword,  binding  themselves,  how- 
ever, by  a  vow,  to  draw  it  only  against  tlie  enemies 
of  Christ.  In  what  precise  year  the  Hospitallers 
first  appeared  in  arms  is  not  very  clearly  ascertained  ; 
but  it  is  a  matter  of  no  moment,  and  it  is  certain  that 
they  became  a  military  body  during  the  reign  of 
Baldwin  du  Bourg.' 

The  order  of  St.  John  was  then  divided  into  three 
classes,  knights,  clergy,  and  serving  brothers.  Each 
of  these  classes  still,  when  absent  from  the  field, 
dedic;atcd  themselves  to  the  service  of  the  sick ;  but 
the  knights  were  chosen  from  the  noble  or  militaiy 
rank  of  the  Hospitallers,  and  commanded  in  battle 
and  in  the  hospital.  The  clergy,  besides  the  ordi- 
nary duties  of  their  calling,  followed  the  armies  as 
almoners  and  chaplains;  and  the  serving  brothers 
fought  under  the  knights  in  battle,  or  obeyed  their 
directions  in  their  attendance  on  the  sick.     At  first. 

>  VertoL 


194  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

the  garments  and  food  of  these  grades  were  the 
Batne.  The  vows  also  were  alike  to  all,  and  im- 
plied chastity,  obedience  to  their  superior  and  to  the 
council,  together  with  individual  poverty. 

The  objects  now  proposed  were  war  against  the 
infidels,  and  protection  and  comfort  to  the  Christian 
pilgrims.  The  knights  were  bound  by  strict  and 
severe  rules  ;  they  were  enjoined  to  avoid  all  luxury, 
to  travel  two  or  three  together,  seeking  only  such 
lodging  in  the  various  towns  as  was  provided  for 
them  by  their  community,  and  burning  a  light  during 
the  night,  that  they  might  be  always  prepared  against 
the  enemy,  Their  faults'  were  heavily  punished  by 
fasts,  by  imprisonments,  and  even  by  expulsion  from 
the  order  ;  and  they  were  taught  to  look  for  no  re- 
ward but  from  on  high.  Nevertheless,  before  the 
good  Bishop  of  Acre  composed  his  curious  work  on 
the  Holy  Land,  probably  about  the  year  1228,  the 
Hospitallers,  he  tells  us,  were  buying  for  themselves 
castles  and  towns,  and  subnntting  territories  to  their 
authority  like  the  princes  of  the  earth. 

The  origin  of  the  order  of  Red-cross  Knights,  or 
Templars,  was  very  diffeient,  though  its  military 
object  was  nearly  the  same.  The  Christian  power 
in  Palestine  was  probably  as  firmly  established  at  the 
time  of  Bakhvin  du  Bourg,  as  during  any  other  pe- 
riod of  its  existence ;  yet  the  mixture  of  the  popula- 
tion, the  proximity  of  a  thousand  inimical  tribes,  the 
roving  habits  of  the  Turks,  who — generally  worsted 
by  the  Christians  in  the  defence  of  cities  and  in 
arrayed  fields — now  harassed  their  enemies  with 
a  constant,  but  flying  warfare;  all  rendered  the 
plains  of  the  Holy  Land  a  scene  of  unremitting  strife, 
where  the  pilgrim  and  the  traveller  were  continually 
exposed  to  danger,  plunder,  and  death.  Some  French 
knights,  who  had  foUovi^ed  the  first  crusade,^  animated 
bej'ond  their  fellows  with  the  religious  and  military 

1  Jacob  Vitriaci  in  Hist.  Ilierosol  2  William  of  Tyre 


lIISTORy    OF    CHIVALRY.  195 

fury  which  inspired  that  enterprise,  entered  into  a 
solemn  compact  to  aid  each  other  in  freeing^  the  high- 
ways of  the  Holy  Land,  protecting  pilgrims  and 
travellers,  and  fighting  against  the  enemies  of  the 
Cross.  They  embraced  the  rule  of  St.  Augustin  ; 
renounced  all  worldly  goods,  and  bound  themselves 
by  oath  to  obey  the  commands  of  their  grand  master ; 
to  defend  the  Christian  faith;  to  cross  the  seas  in 
aid  of  their  brethren  ;  to  fight  unceasingly  against 
the  infidel,  and  never  to  turn  back  from  less  than 
four  adversaries.'  The  founders  of  this  order  were 
Hugh  de  Paganis  and  Geofl:rey  de  St.  Aldemar— or, 
according  to  some,  de  St.  Omer — who  had  both  sig- 
nalized themselves  in  the  religious  wars.  Having  no 
fixed  dwelling,  tlie  Templars  were  assigned  a  lodg- 
ing in  a  palace  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  Tem- 
ple, from  whence  they  derived  the  name  by  which 
they  have  since  been  knov^-n.  The  number  of  these 
knights  was  at  first  but  nine,  and  during  the  nine 
years  which  followed  their  institution,  they  were 
marked  by  no  particular  garb,^  wearing  the  secular 
habit  of  the  day,  which  was  furnished  to  them  by 
charity  alone.  The  clergy  of  the  temple  itself  con- 
ferred on  their  body  a  space  of  ground  between  that 
building  and  the  palace,^  for  the  purpose  of  military 
sxercises,  and  various  other  benefices  speedil}^  tol- 
lowed.  At  the  council'*  of  Troyes,  their  situation 
was  considered,  and  a  white  garment  was  appointed 
for  their  dress.  Their  vows  became  very  similar  to 
those  of  the  knights  of  St.  John ;  the  numbers  of 

1  Jac.  Vitriari ;  Hist.  Hierosol. 

2  Will.  Tyreiisis,  !ih.  xxii. ;  Jacob.  Vit.  3  William  of  Tyre. 

-i  William  of  Tyre  marks  precisely,  that  the  particular  rules  to  which 
they  were  subjected,  and  the  dress  to  which  they  were  restricted,  were 
regularly  fi.xed  by  the  clmrcii  at  the  council  of  Troyes,  in  the  course  of 
the  ninth  year  after  their  first  institution.  Now  the  council  of  Troyes 
took  place  in  1128,  and  Baldwin  du  Bourg  a.scended  the  throne  of  Jeru-sa 
lem  on  the  2(1  of  April,  1118,  en  years  previously.  Their  first  iiistituti-  n, 
therefore,  could  not  be  in  the  reign  of  Baldwin  I.,  as  Mills  has  staled  it, 
without  a  gross  error  on  the  pari  of  the  Archbishop  of  Tyre,  who  w^rote 
In  the  year  1184,  and  tberefore  was  not  likely  to  be  inisraken  on  a  subject 
EG  near  his  own  days. 


198  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

the  body  rapidl}'-  augmented ;  possessions  and  riches 
flowed  in  upon  them  apace,  as  their  services  became 
extended  and  creneral.  They  added  a  red  cross  to 
their  roba,  and  raised  a  banner  of  their  own,  on  which 
they  bestowed  the  name  of  Beans^ant.  The  order, 
as  it  increased,  was  soon  divided  into  the  various 
c/asses  of  servants  of  arms,  esquires,  and  knights; 
and,  in  addition  to  their  great  standard,  wliich  way 
wliite  with  the  red  cross — symbolical,  like  their  dress, 
of  purity  of  life,  and  courage,  even  to  death — they 
bore  to  battle  a  banner  composed  of  white  and  black 
stripes,  intended  to  typify  their  tenderness  to  their 
friends  and  implacabihty  towards  their  enemies. — 
Their  valour  became  so  noted,  that,  like  that  of  the 
famous  tenth  legion,'  it  was  a  support  to  itself;  and, 
according  to  James  of  Vjtry,  any  Templar,  on  hear- 
ing the  cry  to  arms,  would  have  been  ashamed  to  have 
asked  the  number  of  tlie  enemy.  The  only  ques' 
lion  was,  "  Where  are  they  ?" 

On  entering  the  order,  the  grand  master  cautioned 
(he  aspirant  that  he  was,  in  a  manner,  called  upon  to 
resign  his  individuality.  Not  only  his  property  and 
his  body,  but  his  very  thoughts,  belonged,  from  the 
moment  of  his  admission,  to  the  institution  of  which 
he  became  a  part.  He  was  bound  in  every  thing  to 
obey  the  commands  of  his  superior,  and  poverty  of 
course  formed  a  part  of  his  vow.  His  inclinations, 
his  feelings,  his  passions,  were  all  to  be  rendered  sub- 
servient to  the  cause  he  embraced;  and  he  was  ex- 
horted to  remember,  before  he  engaged  himself  to 
tlie  performance  of  so  severe  an  undertaking,  that  he 
would  often  be  obliged  to  watch  when  he  desired  to 
sleep,  to  suffer  toil  when  his  limbs  required  rest,  and 
to  undergo  the  pangs  of  thirst  and  the  cravings  of 
hunger  when  food  would  be  most  delightful. 

After  these  and  similar  warnings  of  tlie  painful 
and  self-denying  nature  of  the  task  which  he  was 

I  Hist.  Hierosol. ;  Jacob.  VitriacL 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  197 

about  to  impose  upon  himself,  he  was  asked  three 
times  if  he  still  desired  to  enter  into  the  order,  and  on 
giving  an  answer  in  the  affirmative,  he  was  invested 
with  the  robe,  and  admitted  to  the  vows,  after  pre- 
vious proof  that  he  was  qualified  in  other  respects, 
according  to  the  rules  of  the  institution. 

No  possible  means  has  ever  been  devised  of  keep- 
ing any  body  of  men  poor ;  and  the  Templars,  whose 
first  device  was  two  knights  riding  on  one  horse,  to 
signify  their  poverty  and  humility,  were  soon  one  of 
the  richest,  and  beyond  comparison  the  proudest,  of 
tlie  European  orders.  Their  preceptories  were  to  be 
found  in  every  country,  and  as  their  vows  did  not 
embrace'  the  charitable  avocations  which,  with  the 
knights  of  St.  .John,  filled  up  the  hours  unemployed 
in  military  duties,  the  Templars  soon  added  to  their 
pride  all  that  host  of  vices  which  so  ^-eadily  step  in 
to  occupy  the  void  of  idleness.  While  the  knights  of 
St.  John,  spreading  benefit  and  comfort  around  them, 
notwithstanding  many  occasional  faults  and  errors, 
rem-ained  esteemed  and  beloved,  on  the  whole,  both 
by  sovereigns  and  people  ;  the  knights  of  the  Tem- 
ple were  only  suffered  for  some  centuries,  feared, 
hated,  avoided ;  and  at  last  were  crushed,  at  a  mo- 
ment when  it  is  probable  that  a  reform  v/as  about  to 
work  itself  in  their  order.^ 

1  The  Templars  founded  many  charitable  institutions,  but  attendance 
on  the  sick  was  not  a  part  of  their  profession. 

2  For  a  more  particular  and  correct  account  of  the  armour  of  the  cni- 
sades,  I  must  refer  to  the  invaluable  work  of  Dr.  Meyrick,  which  I  re- 
gret much  not  to  have  had  by  me  while  writing  this  book.  My  sources 
of  information  have  been  alone  the  historians  of  the  day,  in  consultin>{ 
whom  the  ambicuiiy  of  language  is  very  often  likely  to  induce  error  in 
Clatters  which,  hke  armour,  are  difficult  to  describe. 


198  HISTORY    OF    CHIVAI.RV. 


CHAPTER  X. 

?fmsf.qnenc(s  of  the  Loss  of  Edessa — The  State  of  France  iiv/arcrurahlt 
to  a  new  Crusade —  View  of  the  Progress  of  Society — Causes  and  Cha- 
racter of  the  Second  Crusade — 57.  Beniard—The  Emperor  of  Germany 
takes  the  Crass  and  sets  out — Louis  VII.  follows — Conduct  of  the  Ger- 
mans in  Greece — Their  Destruction  m  Cajipadocia — Treachery  of 
Manuel  Comnenus— Louis  VII.  arrives  at  Constantiv.ople— Passes 
into  Asia — Defeats  the  Turks  on  the  Meander— His  Army  cut  to 
pieces — Proceeds  by  Sea  to  Antioch — Fate  of  his  remaining  Troops — 
Intrigit.es  at  Antioch — Louis  goes  onto  Jerusalem — Siege  of  Damas- 
cus— Disgraceful  Failure— Conrad  returns  to  Europe— Conduct  of 
Sugcr,  Abbot  of  St.  Denis — Termination  of  the  Second  Crusade, 

The  loss  of  Edessa  shook  the  kingdom  of  Jeru- 
salem ;  not  so  much  from  the  importance  of  the  city 
or  its  territory,  as  from  the  exposed  state  in  which 
it  left  the  frontier  of  the  newly  established  monarchy. 
The  activity,  the  perseverance,  the  power  of  the  Mos- 
lems had  been  too  often  felt  not  to  be  dreaded;  and 
there  is  every  reason  to  believe,  that  the  clergy 
spoke  but  the  wishes  of  the  wliole  people,  when  in 
their  letters  to  Europe  they  pressed  their  Christian 
brethren  to  come  once  more  to  the  succour  oi  Jeru- 
salem.  Shame  and  nmbition  led  the  young  Count 
of  Edessa  to  attempt  the  recovery  of  his  capital  as 
soon  as  the  death  of  Zenghi,  who  had  taken  it,  reached 
his  ears.  He  in  consequence  collected  a  large  body 
of  troops,  and  on  presenting  himself  before  the  \valls 
during  the  night,  was  admitted,  by  his  friends,  into 
the  town.  There  he  turned  his  whole  efforts  to  force 
the  Turkish  garrison  in  the  citadel  to  surrender,  be- 
fore Nourhaddin,  the  son  of  Zenghi,  could  arrive  to 
its  aid.  But  the  Saracens  held  out;  and,  while  the 
Latin  soldiers  besieged  the  castle,  they  found  them 
selves  suddenly  surrounded  by  a  large  body  of  tnp 
enemy,  under  the  command  of  Nourhaddin.     In  this 


HiSTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  199 

situation,  they  endeavoured  to  cut  their  way  throug-h 
the  Turkish  force,  but,  attacked  on  every  side,  few 
of  them  escaped  to  tell  the  tale  of  their  own  defeat. 
Nourhaddin  marched  over  their  necks  hito  Edessa, 
and,  in  order  to  remove  for  ever  that  bulwark  to  the 
Christian  kingdom  of  Jerusalem,  he  caused  the  forti- 
fications to  be  razed  to  the  ground. 

The  consternation  of  the  people  of  Palestine  be- 
came great  and  general.  The  road  to  the  Holy  City 
lay  open  before  the  enemy,  and  continual  applications 
for  assistance  reached  Europe,  but  more  particularly 
France. 

The  state  of  that  country,  however,  was  the 
least'  propitious  that  it  is  possible  to  conceive  for  a 
crusade.  The  position  of  all  the  orders  of  society 
liad  undergone  a  change  since  the  period  when  the 
wars  of  the  Cross  were  first  preached  by  Peter  the 
Hermit ;  and  of  the  many  causes  which  had  com- 
bined to  hurry  the  armed  multitudes  to  the  Holy 
Land,  none  remained  but  the  spirit  of  religious  fanati- 
cism and  military  enterprise.  At  the  time  of  the 
first  crusade,  the  feudal  system  had  reached  the  acme 
of  its  power.  The  barons  had  placed  a  kin.g  upon 
the  throne.  They  had  rendered  their  own  dominion 
independent  of  his,  and  thougli  they  still  acknow- 
ledged some  ties  between  themselves  and  the  mo- 
narch— some  vague  and  g-eneral  power  of  restraint 
in  the  king  and  his  court  of  peers — yet  those  ties 

1  Mills  says,  "  The  news  of  the  loss  of  the  eastern  frontier  of  the  Latin 
kinrrdom  reached  France  at  a  time  peculiarly  favourable  for  foreign 
war."  It  will  be  seen  that  I  have  taken  up  a  position  as  exactly  the  re- 
verse of  that  assumed  by  that  excellent  author  as. can  well  be  conceived ; 
but  1  have  not  done  so  without  much  investigation,  and  the  more  I  con- 
sider the  subject,  the  more  I  am  convinced  that  the  moment  when  the 
feudal  power  was  checked  by  the  king  and  assailed  by  the  communes, 
was  not  the  most  propitious  to  call  the  nobility  to  foreign  lands— that 
the  moment  ia  which  the  burghers  were  labouring  up  hill  for  inde- 
pendtace,  was  not  .1  time  for  them  to  aband-on  the  scene  of  their  hopes 
and  endeavours — and  that  the  moment  when  a  kingdom  was  torn  by 
conflicting  powers,  when  the  royal  authority  was  unconfirmed,  and  the 
notiltty  only  irritated  at  its  exertion,  was  not  the  period  that  a  monarch 
ehould  have  chosen  to  quit  bis  dominions. 


200  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

were  so  loose,  that  power  was  so  undefined  in  its 
nature,  and  so  difficult  in  its  exercise,  that  the  nobles 
were  free  and  at  liberty  to  act  in  whatever  direction 
enthusiasm,  ambition,  or  cupidity  might  call  them, 
without  fear  of  the  sovereign,  who  was,  in  fact,  but 
one  of  their  own  body  loaded  with  a  crown. 

The  people,  too,  at  that  time,  both  in  the  towns 
and  in  the  fields,  were  the  mere  slaves  of  the  no- 
bility ;  and  as  there  existed  scarcely  a  shadow  of 
vigour  in  the  kingly  authority,  so  there  lemained  not 
an  idea  of  distinct  rights  and  privileges  among  the 
populace.  Thus  the  baronage  were  then  unfet- 
tered by  dread  from  any  quarter;  and  the  lower 
classes — both  the  poorer  nobility,  and  that  indistinct 
tribe  (which  we  find  evidently'  marked)  who  were 
neither  among  the  absolute  serfs  of  any  lord,  nor 
belonging  to  the  military  caste — were  all  glad  to  en- 
gage themselves  in  wars  which  held  out  to  them 
riches  and  exaltation  in  this  world,  and  beatification 
in  the  next ;  while  they  could  hope  for  nothing  in 
their  own  land  but  pillage,  oppression,  and  wrong; 
or  slaughter  in  feuds  without  an  object,  and  in  bat- 
tles for  the  benefit  of  others. 

Before  the  second  crusade  was  contemplated,  a 
change — an  immense  change  had  operated  itself  in 
the  slate  of  society.  Just  fifty  years  had  passed 
since  the  council  of  Clermont :  but  the  kings  of  Fran(je 
were  no  longer  the  same  ;  the  royal  authority  had 
acquired  force^ — the  latent  principles  of  domination 

'■  A  furious  essay  might  be  written  on  the  classes  or  castes  in  Europe 
t  that  period.  It  is  quite  a  mistaken  notion  which  some  persons  have 
rntertained,  that  the  only  distinctions  under  the  monarch,  were  noble 
and  serf.  We  find  an  immense  class,  or  rather  various  classes,  all  of 
which  consisted  of  freemen,  interposed  between  the  lord  and  his  slave. 
Thus  Galbertus  Syndick,  of  Bruges,  in  recounting  the  death  of  Charles 
the  Good,  Count  of  Flanders,  A.  D.  1 130,  mentions  not  only  the  burghers 
of  the  town,  but  various  other  persons  who  were  not  of  the  nobi  •  race, 
but  were  then  evidently  free,  as  well  as  the  Brabancois  or  Cotereaux,  a 
sort  of  freebooting  soldier  of  that  day.  Guibert  of  Nogent,  also,  in  his 
own  life,  and  Frodoardus,  in  the  history  of  Rheinis,  refer  to  many  of 
whose  e.xact  station  it  is  dillicult  to  form  an  idea. 
2  Rouillard,  Histoire  de  Mclun :  Vie  de  Bouchard. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  201 

had  been  exercised  for  the  general  good.  Kings  had 
put  forth  their  hands  to  check  abuses,  to  punish  vio- 
lence and  crime ;  and  the  feudal  system  began  to 
assume  the  character,  not  of  a  simple  confederation, 
but  of  an  organized  hierarchy,^  in  v^hich  tlie  whole 
body  was  the  judge  of  each  individual,  and  the  head 
of  that  body  the  executor  of  its  sentence.  Louis  VI., 
commonly  called  Louis  the  Fat,^  was  the  first  among 
the  kings  of  France  who  raised  the  functions  of 
royalty  above  those  of  sovereignty,  and  the  distinction 
between  the  two  states  is  an  important  one.  The 
former  monarchs  of  France,  including  Philip  L,  under 
wiiose  reign  the  first  crusade  was  preached,  had 
each  been  but  sovereigns,  who  could  call  upon  their 
vassals  to  serve  them  for  so  many  days  in  the  field, 
and  whose  rights  were  either  simply  personal,  that 
is  to  say,  for  their  own  dignity  and  benefit,  or  only 
general  so  far  as  the  protection  of  the  whole  confe- 
deracy from  foreign  invasion  was  implied.  Louis 
the  Fat,  however,  saw  that  in  the  kingly  office  was 
comprised  both  duties  and  rights  of  a  different  cha- 
racter >  the  right  of  punishing  private  crime,-''  and  of 
opposing  universal  wrong;  the  duty  of  maintaining 
public  order,  and  of  promoting  by  one  uniform  and 
acknowledged  power  the  tranquillity  of  the  whole 
society  and  the  security  of  each  individual.  The 
efl[orts  of  that  prince  were  confined  and  partial,  it  is 
true  ;^  but  he  and  his  great  minister,  Suger,  seized 
the  just  idea  of  the  monarchical  form  of  government, 
and  laid  the  basis  of  a  well-directed  and  legitimate 
authority. 

This  authorit}%  of  course,  was  not  pleasing  to  the 
barons,  whose  license  was  thus  curtailed.  Their 
views,  therefore,  were  turned  rather  to  the  mainte- 
nance of  their  own  unjust  privileges,  than  to  foreign 

1  I  know  that  I  use  this  word  not  quite  correctly,  but  I  can  find  none 
other  to  express  more  properly  what  I  mean. 

2  Suger  in  vit.  Ludovic  Vl.  3  Galbert  in  vit.  Carol 
4  Suger  in  vit.  Ludovic  vl 


202  HISTORY    OF    CHITALRY. 

adventures.  At  the  same  time,  the  nobles  found 
themselves  assailed  by  the  classes  below  them,  as 
well  as  by  the  power  above,  and  the  people  of  the 
towns  were  seen  to  struggle  for  the  rights  and  im- 
munities so  long  denied  to  them.  The  burghers 
had,'  indeed,  been  permitted  to  labour  in  some  small 
degree  for  themselves.  Though  subject  to  terrible 
and  grievous  exactions,  they  had  still  thriven  under 
the  spirit  of  commerce  and  industry.  Their  lords 
had  sometimes  even  recourse  to  them  for  assistance. 
The  greater  part,  though  of  the  servile  race,  had  been 
either  freed,  or  were  descended  from  freed  men  ; 
and  the  baron  of  the  town  in  which  they  lived,  though 
cruel  and  tyrannical,  was  more  an  exacting  pro- 
tector than  a  master.  At  length — the  precise  time 
is  unknown — the  people  of  the  cities  began  to  think 
of  protecting  themselves  ;  and,  by  mutual  co-opera- 
tion, they  strove  at  once  to  free  themselves  from  the 
tyranny  of  a  superior  lord,  and  to  defend  themselves 
against  the  encroachments  of  others.  The  word 
comrmine^  was  introduced,  and  each  town  of  consi- 
derable size  hastened  to  struggle  for  its  libe||ty.  At 
first  the  horror  and  indignation  of  the  nobles  were 
beyond  all  conception ;  but  the  spirit  of  union  among 
them  was  not  sufficiently  active  to  put  down  that 
whicli  animated  the  commons. 

Each  lord  had  to  oppose  his  revolted  subjects  alone ; 
and  after  long  and  sanguinary  contests,'^  sometimes 
the  baron,  the  bishop,  or  the  abbot  succeeded  in 
subjugating  the  people ;  sometimes  the  burghers 
contrived,  b}^  perseverance,  to  wring  from  the  no- 
bles themselves  a  charter  which  assured  their 
freedom.. 

This  struggle4  was  at  its  height,  at  the  time  when 
the  fall  of  Edessa  and  the  growing  power  of  the 
Moslems  called  Europe  to  engage  in  a  second  cru- 
sade ;  but  the  barons  at  that  moment  found  their 

•  Ghron.  Vezeliac.  2  Guibert  No?,  in  vit.  s. 

»  Chron.  Vezeliac.  «  Gesta  regis  Ludovici  Vn. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  203 

prhileg-es  invaded  both  by  the  crown  and  the  peo- 
ple ;  and  the  hitter  discovered  that  they  had  rights 
to  maintain  in  their  own  hmd — that  they  were  no 
longer  the  mere  slaves  to  whom  all  countries  were 
alike — that  prospects  were  opened  before  them 
which  during-  the  first  crusade  they  hardly  dreamed 
of —that  the  swords  which  had  before  been  employed 
in  fighting  the  quarrels  of  their  lords  at  home,  or 
raising  them  to  honour  and  fame  abroad,  were  now 
required  to  defend  their  property,  their  happiness, 
and  the  new  station  they  had  created  for  themselves 
in  society.  Tims  the  period  at  which  aid  became 
imperatively  necessary  to  the  Christ  ians  at  Jerusalem, 
was  when  France  was  least  calculated  to  afford  it. 
Nevertheless,  the  superstition  of  a  king  and  the  elo- 
quence of  a  churchman  combined  to  produc^e  a  second 
crusade  ;  but  in  this  instance  it  was  but  a  great  mili- 
tary expedition,  and  no  longer  the  enthusiastic  effort 
of  a  nation,  or  a  great  popular  movement  throughout 
the  whole  of  the  Christian  world. 

One  of  the  strongest  proofs  of  this  fact'  is  the 
scantiness  of  historians  on  the  second  crusade,  and 
the  style  in  which  those  that  do  exist,  speak  of  its 
operations.  It  is  no  longer  the  glory  of  Christendom 
that  they  mention,  but  the  glory  of  the  king;  no 
more  the  deliverance  of  the  Holy  Land,  but  merely 
the  acts  of  the  monarch. 

In  pursuance  of  the  general  plan  of  extending  the 
dominion  of  the  crown,  which  had  been  conceived  by 
Louis  VL,  and  carried  on  with  such  infinite  peise- 
verance  by  his  great  minister  Suger,  Louis  VII.,  the 
succeeding  monarch,  on  hearing  of  the  election  of 
the  Anihbishop  of  Bourges  by  the  chapter  of  that 
city,  without  his  previous  consent,  had  declared  the 
nomination  invalid,  and  proceeded  to  acts  of  such 

1  The  only  two  1  know  who  accompanied  this  crusade,  and  wrote  any 
detailed  account  of  it,  are  Odon  de  Deuil,  or  Odo  de  Diagnio,  and  Fri- 
singen,  or  Fre>siiifhen.  It  is  an  extraordinary  fact,  that  the  Cardinal  de 
Vitfy  makes  qq  mention  of  the  seeond  crusade. 


*204  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

flagrant  opposition  to  the  papal  jurisdiction,  th?.t  the 
church  used  her  most  terrific  thunders  to  awe  the 
monarch  to  her  will.  Thibalt,  Count  of  Champagne 
armed  in  support  of  the  pope's  authority,  and  Louis 
instantly  marched  to  chastise  his  rebellious  vassal. 
Thibalt  was  soon  reduced  to  obedience,  but  the 
anger  of  the  monarch  was  not  appeased  by  submis- 
sion; for,  even  after  the  town  of  Vitry  had  surren- 
dered, he  set  fire  to  the  church,  in  which  nearly 
thirteen  hundred  people  had  taken  refuge,  and  dis- 
graced his  triumph  by  one  of  the  direst  pieces  of 
cruelty  upon  record.  A  severe  illness,  however,  soon 
followed,  and  reflection  brought  remorse.  At  that 
time  the  news  of  the  fall  of  Edessa  w^as  fresh  in  Eu- 
rope ;  and  Louis,  in  the  vain  hope  of  expiating  his 
crime,  determined  to  promote  a  crusade,  and  lead  his 
forces  himself  to  the  aid  of  Jerusalem. 

Deputies  were  speedily  sent  to  the  Pope  Eugenius, 
who  willingly  abetted  in  the  king's  design,  and  com- 
missioned the  famous  St.  Bernard,  Abbot  of  Clair- 
vaux,  to  preach  the  Cross  through  France  and  Ger- 
many. St.  Bernard  possessed  every  requisite  for 
such  a  mission.'  From  his  earliest  years  he  had 
been  filled  with  religious  enthusiasm ;  he  had  aban- 
doned high  prospects  to  dedicate  himself  entirely  to 
an  austere  and  gloomy  fanaticism  ;  he  had  reformed 
many  abuses  in  the  church,  reproved  crime  wherever 
he  found  it,  and  raised  the  clerical  character  in  the 
eyes  of  the  people,  too  much  accustomed  to  behold 
among  his  order  nothing  but  vice,  ignorance,  and  in- 
dolence. He  was  one  of  the  most  po\verful  orators- 
of  his  day,  endowed  with  high  and  commanding 
talents  of  many  kinds;  and  in  his  controversy  with 
the  celebrated  Abclard,  the  severe  purity  of  his  life 
and  manners  had  proved  most  eloquent  against  his 
rival.  Thus,  when  after  repeated  entreaties^  he  went 
forth  to  preach  the  crusade,  few  that  heard  him  were 

1  William  of  St.  Thierry,  Mabillon. 

2  Geoffroi  de  Clairvaux ,  Continuation  of  the  Life  of  St.  Bernard- 


HISTORV    OF    CHIVALRY.  205 

not  either  impressed  by  his  sanctit5%  persuaded  by 
his  eloquence,  or  carried  away  by  his  zeal :  and  thus, 
notwithstanding-  the  unfavourable  state  of  France," 
a  multitude  of  men  took  the  symbol  of  the  Cross,  and 
piepared  to  follow  the  monarch  into  Palestine.  In 
Germany  the  effects  of  his  overpoweiing  oratory 
were  the  same.  Those  who  understood  not  even  the 
language  that  he  spoke,  became  awed  by  his  gestures 
and  the  dignified  enthusiasm  of  his  manner,  and  de- 
voted themselves  to  the  crusade,  though  the  tong^ne 
in  which  it  was  preached  was  unknown  to  them. 
Wherever  he  went  his  presence  was  supposed  to 
operate  miracles,  and  the  sick  are  reported  to  have 
recovered  by  his  touch,  or  at  liis  command ;  while 
all  the  legions  of  devils,  with  which  popish  supersti- 
tion peopled  the  atmosphere,  took  flight  at  his  ap- 
proach. For  some  time  Conrad,  Emperor  of  Ger- 
many, suffered- St.  Bernard  to  call  the  inhabitants 
of  his  dominions  to  the  crusade  without  taking  any 
active  part  in  his  proceedings,  but  at  length  the  start- 
ling eloquence  of  the  Abbot  of  Clairvaux  reached 
even  the  bosom  of  the  monarch,  and  he  declared  his 
intention  of  following  the  Cross  himself.  At  Vezelai 
Louis  VII.  received  the  symbol :  but  the  most  power- 
ful obstacle  that  he  found  to  his  undertaking  was  the 
just  and  continued  opposition  of  his  minister,^  Suger, 
who  endeavoured  by  every  means  to  dissuade  the 
monarch  from  abandoning  his  kingdom.  All  persua- 
sions were  vain ;  and  having  committed  the  care  of 
his  estates  to  that  faithful  servant,'*  Louis  himself,  ac- 
companied by  Eleonor,  his  queen,  departed  for  Metz, 
where  he  was  joined  by  an  immense  multitude  of 
nobles  and  knights,  among  whom  were  crusaders 
from  England^  and  the  remote  islands  of  the  northern 
sea.  Ambassadors  from  Roger,  King  of  Apulia,  had 
already  warned  Louis  of  the  treachery  of  the  Greeks, 
and  besought  him  to  take  any  other  way  than  that 

1  Odo  of  Deuil.  2  Mabilloii.  3  Guizot. 

*  A.  D  1147  6  Odou  de  DeuU. 


206  HISTORY  Of  CHIVALRY. 

throug-li  the  dominions  of  the  emperor;  but  the 
French  monarch  was  biassed  by  other  counsels,  and 
determined  upon  following  the  plan  before  laid  down. 

The  Emperor  of  Germany  was  the  first'  to  set  out, 
and  by  June  leached  Constantinople  in  safety,  fol- 
lowed by  a  large  body  of  armed  men,  and  a  number 
of  women  whose  gay  dress,  half-military,  half-femi- 
nine, gave  the  march  the  appearance  of  some  bright 
fantastic  cavalcade. 

The  King  of  France,  having  previously  received'' 
at  St.  Denis,  the  consecrated  banner  as  a  warrior, 
and  the  staff  and  scrip'*  as  a  pilgrim,  now  quitted 
Metz,  and  proceeded  by  Worms  and  Ratisbon.  Here 
he  was  met  by  envoys  from  the  Emperor  of  the  East, 
charged  with  letters  so  filled  with  flattery  and  fair 
speeches,  that  Louis  is  reported  to  have  blushed,  and 
the  Bishop  of  Langres  to  have  observed — 

Timeo  Danaos  et  dona  ferentes. 

Here,*  too,  the  French  beheld,  for  the  first  time,  the 
custom  of  an  inferior  standing  in  the  presence  of  his 
lord.  The  object  of  the  emperor  was  to  obtain  from 
Louis  a  promise  to  pass  through  his  territories  with- 
out violence,  and  to  yield  to  him  every  town  from 
which  1)6  should  expel  the  Turks,  and  which  had 
ever  belonged  to  the  Grecian  territory. 

Part  of  this  proposal  was  acceded  to,  and  part  re- 
fused; and  the  army  marched  on  through  Hungary 
into  Greece.  The  progress  of  the  second  crusade 
M'as  of  course  subject  to  the  same  difhculties  that  at- 
tended that  of  the  first,  through  a  waste  and  deserted 
land  ;  but  many  other  obstacles  no  longer  existed — 
the  people  of  the  country  were  more  accustomed  to 

1  William  of  Tyre.  2  odon  de  Deull.  3  fee  note  X. 

4  It  appears  from  the  passage  of  Odo  oCDeiiil  which  mesitioiip  the  cu- 
rious servility,  as  he  designates  it,  of  the  Greeks  never  sitting  down  in 
the  presence  of  a  superior  till  desired  to  do  so,  that  the  French  of  that 
day  were  not  quite  so  ceremonious  as  in  that  of  Louis  XIV, 


HISTORV  OF  CHIVALRY.  207 

the  appearance  of  straiif^ers;'  the  army  was  re- 
strained by  the  presence  of  the  king;  and  the  whole 
account  of  the  march  to  Constantinople  leaves  the 
impression  of  a  more  civilized  state  of  society  than 
that  which  existed  at  the  period  of  the  first  crusade. 
We  meet  with  no  massacres,  no  burning  of  towns, 
no  countries  laid  v>'aste  :  and  though  there  are  to  be 
found  petty  squabbles  between  the  soldiers  and  the 
townspeople,  frays,  and  even  bloodshed ;  yet  these 
were  but  individual  outrages,  kindled  by  private 
passions,  and  speedily  put  down  by  the  arm  of  au- 
thority. 

The  Germans^  were  less  fortunate  on  their  way 
than  the  French,  and  some  serious  causes  of  quarrel 
sprung  up  between  them  and  the  Greeks,  in  which  it 
is  difficult  to  discover  who  were  the  chief  aggressors. 
The  Greeks  call  the  Germans^  barbarians,  and  the 
Germans  accuse  the  Greeks  of  every  kind  of  trea- 
chery ;  but  it  appears  evident,'*  that  Conrad  himself 
was  guilty  of  no  small  violence  on  his  approach  to 
Constantinople.  A  most  magnificent  garden  had 
been  laid  out  at  a  little  distance  from  that  capital, 
filled  with  every  vegetable  luxury  of  the  day,  and 
containing  within  its  walls  vast  herds  of  tame  ani- 
mals, for  whose  security  woods  had  been  planted, 
caverns  dug,  and  lakes  contrived  ;  so  that  the  beasts 
which  were  confined  in  this  vast  prison  might  follow 
their  natural  habits,  as  if  still  at  liberty.  Here  also 
were  several  buildings,  in  which  the  emperors  were 
accustomed  to  enjoy  the  summer :  but  Conrad,  with 
an  unceremonious  freedom,  partaking  not  a  little  of 
barbarism,  broke  into  this  retreat,  and  wasted  and 
destroyed  all  that  it  had  required  the  labour  of  years  to 
accomplish.  Manuel  Comnenus,  who  now  sat  on  the 
throne  of  Constantinople,  beheld,  from  the  windows  of 
his  palace,  this  strange  scene  of  wanton  aggression  ; 
and  sent  messengers^  to  Conrad,  who  was  connected 

1  Odo  of  Deuil.  2  Nicetas.  3  Cinnamus,  citod  by  Mills. 

4  Ocion  de  Deuil.  3  Ibid. 


208  HISTORY   OF    CHIVALRY. 

with  liim  by  marriage,'  desiring-  an  interview.  But 
the  Greek  would  not  trust  himself  out  of  the  walls  of 
his  capital,  and  the  German  would  not  venture  within 
them,  so  that  a  short  time  was  passed  in  negotia- 
tion ;  and  then  Conrad  passed  over  the  Hellespont 
with  his  forces,  relieving  the  eastern  sovereign  from 
the  dread  and  annoyance  of  his  presence.  Manuel, 
however,  furnished  the  German  army  with  guides 
to  conduct  it  tlirough  Asia  Minor;  and  almost  all 
accounts  attribute  to  the  Greek  the  design  of  be- 
iraying  bis  Christian  brethren  into  the  hands  of  tbe 
nindels.  After  passing  the  sea,  the  troops  of  Conrad 
proceeded  in  two  bodies,^  the  one  under  the  Emperor, 
and  the  otiier  under  the  Bishop  of  Frcysinghen ;  but 
tlie  guides  with  wliich  they  had  been  provided  led 
them  into  the  pathless  wilds  of  Cappadocia,  where 
famine  soon  readied  them.  At  the  moment  also 
when  they  expected  to  arrive  atlconium,^  they  found 
themselves  attacked  by  the  army  of  the  infidels, 
swelled  to  an  immense  extent  by  the  efforts  of  the 
sultaun  of  the  Seljukian  Turks,  who,  on  the  first  ap- 
proach of  the  Christian  forces,  had  spared  no  means 
to  ensure  their  destruction.  The  heavy-armed  Ger- 
mans"*  in  vain  endeavoured  to  close  with  the  light 
and  agile  horsemen  of  the  Turkish  host.  The 
treacherous  guides  had  fled  on  the  first  sight  of  the 
infidels,  and  the  enemy  hovered  round  and  round  the 
German  army,  as  it  struggled  on  through  the  un- 
known deserts  in  which  it  was  entangled,  smiting 
every  straggler,  and  hastening  its  annilulation  by 

1  Manuel  Comnenns  had  married  Bertha,  and  Conrad,  Gertrude,  both 
dausjliters  of  Beretiger  the  elder,  Count  of  Sultzbach. 

2  0don  de  Deuil.  3  William  of  Tjre;  Odon  de  Deuil. 

4  The  Pone,  in  his  exhortation  to  the  second  crusade,  had  not  only 
regulated  the  general  coiiduct  of  the  crusaders,  and  formally  absolved  all 
those  who  should  embrace  the  Cross,  hut  he  had  given  minute  particu- 
lars for  their  dress  and  arms,  expressly  forbidding  all  that  might  encum- 
ber them  in  their  journey,  such  as  heavy  baggage,  and  vain  superfluities, 
Jind  all  that  might  lead  them  from  the  direct  road,  such  as  falcons  and 
iiunting-dogs.  "Happy  had  it  been  fi)r  ihem,"  says  Odo  of  Deuil,  "if, 
instnad  of  a  scrip,  he  had  commanded  the  loot  pilgrims  to  bear  a  crobs 
bow,  and  iastoad  of  a  staff,  a  sword." 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  209 

continual  attacks.  Favoured  by  the  fleetness  of 
their  horses,  and  tlieir  knowledge  of  the  localities, 
they  passed  and  repassed  the  exhausted  troops  of  the 
emperor,'  who  now  endeavoured  to  retrace  his  steps 
under  a  continued  rain  of  arrows.  No  part  of  the 
army  offered  security.  The  famous  Count  Bernard, 
with  many  others,  was  cut  off  fighting  in  the  rear; 
the  van  was  constantly  in  the  presence  of  an  active 
foe ;  and  the  emperor  himself  was  twice  wounded 
by  arrows  which  fell  in  the  centre  of  the  host.  Thus, 
day  after  day,  thousands  on  thousands  were  added  to 
the  slain  ;  and  when  at  length  Conrad  reached  the 
town  of  Nice,  of  seventy  thousand  knights,  and  an 
immense  body  of  foot,  who  had  followeu  nim  from 
Europe,  scarcely  a  tenth  part  M'ere  to  be  found  in  the 
ranks  of  his  shattered  army. 

'I'hat.  he  was  betrayed  into  the  hands  of  the  Turks 
by  the  guides  furnished  by  the  emperor  no  earthly 
doubt  can  be  entertained  ;  nor  is  it  questionable  that 
Manuel  Connienus  was  at  that  time  secretly  engaged 
in  treaty  with  the  infidels.  It  is  not,  indeed,  abso- 
lutely proved  that  the  monarch  of  Constantinople 
ordeied  or  connived  at  the  dcBtruction  of  the  Chris- 
tian forces  ;  but  every  historian^  of  the  day  has  sus- 
pected him  of  the  treacher}%  and  when  such  is  the 
case  it  is  probable  there  was  good  cause  for  suspicion. 

In  the  m.ean  while,  Louis  the  j'ounger  led  the 
French  host  to  Constantinople,  and,  unlike  Conrad, 
instantly  accepted  tiie  emperor's  invitation  to  enter 
the  city  with  a  small  train.  Manuel  received  him 
as  an  equal,  descending  to  the  porch  of  his  palace  to 
meet  liis  royal  guest.  He,  of  course,  pretended  to 
no  homage  from  the  King  of  France,  but  still  his  ob- 
ject was  to  secure  to  himself  all  the  conquests  which 
Louis  might  make  in  the  ancient  appendages  of 
Greece,  without  acting  himself  against  the  infidels. 

To  force  the  French  monarch  into  this  concession, 

1  Odoof  Deuil;  Will.  T^T. 

J  WjiJ.  Ivr  •"  Odfl«  da  Deuii ;  Oe^  Ltidonjac  VU  ;  N»c«tM 
R 


210  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

he  pursued  a  plan  of  irritatino^  and  uncertain  nego- 
tiations, not  at  hII  unlike  those  carried  on  by  his 
predecessor  Alexius,'  towards  the  leaders  of  the 
former  crusade.  In  the  midst  of  these,  however,  it 
was  discovered  that  Manuel  had  entered  into  a  secret; 
treaty  with  the  Turks ;  and,  indeed,  the  confidence 
wdiich  the  deceitful  Greeks  placed  in  the  promises 
of  the  crusaders  forms  a  singular  and  reproachful 
comment  on  the  constant  and  remorseless  breach  of 
their  own.  There  were  many  of  the  leaders  of  the 
French  who  did  not  scruple  to  urge  Louis  to  punish 
by  arms  the  gross  perfidy  of  the  Greek  emperor; 
and,  by  taking  possession  of  Constantinople,  to 
sweep  away  the  continual  stumblingblock  by  which 
ihe  efforts  of  all  the  crusades  had  been  impeded. 
Had  Louis  acceded  to  their  wishes,  great  and  extra- 
ordinary results  would,  no  doubt,  have  been  effected 
towards  the  permanent  occupation  of  the  Holy  Land 
by  the  Christian  powers ;  but  that  monarch  was  not 
to  be  seduced  into  violating  his  own  good  faith  by 
the  treachery  of  another,  and  after  having,  on  the 
other  hand,  refused  to  aid  Manuel  in  the  war  wdiich 
had  aj'isen  between  him  and  Roger,  King  of  Apulia, 
he  crossed  the  Bosphorus,  and  passed  into  Asia 
Minor.  Thence  advancing  through  Nicomedia,^ 
Louis  proceeded  to  Nice,  and  encamped  under  the 
walls  of  that  city.  Here  the  first  reports  reached 
him  of  the  fate  of  the  German  army,  for  hitherto  the 
Greeks  had  continued  to  fill  his  ears  with  nothing 
but  the  successes  of  his  fellows  in  arms.  For  a 
time  the  news  was  disbelieved,  but  very  soon  the 
arrival  of  Frederic,  duke  of  Suabia,  charged  with 
messages  from  the  German  monarch,  brought  the 
melancholy  certainty  of  his  defeat. 

Louis  did  all  that  he  could  to  assuage  the  grief  of 
the  Emperor  Conrad,^  and  uniting  their  forces,  they 
now  marched  on  by  the  seacoast  to  Ephesus.     Hf:ie, 

1  Odon  de  Deuil.  2  Will.  Tyr. ;  Odon  de  DeuiL 

3  Odon  de  Druil ;  Freyslnghen;  William  of  Tyre 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  211 

however,  Conrad,  mortified  at  a  rompanionship  in 
whi(th  the  inferiority  of  his  own  troops  was  painfully 
contrasted  with  the  multitude  and  freshness  of  tlie 
French,  separated  again  from  Louis;  and,  sending 
back  the  greater  part  of  his  army  by  land,  took  ship 
himself  and  returned  to  Constantinople,  where  he 
was  received  both  with  more  distinction  and  more 
sincerity,  on  account  of  the  scantiness  of  his  retinue, 
and  tlie  disasters  he  had  suffered. 

In  the  mean  while,  the  French  proceeded  on  their 
way,  and  after  travelling  for  some  days  without  op- 
position, they  first  encountered  the  Turks  on  the 
banks  of  the  Meander.'  Proud  of  their  success 
against  the  Germans,  the  infidels  determined  to  con- 
test the  passage  of  the  river;  but  the  French  knights, 
having  found  a  ford,  traversed  the  stream  without 
difficulty,  and  routed  the  enemy  with  great  slaughter. 
The  loss  of  the  Christians  was  so  small,  consisting 
only  of  one  knight,^  who  perished  in  the  river,  that 
they  as  usual  had  recourse  to  a  miracle,  to  account 
Sor  so  cheap  a  victory. 

Passing  onward  to  Laodicea  they  found  that  town 
completely  deserted,  aud  the  environs  laid  waste ; 
and  they  here  heard  of  the  complete  destruction  of 
that  part  of  the  German  army  which  had  been  com- 
manded by  the  Bishop  of  Freysinghen.^  In  the  se- 
cond day's  journey  after  quitting  Laodicea,  a  steep 
mountain  presented  itself  before  the  French  army, 
which  marched  in  two  bodies,  separated  by  a  consi- 
derable distance.  The  commander  of  the  first  divi- 
sion, named  Geoftroyde  Rancun,"*  had  received  orders 
from  the  king,  who  remained  with  the  rear-guard,  to 
halt  on  the  summit  of  the  steep,  and  there  pitch  the 
tents  for  the  night.     That  Baron,  unencumbered  by 


«  William  of  Tyre.  2  Qdon  deDeuil. 

3  Odo  of  l>euil  always  calls  Otho,  Bishop  of  Freysinshen,  brother  of 
the  Emperor  Conrad.  He  was,  however,  only  a  half-brother;  his  rela- 
tionship being  by  the  mother's  side. 

4  Will.  Tyrens  lib.  xvi. ;  Odon  de  DeuiU 


212  mSTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

baggage,  easily  accomplished  the  ascent,  and  finding 
that  the  day's  progress  was  considerably  less  than 
the  usual  extent  of  march,  forgot  the  commands  iie 
had  received,  and  advanced  two  or  three  miles  be- 
yond the  spot  specified. 

The  king,  with  the  lesser  body  of  effective  troops 
and  the  baggage,  followed  slowly  up  the  mountain, 
the  precipitous  acclivity  of  which  rendered  the  foot- 
ing of  the  horses  dreadfully  insecure,  while  immense 
masses  of  loose  stone  gave  way  at  every  step  under 
the  feet  of  the  crusaders,"  and  hurried  many  down 
into  a  deep  abyss,  through  which  a  roaring  torrent 
was  rushing  onward  towards  the  sea.  Suddenly,  as 
they  were  toiling  up,  the  whole  army  of  the  Turks, 
who  had  remarked  the  separation  of  the  division,  and 
watched  their  moment  too  surely,  appeared  on  the 
hill  above.  A  tremendous  shower  of  arrows  instantly 
assailed  the  Christians.  Tlie  confusion  and  dismay 
were  beyond  description  :  thousands  fell  headlong  at 
once  down  the  precipice,  thousands  were  killed  by 
the  masses  of  rock  which  the  hurry  and  agitation  of 
\hose  at  the  top  hurled  down  upon  those  below  ; 
while  the  Turks,  charging  furiously  all  who  had 
nearly  climbed  to  the  summit,  drove  them  back  upon 
ihe  heads  of  such  as  were  ascending. 

Having  concluded,^  that  his  advance-guard  had  se- 
cured the  ground  above,  Louis,  with  the  cavalry  of 
nis  division,  had  remained  in  the  rear,  to  cover  his 
army  from  any  attack.  The  first  news  of  the  Turk- 
ish force  being  in  presence  was  gathe^'ed  from  the 
complete  rout  of  the  foot-soldiers,  who  had  been 
mounting  the  hill,  and  who  were  now  flying  in  every 
direction.  The  king  instantly  sent  round  his  chap- 
lam,  Odon  de  Deuil,  to  seek  for  the  other  body  under 
Geofl*roy  de  Rancun,  and  to  call  it  back  to  his  aid; 
wliile  in  the  mean  time  he  spurred  forwaid  with 
what  cavalry  he  had,  to  repel  the  Turks  and  protecl 

I  Odon  da  DeuU ;  Will.  Tvr  OdondeDoail. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRV.  213 

his  infantry.  Up  so  steep  an  ascent  the  horses  could 
make  but  little  progress,  and  the  Moslems,  finding- 
that  their  arrows  turned  off  from  the  steel  coats  of 
the  knig-hts,  aimed  at  the  chargers,  which,  often  mor- 
tally wounded,  rolled  down  the  steep,  cariying  their 
liders  along  with  them.  Those  knights  who  suc- 
ceeded in  freeing  themselves  from  their  dying  steeds 
were  instantly  attacked  by  the  Turks,  who,  with 
(v^arful  odds  on  their  side,  left  hardly  a  living  man  of 
all  the  Chivaliy  that  fought  that  day.  The  king 
even,  dismounted  by  the  death  of  his  horse,  was 
surrounded  before  he  could  well  rise ;  but,  catching 
the  blanches  of  a  tree,  he  sprang  upon  a  high  insulated 
rock,  where,  armed  with  his  sword  alone,  he  defended 
himself,  till  the  night  falling  freed  him  from  his  ene- 
mies. His  situation  now  would  have  been  little  less 
hazardous  than  it  was  before,  had  he  not  luckily  en- 
countered a  part  of  tlie  infantry  who  liad  remained 
with  the  baggage.  He  was  thus  enabled,  with  what 
troops  he  could  rally,  to  make  his  way  during  the 
night  to  the  advance-guard,  which  had,  as  yet,  re- 
m.uned  unattacked.  GeolTroy  de  Rancun  had  nearly 
been  sacrificed  to  the  just  resentment  of  the  people, 
but  the  uncle  of  the  king,  having  been  a  participator 
in  his  fault,  procured  him  pardon;  and  the  army, 
which  was  now  reduced  to  a  state  of  greater  disci- 
pline than  before,  by  the  Grand  Master  of  the  Tem- 
plars,' who  had  accompanied  it  from  Constantniople 
airived  without  much  more  loss  at  Attalia.-  Here 
the  Greeks  proved  more  dangerous  enemies  than  the 
Turks,  and  every  thing  was  done  that  human  base- 
ness and  cunning  could  suggest,  to  plunder  and  de- 
stroy the  unfortunate  crusaders. 

Miicli  discussion  now  took  place  concerning  their 
further  progress,  and  the  difficulties  before  them  ren- 
dered it  ne(;essary  that  a  part  of  the  host  should 
proceed  by  sea  to  Antioch.     The  king  at  first  deter- 

>  Odoa  de  Deuil  2  William  of  Tyre. 


214  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

minea  that  that  pnrt  shoukl  be  the  pilgrims  on  foot; 
nid  that  he  himself  with  his  Cliivalry  would  follow 
the  path  b}^  land.  Tiie  winter  season,  iiowever,  ap- 
proaching, the  scanty  number  of  vessels  llrat  could 
be  procured,  and  the  exorbitant  price  Mhicli  the 
Greeks  demanded  for  tlie  passage  of  each  man — 
being  no  less  than  four  marks  of  silver' — rendeied 
tlie  transport  of  the  foot  impossible.  Louis,  there- 
fore, eager  to  reach  Jerusalem,  distributed  wliat 
money  he  could  spare  among  the  pilgrims,  engaged 
at  an  enormous  price  a  Greek  escort  and  guide  to 
.conduct  them  by  land  to  Antiocli,  left  the  Count  of 
Flanders  to  command  them,  and  then  took  ship  with 
the  rest  of  his  kniglits.  The  Count  of  Flanders 
soon  foun(i  that  the  Greeks,  having  received  theii 
reward,  refused  to  fulfil  tlieir  agreement,  and  the  im- 
possibility of  reaching  Antioch  without  their  aid 
being  plain,  he  embarked  and  followed  the  king. 

The  unhappy  pilgrims,  who  remained  cooped  up  be- 
neath the  walls,  which  they  were  not  permitted  to  enter, 
on  the  one  hand,  and  the  Turkish  army  tliat  watclied 
them  with  unceasing  vigilance,  on  the  otlier,  died, 
and  were  slaughtered  by  thousands.  Some  strove 
to  force  their  passage  to  Antioch  by  land,  and  fell 
beneath  the  Moslem  scimitar.  Some  cast  themselves 
upon  the  compassion  of  the  treacherous  Greeks,  and 
were  more  brutally  treated  than  even  by  their  infidel 
enemies.  So  miserable  at  length  became  their  con- 
dition, that  the  Turks  themselves  ceased  to  attack 
them,  brought  them  provisions  and  pieces  of  money, 
and  showed  them  that  compassion  which  their  fel- 
low-christians  refused.  Thus,  in  the  end,  several 
hundreds  attaclied  themselves'^  to  their  generous  ene- 
mies, and  were  tempted  to  embrace  the  Moslem 
creed.  The  rest  either  became  slaves  to  the  Greeks, 
or  died  of  pestilence  and  famhie. 

In  the  mean  while,  Louis  and  his  knights''  arrived 

•  Odon  de  Deuil.  2  ibid  3  William  olTyre  ;  Vcrtot. 


HISTORY    Of    CHIVALRY.  215 

ji  Antiocli,  where  they  were  received  with  the  ap- 
pj.uMues  of  splendid  iiospitality  by  Raimond,  the 
priii:::e  of  that  city,  who  was  iiacle  of  Eieoiior,  the 
v/ife  of  the  French  monarch.  His  hospitality,  how- 
ever, was  of  an  interested  nature  :  Antioch  and  Tri- 
poli hu!i?  upon  t!ie  skirts  of  the  kingdom  of  Jerusa- 
lem as  detached  principalities,  whose  connexion  with 
the  chief  country  was  vague  and  insecure.  No 
sooner,  therefore,  did  the  news  of  the  coming  of  the 
King  of  France  reach  tlie  princes  of  those  cities, 
than  they  instantly  laid  out  a  thousand  plans  for  en- 
gaging Louis  in  extending  the  limits  of  their  territo- 
ries, b9fore  permitting  him  to  proceed  to  Jerusalem. 
Tiie  Prince  of  Antioch  assuredly  had  the  greatest 
claim  upon  the  king,  by  his  relationship  to  the 
queen  ;'  and  he  took  every  means  of  working  on  the 
husband,  by  ingratiating  himself  with  the  wife.  Eleo- 
nor  was  a  woman  of  strong  and  violent  passions,^  and 
of  debauched  and  libertine  manners,  and  she  made 
no  scruple  of  intriguing  and  cabalHng  with  her  uncle 
to  bend  the  king  to  his  wishes.  The  Archbishop  of 
l^yre,  who  was  but  little  given  to  repeat  a  scandal, 
dwells  with  a  tone  of  certainty  upon  the  immoral 
life  of  the  Queen  of  France,  and  says,  she  had  even 
consented  that  her  uncle  should  carry  her  off,  after 
Louis  had  formally  refused  to  second  his  efforts 
against  Cesarea. 
However  that  may  be,  her  conduct  was  a  disgrace 

1  Ge«t.  Liidovie.  regis ;  William  of  Tjtc;  Vertot. 

2  Vertot,  a  le.irneJ  mm  and  a  diligent  investigator,  speaks  of  Eleonor 
in  ih?  following  curious  terms:  "O.i  pretend  (ju-.-  cer.te  princes^e.  pe'l 
s-ru  'Mhnsesiirses  dsvoirs,  et  devenue  eprise  d'lui  jeiine  Turc  baptif«5, 
apu^llt-  Saladiii,  ns  pouvait  ss  r.^soudro  a  s'ea  sipurer.  Sec."  Thess  re- 
ports of  course  sava  risa  to  m-iny  curious  suppositions,  espsciallj'  when 
Rish:ird  Cjeur  de  Lion,  Eieotior'.s  son  hy  hsr  se^-ond  marriage,  went  to 
war  in  the  Holy  Land.  On  his  return  to  France,  Louis  VlL  instantly 
Siius'it  a  plaa^'ble  pretext  for  dflllvenn3  himself  from  his  unfaithful  wife 
w  i!i;)Ut  cnuiinT  thj  sinndil  of  a  public  exposure  of  her  conduct.  A 
prsteM.-e  of  consanguinity  within  the  forbidden  degrees  wa-<  .=ooii 
e?'a')Iish?d.  and  the  mirriagj  was  ann'  "ded.  Atler  this  Eleonor, 
w'l  >,  in  aJiilioi  Id  b.-auty  and  wit.  pos'\  ssed  in  her  own  right  tha 
wiiole  of  \quitain,  speedily  gave  her  hand  to  Henry  H  of  England,  and 
io  th3  end  figured  in  the  traaedy  of  Rosajnond  of  Woodstock 


216  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRT. 

to  the  crusade  ;  and  Louis,  in  his  letters  to  Suger, 
openly  complained  of  her  infidelity. 

The  king  resisted  all  entreaties  and  all  threats, 
and,  equally  rejecting  the  suit  of  the  Count  of  Tri- 
poli,' he  proceeded  to  Jerusalem,  where  the  emperor 
Conrad,  having  passed  by  sea  from  Constantinople, 
had  arrived  before  him.  Here  the  whole  of  the 
princes  were  called  to  council ;  and  it  was  determined 
that,  instead  of  endeavouring  to  retake  Edessa, 
which  had  been  the  original  object  of  the  crusade, 
the  troops  of  .Jerusalem,  joined  to  all  that  remained 
of  the  pilgrim  armies,  should  attempt  the  siege  of 
Damascus.  The  monarchs  immediately  took  tlie 
field,  supported  by  the  knights  of  the  Temple  and  St. 
John,  who,  in  point  of  courage^equalled  the  Chivalry 
of  any  country,  and  in  discipline  excelled  them  all. 
Nourhaddin  and  Saphaddin,  the  two  sons  of  the 
famous  Zenghi,  threw  what  men  they  could  suddenly 
collect  into  Damascus,  and  hastened  in  peison  to 
raise  as  large  a  force  as  possible  to  attack  the  Chris- 
tian army.  The  crusaders  advanced  to  the  city, 
drove  in  the  Turkish  outposts^  that  opposed  them, 
and  laid  siege  to  the  fortifications,  whirh  in  a  shoit 
time  were  so  completely  ruined,  that  Damascus  could 
hold  out  no  longer.  And  yet  Damascus  did  not  fall. 
Dissension,  that  destroying  angel  of  great  enter- 
prises, was  busy  in  the  Christian  camp.  The  pos- 
session of  the  still  unconquered  town^  was  disputed 
among  the  leaders.  Days  and  weeks  passed  in 
contests,  and  at  length,  when  it  was  determined  that 
the  prize  should  be  given  to  the  Count  of  Flanders, 
who  had  twice  visited  the  Holy  Land,  the  decision 
caused  so  much  dissatisfaction,  that  all  murmured 
and  none  acted.  Each  one  suspected  Jiis  compa- 
nion; dark  reports  and  scandalous  charges  were  mu- 
tually spread  and  countenanced  ;  the  Templars  were 
accused  of  having  received  a  bribe  from  the  infidels; 

I  William  of  Tyre ;  Vertot        2  Gest.  regis  Ludov.  \11.        3  'Verlot 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  217 

the  European  monarchs'  were  supposed  to  aim  at  the 
subjiig-ation  of  Jerusalem  ;  the  conquerors  were  con- 
quered by  their  doubts  of  each  other ;  and,  retiring' 
from  the  spot  where  they  had  all  but  triumphed,  they 
attempted  to  storm  the  other  side  of  the  city,  Avhere 
the  walls  were  as  firm  as  a  rock  of  adamant. 

Repenting  of  their  folly,  they  soon  were  willing  to 
return  to  their  formf^v  ground,  but  the  fortifications 
had  been  repaired,  tf«e  town  had  received  fresh  sup- 
plies, and  Saphaddin,  emir  of  Mousul,  was  marching 
to  its  relief.  Only  one  plan  Avas  to  be  pursued.  The 
siege  was  abandoned,  and  the  leaders,^  discontented 
with  themselves  and  with^each  other,  retreated  gloom- 
ily to  Jerusalem. 

The  Emperor  of  Germany  set  out  immediately  for 
Europe;  but  Louis,  who  still  hoped  to  find  some  op- 
portunity of  redeeming  his  military  fame,  lingered 
for  several  months  ;  M'hile  Eleonor  continued  to  sully 
scenes,  whose  memory  is  composed  of  all  that  is 
holy,  with  her  impure  amours.  At  length  the  press- 
ing entreaties  of  Suger  induced  the  Fiench  monarch 
to  return  to  his  native  land.  There  he  found  the  au- 
thority he  had  confided  to  that  great  and  excellent 
minister  had  been  employed  to  the  infinite  benefit  of 
his  dominions — he  found  his  finances  increased  and 
orderestablished  in  every  department  of  the  state  f — 
and  he  found,  also,  that  the  minister  was  not  only 
willing,  but  eager,  to  yi^ld  the  reins  of  government 
to  the  hand  from  which  he  had  received  them. — 
Dining  the  absence  of  the  king,  his  brother,  Robert 
of  Dreux,  who  returned  before  him,  had  endeavoured 
to  thwart  the  noble  Abbot  of  St.  Denis,  and  even  to 
snatch  the  regency  from  him ;  but  Suger  boldly  called 
tOL'-ether  a  general  assembly  of  the  nobility  of  France, 
and  intrusted  his  cause  to  their  decision.  The  court 
met  at   Soissons,   and  unanimously  supported  the 

'  William  of  Tyre  ;  Col.  script.  Arab. ;  Vertot. 

2  William  of  Tyre;  Freysinghen,  reb.  gest.Fred.;  Gest.reg.  Lud.  VII 

s  Guil.  Monach.  in  vit.  S  uger.  Ab.  Sanct.  Dion. ;  Gest,  reg.  Lud.  VIL 

T 


218  HISTORY    OF    CHlVALRy. 

minister  against  his  royal  opponent ;  after  which  he 
ruled,  indeed,  in  peace  ;  but  Robert  strove  by  every 
means  to  poison  the  mind  of  the  king  against  him ; 
and  it  can  be  little  doubted,  that  Louis,  on  his  de- 
parture from  Palestine,  viewed  the  conduct  of  Suger 
with  a  very  jealous  eye. 

The  effects  of  his  government,  however,  and  the 
frankness  with  which  he  resigned  it,  at  once  did 
away  all  suspicions.  The  expedition  was  now  over, 
but  yet  one  effort  more  was  to  be  made,  before  we 
can  consider  the  second  crusade  as  absolutely  termi' 
nated. 

Suger  had  opposed  the  journey  of  the  king  to  the 
Holy  Land,  but  he  was  not  in  the  least  wanting  in 
zeal  or  compassionate  enthusiasm  in  favour  of  his 
brethren  of  the  east.^  Any  thing  but  the  absence  of 
a  monarch  from  his  unquiet  dominions  lie  would 
have  considered  as  a  small  sacrifice  towards  the  sup- 
port of  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem;  and  now,  at 
seventy  years,  he  proposed  to  raise  an  army  at  his 
own  expense,  and  to  finish  liis  days  in  Palestine. — 
His  preparations  were  carried  on  with  an  ardour,  an 
activity,  an  intelligence,  which  would  have  been 
M'onderful  even  in  a  man  at  his  prime;  but,  in  the 
midst  of  his  designs,  he  was  seized  with  a  slow  fever, 
which  soon  showed  him  that  his  end  was  near.  He 
saw  the  approach  of  death  with  firmness ;  and,  during 
the  four  months  that  preceded  his  decease,  he  failed 
not  from  the  bed  of  sickness  to  continue  ail  his 
orders  for  the  expedition,  which  could  no  longer  bring 
living  gloiy  to  himself.  He  named  the  chief  wlioni 
he  thought  most  worthy  to  lead  it;  he  bestowed  upon 
him  all  the  treasures  he  had  collected  for  the  pur- 
pose; he  gave  liim  full  instructions  for  his  conduct, 
and  he  made  him  swear  upon  the  Cross  to  fulfil  liis 
intentions.  Having  done  tliis,  the  Abbot  of  S^. 
Denis  waited  calmly  the  approach  of  that  hour  which 

J  Guil.  Monar.h-  in  vit.  Sug 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  219 

was   to  separate  him   from   tlie  living;  and   died, 
leaving  no  one  like  iiim  in  Europe. 

With  his  life  appears  to  have  ended  the  second 
crusade,  which,  witli  fewer  obstacles  and  greater 
facilities  than  the  first,  produced  little  bat  disgrace 
and  sorrow  to  all  by  whom  it  was  accompanied  ' 


CHAPTER  XI. 

Prepress  of  S'>ckty—Tlie  Rise  of  Poetry  in  Modern  Europe — Troiiba 
flours — Tronveres — Various  Poetical  Compositions— Effect  of  Poetry 
upon  Chivalry — Effect  of  the  Crusades  on  Society — State  of  Palestine 
after  the  Second  Crusade — Cession  ofEdessa  to  the  Emperor  Manuel 
Comneniis — Edessa  coinpletely  subjected  by  the  Turks — Ascalon  taken 
by  the  Christians— State  of  Egypt  under  the  last  Califs  of  the  Fa- 
tirnite  Race — The  Latins  and  the  Atabecks  both  design  tiie  Conquest  of 
Egypt  —Struggles  for  that  Countrij—  Rise  of  Saladin — Disputes 
among  the  Latiius  concerning  the  Succession  of  the  Crown—  Guy  ofLu- 
signan  crowned — Snladiri  invades  Palestine — Battle  of  Tiberias— Fall 
of  Jerusalem — Conquest  of  all  Palestine — Some  Inquiry  into  the 
Causes  of  the  Latin  Overthrow 

Before  proceeding  to  Irace  the  events  which  oc- 
curred in  the  Holy  Land  between  the  second  and 
third  crusades,  it  may  be  as  well  to  l<.eep  our  eyes 
upon  Europe  for  a  few  moments,  and  to  remark  the 
advance  of  society  towards  civilization.  Prior  to 
the  period  of  the  first  expedition  to  Palestine,  Ger- 
many had  been  occupied  alone  in  struggling  against 

1  All  the  writers?  of  that  day  attempt  to  excuse  St.  Bernard  for  having 
preachsii  a  crusade  which  had  so  unfortunjite  a  conclusion.  The  prin- 
ciples upon  which  t  ey  do  so  are  sornewha'  curious.  The  Bishop  of 
Freysinghcri  declares,  that  it  was  the  vice  of  the  crusaders  which  called 
upon  their  heads  the  wrath  of  Heaven  :  and,  to  reconcile  this  fact  with 
the  spirit  of  prophecy  which  elsewhere  he  attributes  to  the  Abbot  of 
Clairvaux,  declares  that  prophets  are  not  al  ^  ays  able  to  prophesy.-^ 
Freysiihg.  de  rebus  gestis  Fred.  Imperat.  Geoffroy  of  Clairvaux,  who 
was  a  contemporary,  and  wrote  part  of  the  Life  of"  St.  Bernard,  would 
fain  prove  that  the  crusade  could  not  be  called  unfortunate,  since,  thouirh 
it  did  not  at  all  help  the  Holy  i-aud  it  served  to  people  heaven  witb 
martyrs. 


220  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

the  papal  authority,  and  in  fightino^  for  dominions  in 
Italy,  the  limits  of  which  were  always  sufficiently 
vague  to  admit  of  disputes  and  aggressions  on  all 
parts.  Apulia  and  the  southern  portion  of  Italy 
had  been  subjected,  as  we  have  seen,  by  the  Nor- 
mans ;  and  the  rest  of  that  country,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  some  small  republican  cities,  was  divided 
into  feudal  baronies,  the  right  of  hrnage  over  which 
M-as  veiy  uncertain.  Engaged  in  private  wars  and 
feuds,  where  personal  interest  was  the  sole  object, 
unmixed  with  any  refining  principle,  the  Chivalry  of 
Italy  made  but  small  progress.  From  time  to  time  a 
great  and  distinguished  chief  started  up,  and  digni- 
fied his  country ;  but  the  general  feeling  of  knightly 
zeal  was  not  extended  far  in  Italy,  or  was  wasted  in 
tlie  petty  purposes  of  confined  and  unimportant 
struggles.  In  Germany  also  Chivalry  advanced  but 
little.  There  was  much  dignified  firmness  in  the 
character  of  the  people ;  and— under  the  walls  of 
Damascus— in  the  wars  with  the  pope,  and  with  the 
Norman  possessors  of  Calabria— the  Gennan  knights 
evinced  that  in  the  battle-field  none  were  more  daring, 
more  powerful,  or  more  resolute  ;  but  we  find  few  in- 
stances where  enthusiasm  was  mingled  with  valour, 
and  where  the  ardour  of  chivalric  devotion  was 
joined  to  the  bold  courage  of  the  Teutonic  warrior. 
In  Spain  the  spirit  was  at  its  height;  but  Spain  had 
her  own  crusades  ;  and  it  was  quite  enough  for  the 
swords  of  her  gallant  band  of  knights  to  free  their 
native  land,  inch  by  inch,  from  her  Saracen  invaders. 
Military  orders'  were  there  instituted  in  the  middle 
of  the  twelfth  century ;  and  the  knights  of  Calatrava 
and  St.  James  might  challenge  the  world  to  produce 
a  more  chivalrous  race  than  themselves ;  still  the  ob- 
ject of  all  their  endeavours  was  the  freedom  of  their 
native  country  fiom  the  yoke  of  the  Moors,  and  they 
engaged  but  little  in  any  of  those  great  expeditions 

1  iLxistinK  orders  of  knighthood. 


HISTORY    or    CHn'ALRY.  821 

which  occupied  the  attention  and  interest  of  the 
world.  It  is  to  France,  then,  and  to  England,  under 
the  dominion  of  its  Norman  monarchs,  that  we  must 
turn  our  eyes ;  and  here,  during  the  course  of  the 
twelfth  century,  we  shall  find  great  and  extraordi- 
nary progress. 

Previous  to  the  epoch  of  the  crusades,  France, 
though  acknowledging  one  king,  had  consisted  of 
vaiious  nations,  whose  manners,  habits,  and  lan- 
guages differed  in  the  most  essential  points.'  The 
Provengal  was  as  opposite  a  being  to  the  Frank  of 
that  day,  as  the  Italian  is  now  to  the  Russian.  The 
Norman  and  the  Breton  also  descended  from  dis- 
tinct origins,  and  in  most  cases  these  separate  tribes 
hated  each  other  with  no  slight  share  of  enmity. 

The  character  of  the  Norman  was  in  all  times 
enterprising,  wandering,  cunning,  and  selfish  ;  that 
of  the  Breton,  or  Armorican,  savage,  ferocious,  daring, 
and  implacable;  but  imaginative  in  the  highest 
degree,  as  well  as  superstitious.  The  FroA'engal  was 
light,  avaricious,  keen,  active,  and  sensual ;  the  Frank, 
bold,  hardy,  persevering,  but  vain,  insolent,  and 
thoughtless.^  Distinctive  character  lies  more  gene- 
rally in  men's  faults  than  their  virtues  ;  and  tluis,  all 
these  different  races  possessed  the  same  higher 
qualities  in  common.  They  were  brave  to  a  prodigy ; 
energetic,  talented,  enthusiastic ;  but  during  "the 
eleventh,  and  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth  centuries, 
the  rude  state  of  society  in  which  Chivalry  had  arisen, 
continued  to  affect  it  still.  The  first  crusade,  how^- 
ever,  gave  an  impulse  to  all  those  countries  that 
joined  in  it,  which  tended  infinitely  to  civilize  Eu- 
rope, by  uniting  nations  and  tribes,  which  had  long 
oeen  separated  by  different  interests,  in  one  great 
enterprise,  wherein  community  of  object,  and  com- 
munity of  danger,  necessarily  harmonized  many  pre- 
viously discordant  feelings,  and  did  away  many  old 

I  Fulcher;  Raoul  Glabw.        8  Robert;  Fulcher ;  Raintond  d' Agile* 

TS 


222  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

animosities,  by  the  strong-  power  of  mntnal  assist- 
ance and  mutual  endeavour.  Tlie  babel  of  languages 
which  Fulcher  describes  in  the  Christian  camp  be* 
fore  long-  beg-an  to  form  itself  into  two  more  general 
tongues.  Latin,  notwithstanding  all  the  support  it 
received  in  tlie  court, in  the  church,  and  in  the  schools, 
was  soon  confined  to  the  cloister ;  and  the  langue 
d'oc,  or  Provengal,  became  the  common  language  of 
all  the  provinces  on  the  southern  side  of  the  Loire, 
while  ihe  langue  (Toil  only  was  spoken  iu  the  north  of 
France.  The  manners  and  habits  of  the  people,  too, 
were  gradually  shaded  into  each  other;  the  dis- 
tinctions became  less  defined:  the  Provencal  no 
longer  looked  upon  the  Breton  as  a  savage  ;  and  the 
Frank  no  longer  classed  the  Proven9al  with  the  ape. 
A  thousand  alliances  were  formed  between  indivi- 
duals of  different  tribes,  and  the  hand  of  kindred 
smoothed  away  the  remaining  asperities  of  national 
prejudice.  Such  assimilations  tend  of  course  to 
calm  and  mollify  the  mind  of  man ;  so  that  the  gene- 
ral character  of  the  country  became  of  a  less  rude 
and  ferocious  nature.  At  this  time,  too,  sprang  up 
that  greatest  of  all  the  softeners  of  the  human  heart, 
poetry;  and  immense  was  the  change  it  wrought  in  the 
manners  and  deportment  of  that  class  which  consti- 
tuted the  society  of  the  twelfth  century.  The  poetry 
of  that  age  bore  as  distinct  and  clear  a  stamp  of  the 
epoch  to  which  it  belonged,  as  any  that  the  world 
ever  produced ;  and  it  is  absurd  to  trace  to  an  earlier 
day  the  origin  of  a  kind  of  poesy  which  was  founded 
upon  Chivalry  alone,  and  reflected  nothing  but  the 
objects  of  a  chivalrous  society. 

It  is  little  important  which  of  the  two  tongues  of 
France  first  boasted  a  national  poet,  and  equally  un- 
important which  gave  birth  to  the  most  excellent 
poetry.  The  langue  d'oc  was  the  most  mellifluous  ; 
the  langue  d'oil  was  the  most  forcible  ;  but  neither 
brought  forth  any  thing  but  the  tales,  the  songs,  the 
satires,  the  ballads  of  Chivalry 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  233 

It  is  more  than  probable  that  some  musical  ear  in 
Provence  first  applied  to  his  own  language  the  me- 
lody of  regularly  arranged  syllables,  and  the  jingle 
of  rhyme.  No  sooner  was  this  done  than  the  pas- 
sion spread  to  all  classes.  Chivalrous  love  and  chi- 
valrous warfare  furnished  subjects  in  plenty  ;  and 
the  gai  savoir,  the  biau  parler,  becmne  the  favourite 
relaxation  of  those  very  men  who  wielded  the  lance 
and  sword  in  the  battle-field.  The  Troubadours  were 
multiplied  lo  infinity;  the  language  lent  itself  almost 
spontaneously  to  versification;  and  kings,  warriors, 
and  ladies,  as  well  as  the  professed  poets,  occasion- 
ally practised  the  new  and  captivating  art,  which  at 
once  increased  chivalrous  enthusiasm,  by  spreading 
and  perpetuating  the  fame  of  noble  deeds,  and  soft^ 
ened  the  manners  of  the  age,  by  the  influence  of 
sweet  sounds  and  intellectual  exercises.  The  songs 
themselves  soon  became  as  various  as  tliose  who 
composed  them,  and  were  divided  into  Sirventes, 
Tensons,  Pastourelles,  and  Kouvelles^  or  Contes.^  The 
Conte,  or  tale  in  verse,  needs  no  description,  and  the 
nature  of  the  Pastourelle  also  is  self-evident.  The 
Sirvente  deserves  more  particular  notice.  It  was  in 
fact  a  satire,  of  the  most  biting  and  lively  character ; 
in  which  wit  and  poetr}-  were  not  used  to  cover  or  to 
temper  the  reprobation  of  either  individual  or  gene- 
ral vice,  but  rather,  on  the  contraiy,  to  give  point  and 
energy  to  invective.  The  keen  bitterness  of  the 
Troubadours  spared  neither  rank  nor  caste ;  kings, 
and  nobles,  and  priests,  all  equally  underwent  the 
lash  of  their  wit ;  and  it  is  from  these  very  sirventes 
that  we  gain  a  clear  insight  into  many  of  the  cus- 
toms and  manners  of  that  day,  as  well  "as  into  many, 
too  many,  scenes  of  grossness  and  immorality,  from 
Avhich  we  would  fain  believe  that  Chivalry  was  free. 
The  Tensons,  or  Jeux  partis,  were  dialogues  between 
two  persons  on  some  subject  of  love  or  chivalry,  and 

1  Raynouard,  Poesies  des  Troubadours? ;  Millot,  Hist,  des  Troiiba 
dours ;  Le  Grand  d'Aussi  Fabliaux. 


224  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

in  general  show  far  more  subtilty  than  poetical  feel- 
ing. To  these  were  added  occasional  epistles  in 
verse;  and  Plaintes,  or  lamentations,  in  which  the 
death  or  misfortune  of  a  friend  was  moumed  with  a 
touching  simplicity  that  lias  since  been  too  often 
imitated  with  very  ineffective  art.  Other  composi- 
tions, such  as  the  Aubade  and  the  Serenade,  were  in 
use,  the  difference  of  which  from  the  common  lay 
consisted  merely  in  their  metrical  construction  ;  the 
word  alba  being  always  repeated  at  the  end  of  each 
stanza  of  the  aubade,  and  the  word  ser  continually 
terminating  each  division  of  the  serenade.'  Such 
was  the  poesy  of  the  Langue  d'oc  and  the  Trouba- 
dours. The  Langue  d'oil  had  also  its  poets,  the  Trou- 
veres,  and  its  poesy,  which  differed  totally  from  that 
of  the  Langue  d'oc.  The  art  was  here  more  ambi- 
tious than  with  the  Proven9als ;  and  we  find,  among 
the  first  productions  of  the  Trouveres,  long  and  com- 
plex poems,  which  would  fain  deserve  the  name  of 
Epics.  The  first  of  these,  both  in  date  and  impor- 
tance, is  the  Norman  romance  of  Rou,  which  bears  a 
considerable  resemblance,  in  its  object  and  manner, 
to  the  fragments  of  old  Scandinavian  poetry  which 
have  come  down  to  us,  but  has  a  continuous  and  uni- 
form subject,  and  strong  attempts  at  unity  of  design. 
The  romance  of  the  Rose  also,  commenced  by  Gnii- 
laume  de  Lorris,^  and  concluded  by  Jean  de  Meung, 
is  one  of  the  most  extraordinary  compositions'  that 
the  world  ever  produced,  and  stands  perfectly  alone 
— an  allegory  in  twenty-two  thousand  verses  !  Va- 
rious subjects,  quite  irrelevant  to  the  object  of  the 
song,  are  introduced  in  its  course  ;  and  the  poet  min- 
gles his  tale  with  satire  and  sarcasm,  which  were 
fully  as  often  misdirected  as  deserved.  Besides 
these  were  all  the  famous  romances  of  Chivalry 
which  probably  originated  in  the  fabulous  but  inte 
resting  story  of  Charlemagne's  visit  to  the  Jloly 

•  RaynoUarA  s  Oeuvrea  de  Man*. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  226 

Land,  falsely  attributed  to  the  archbishop  Turpin. 
This  work  bears  internal  evidence  of  having  been 
written  after  the  first  crusade,  and,  we  have  reason 
to  suppose,  was  translated  into  Fiench,'  from  the 
Latin  manuscript  of  some  monkish  author. 

In  all  the  romances  of  the  Round  Table,  we  trace 
the  end  of  the  twelfth,  and  the  beg-inning-  of  the 
thirteenth  century.  They  could  not  h.ave  been  com- 
posed prio)-  to  that  epoch  ;  for  we  find  many  customs 
and  objects  mentioned,  which  were  not  known  at  an 
earlier  period;  and  it  is  probable,  from  various  cir- 
cumstances, that  they  are  not  referable  to  a  later 
age.  Besides  these,  multitudes  of  Fabliava^  have 
descended  to  us  from  the  Trouveres,  and  in  this  sort 
of  composition,  it  is  but  fair  to  say,  we  find  more 
originality,  variety,  and  strength,  though  less  sweet- 
ness and  less  enthusiasm,  than  among  the  composi- 
tions of  the  Troubadours.  At  this  period  also  we 
meet  with  an  institution  in  Provence,  of  which  I 
shall  speak  but  slightly,  from  many  motives,  though 
undoubtedly  it  had  a  great  influence  upon  the  charac- 
ter of  Chivalry  :  I  mean  the  Court  of  Love,  as  it  was 
called,  wliere  causes  concerning  that  passion  were 
tried  and  judged  as  seriously,  as  if  feelings  could  be 
submitted  to  a  tribunal.  Could  that  be  the  case,  the 
object  of  such  a  court  should  certainly  be  very 
different  from  that  of  the  Provencal  Court  of  Love, 
the  effect  of  which  was  any  thing  but  to  promote 
morality.  It  tended,  however,  with  every  thing  else, 
to  soften  the  manners  of  the  country,  though  all  the 
mad  absurdities  to  which  it  gave  rise  were  a  scandal 
&nd  a  disgrace  to  Europe. 

Besides  all  these  causes  of  mitigation,  the  con- 
stant journeys  of  the  people  of  Europe  to  the  Holy 
Land  taught  them  gradually  the  customs  of  other 
nations ;  and  in  that  age  there  vv'as  much  good  to  be 
learned  by  a  frequent  intercourse  with  foreigners. 

>  Fauchet  2  Le  Graad  d'Aussi 


22G  HISTORY  or  chivalry. 

The  great  want  of  Europe  was  civilization ;  the  vices 
of  the  day  were  pretty  equally  spread  through  all 
countries,  and  the  very  circumstance  of  mingling 
with  men  of  different  habits  and  thoughts  promoted 
the  end  to  be  desired,  without  bringing  any  great 
importation  of  foreign  follies  or  crimes.  Many  use- 
ful arts,  and  many  sciences,  previously  unknown, 
were  also  obtained  from  the  Saracen^j  themselves; 
and  though  in  the  crusades  Europe  sacrificed  a  host 
of  her  noblest  knights,  and  spent  immense  treasuies 
and  energies,  yet  she  derived,  notwithstanding,  no 
small  benefit  from  her  communication  with  Pales- 
tine. 

The  state  of  that  country,  in  the  mean  while,  was 
every  day  becoming  more  and  more  precarious. 
The  nations  by  whom  it  was  surrounded  were  im- 
proving in  military  discipline,  in  political  knowledge, 
and  in  the  science  of  timing  and  combining  their 
eflforts,  while  the  Christians  were  losing  ground  in 
every  thing  but  courage.  The  military  orders  of  the 
Temple  and  St.  .Tolm  were  the  bulwarks  of  the  Latin 
kingdom  of  .Jerusalem ;  but  at  the  same  time,  by 
their  pride,  their  disputes,  and  thejr  ambition,  thej'' 
did  nearly  as  much  to  undermine  its  strength  at  home 
as  they  did  to  support  it  with  their  swords  in  the  field 
of  battle. 

It  would  be  endless  to  trace  all  the  events  in  Pa- 
lestine which  brought  about  the  third  crusade,  and  to 
investigate  minutely  the  causes  which  worked  out 
the  ruin  of  the  Christian  dominion  in  the  Holy  Land. 
The  simple  facts  must  be  enough  in  this  place. 

Although  the  crusade  which  went  forth  for  the  ex- 
press purpose  of  delivering  Edessa  never  even  at- 
tempted that  object,  Joscelyn  of  Courtenay  did  notne^ 
gleet  to  struggle  for  his  lost  territory,  and  gained  some 
splendid  successes  over  the  infidels,  which  were  all  in 
turn  reversed,  by  his  capture  and  death  in  prison.' 

5  Bernard,  ♦.he  Treasurer ;  James  of  Vitry     .Villiam  of  Tyre. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  227 

After  Ris  failure,  the  diffjcully  of  keeping  Ed-^ssa 
was  so  apparent,  tliat  the  monarch  of  Jerusalem' 
determined  to  yield  it  to  the  Emperor  Manuel 
Comnenus,  on  condition  of  his  defending  it  against 
the  Turks.  IManuel,  therefore,  received  the  princi- 
pality ;  but  the  weak  and  cowardly  Greeks  soon  lost 
what  the  valiant  Franks  could  not  maintain;  and  be- 
fore a  y'3ar  was  over,  Nourhaddin  the  Great,  sul- 
taun  of  Aleppo,  was  in  full  possession  of  Edessa  and 
all  its  dependencies.  Baldwin  III.,  however,  who 
had  cast  off  the  follies  of  his  youth,  and  now  dis- 
played as  great  qualities  as  any  of  his  race,  more 
than  compensated  for  the  loss  of  that  principahty  by 
the  capture  of  Ascalon.^ 

After  this  great  success,  eight  years  of  varied  war- 
fare followed ;  and  at  the  end  of  that  period  Baldwin 
died,  leaving  behind  him  the  character  of  one  of  the 
noblest  of  the  Latin  kings.  His  brother  Almeric  as- 
cended the  vacant  throne,  but  with  talents  infinitely 
inferior,  and  a  mmd  in  no  degree  calculated  to  cope 
with  the  great  and  grasping  genius  of  Nourhaddin, 
who  combined,  in  rare  union,  the  qualities  of  an  am 
bitious  and  politic  monarch  with  the  character  of  a 
liberal,  frugal,  and  unostentatious  man. 

Almeric  was  ambitious  also ;  but  his  avarice  wag 
always  a  check  on  his  ambition,  and  he  suffered  him- 
self often  to  be  bribed,  where  he  might  have  con- 
qr.ered.  At  this  time^  the  Fatimite  califs  of  Egypt 
had  fallen  into  a  state  of  nonentity.  The  country 
was  governed  by  a  vizier,  and  the  high  office  was 
struggled  for  by  a  succession  of  military  adven- 
turers. 

.Such  a  state  of  things  av/akened  the  attention  of 
the  monarchs  of  Jerusalem  and  Aleppo,  and  each 
resolved  to  make  himself  master  of  Egypt.  An  op- 
portunity soon  presented  itself.  Shawer,  the  vizier 
of  Eg^pt,  was  expelled  from  his  post  by  Darghara, 

1   Williamof  Tyre;  Bernard.  2  William  of Tyrc; 

»  Cardinal  of  Vitry;  William  of  TjTe. 


228  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

a  soldier  of  fortune.  The  disgraced  vizier  fled  to 
the  court  of  Nourhaddin,  and  prayed  for  assistance 
against  the  usurper.  Nourhaddin  willingly  granted 
a  request  which  yielded  the  means  of  sending  his 
troops  into  Egypt;  and  two  Curdish  refugees,  uncle 
and  nephew,  who  had  risen  high  in  his  army,'  under 
the  names  of  Assad  Eddyn  Chyrkouh,  and  Salah 
Eddyn  or  Saladin,  were  despatched  v/ith  consideia- 
IjIo  forces  to  expel  Dargham,  and  to  re-establish 
Shawor.  Dargham  saw  the  gathering  storm,  and  to 
shelter  himself  from  its  fury  called  the  Christians 
from  Palestine  to  his  aid.  But  the  movements  of 
the  Moslems  were  more  rapid  than  those  of  Almeric ; 
and,  before  the  King  of  Jerusalem  could  reach  Cairo, 
Chyrkouh  had  given  battle  to  Dargham,  and  defeated 
and  killed  him,  and  Shawer  was  repossessed  of  the 
authority  he  had  lost.  Shaw^er  soon  found  that  his 
power  was  fully  as  much  in  danger  from  his  allies 
as  it  had  been  from  his  enemies ;  and,  to  resist  the 
Turks  whom  he  had  brought  into  Egypt,  he  was 
obliged  to  enter  into  a.  treaty  with  the  Christians. 
Almeric  marched  immediately  to  Cairo,  and  after  a 
multitude  of  manoeuvres  and  skirmishes,  forced 
Chyrkouh  and  Saladin  to  quit  the  country ;  display- 
ing, through  the  whole  of  this  war,  more  scientific 
generalship  than  was  at  all  usual  in  that  age.  No 
sooner  were  the  Turks  gone,  than  the  Latin  mo- 
narch^  broke  his  truce  with  the  Egyptians,  and-Shawer 
was  once  more  obliged  to  apply  to  Nourhaddin. 
Chyrkouh  again  advanced  into  the  Fatimite  domi- 
nions with  increased  forces,  obliged  Almeric  to  retreat 
with  great  loss,  took  possession  of  Cairo,  beheaded 
Shawer,  and  installed  himself  in  the  office  of  vizier 
to  Adhad,  calif  of  Egypt,  though  he  still  retained  the 
title  of  lieutenant  for  Nourhaddin  of  Aleppo.  Not 
long  after  these  successes,  Chyrkouli  died,  and  Nour- 
haddin, doubtful  of  the  fidelity  of  the  Turkish  emirs, 

»  C.irdinal  of  Vitry ;  Will,  of  Tyre.       2  Bernard  ;  William  of  Tyre. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  229 

gave  the  vacant  post  to  Saladin,  the  nephew  of  the 
late  vizier ;  in  which  choice  he  was  as  much  guided  by 
the  apparently  reckless  and  pleasure-seeking  despot- 
ism of  the  young  Curdish  chief,  as  by  the  military 
skill  he  had  shown  when  forced  unwillingly  into  ac- 
tion. Saladin,  however,  was  scarcely  invested  with 
supreme  power  in  Egypt  when  his  real  character 
appeared.  He  cast  from  him  .he  follies  with  which 
he  had  veiled  his  great  and  aaring  mind ;  and,  by 
means  of  the  immense  treasures  placed  at  his  com- 
mand, soon  bound  to  his  interests  many  who  had 
been  at  first  disgusted  by  his  unexpected  elevation. 
The  califs  of  Egypt  had  been  always  considered  as 
schismatics  by  the  califs  of  Bagdat,  to  whom  Nour- 
haddin  still  affected  homage ;  and  Saladin  was  forth- 
with mstructed  to  declare  the  Fatimite  dynasty  at  an 
end,  and  to  re-establish  in  Egypt  the  nominal  domi- 
nion of  the  Abassides.  This  was easil}^ accomplished; 
Adhad,  the  calif,  either  died  before  the  revolution 
was  completed,  or  was  strangled  in  the  bath ;  the 
people  little  cared  under  whose  yoke  they  laboured. 
The  children  of  the  late  calif  were  confined  in  the 
harem ;  and  IMotshadi,  calif  of  Bagdat,  was  prayed 
for  as  God's  vicar  on  earth. 

Saladin's  ambitious  projects  became  every  day 
more  and  more  apparent,  and  Nourhaddin  was  not 
blind  to  the  conduct  of  his  officer.  Submission 
quieted  his  suspicions  for  a  time ;  and,  though  re- 
peated causes  for  fresh  jealousy  arose,  he  was 
obliged  to  forego  marching  into  Egypt  in  person,  as 
he  undoubtedly  intended,  till  death  put  a  stop  to  all 
his  schemes.  No  sooner  was  Nourhaddin  dead, 
than  Almeric  attacked  his  widow  at  Paneas,'  and 
Saladin  began  to  encroach  upon  other  parts  of  his 
territories  :  but  Saladin  was  the  only  gainer  by  the 


I  William  of  Tyre;  James  of  Vitry;   Guillelm  de  Nangis;  Chrort 
ean.  il74. 

u 


230  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

death  of  the  great  sultaun,  and  made  himself  master, 
by  various  means,  of  the  whole  of  his  Syrian  domi- 
mons,  while  internal  dissensions  and  changes  in  the 
government  of  Palestme  gradually  weakened  every 
bulwark  of  the  Latin  throne.  Almeric'  died  in  re- 
turning from  Paneas,  and  his  son,  Baldwin  I"^"^  ,  sur- 
named  the  Leper,  succeeded  him.  Had  liis  corpo 
real  powers  been  equal  to  the  task  of  royalty,  it  is 
probable  that  Baldwin  would  have  been  a  far  greater 
monarch  than  his  father;  but,  after  many  struggles 
for  activity,  he  found  that  disease  incapacitated  him 
for  energetic  rule,  and  he  intrusted  the  care  of  the 
state  to  Guy  of  Lusignan,  who  had  married  his  sister 
Sybilla,  widow  of  the  Marquis  of  I\Iontferrat,  to 
whom  she  had  borne  one  son.^ 

Guy  of  Lusignan  soon  showed  himself  unworthy 
of  the  charge,  and  Baldwin,'^  resuming  the  govern- 
ment, endeavoured  to  establish  it  in  such  a  form 
that  it  might  uphold  itself  after  his  death,  which  he 
felt  to  be  approaching.  With  this  view  he  offered 
the  administration  to  the  Count  of  Tripoli,''  during 
the  minority  of  his  sister's  child  ;  but  the  Count 
refused  to  accept  it,  except  under  condition  that  the 
charge  of  the  young  p^-ince  should  be  given  to  Jos- 
celyn  de  Courtenay,  the  suiviving  branch  of  the 
Courtenays  of  Edessa,  and  son  of  the  unhappy  count 
who  died  in  a  Saracen  prison.  He  also  stipulated 
that  the  castles  and  fortresses  of  the  kingdom  should 
be  garrisoned  by  the  Hospitallers  and  Templars; 
and  that  in  case  the  boy  should  die  in  his  youth,  the 
question  of  succession  should  be  determined  by  the 
Pope,  the  Emperor  of  Germany,  the  King  of  France, 

1  William  of  Tyre.  2  Jacob.  Viir. 

3  Bernard  the  Treasurer  says,  tbat  the  monnrch  ■.vi^ller!  to  annul  the 
ijiarriage  between  his  si.slcr  and  Gny.  "  Si  grans  haine  csioit  ei'lre  le 
roy  et  le  cuens  de  .lalTeque  clinsfiin  jor  cressoit  pin?  et  plus  et  jusi;ue  a 
tant  estoit  la  f  hose  venue  que  le  roy  queroit  achaison  par  quoy  il  peut 
desevrer  tot  apertemeiit  le  manage  qui  iert  entre  lui  et  sa  seror.' 

4  William  of  Tyre  ;  Bernard  the  'ireasurcr  ;  James  of  Vitrv. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  231 

and  tlie  Kin^  of  England.'  Not  many  years  after 
this  tile  king  died,  and  Baldwin  V.  succeeded,  but 
his  death  followed  immediately  upon  his  accession. 
Without  abiding  by  the  dispositions  of  the  former 
monarch,  no  sooner  was  the  young  king  dead,  than 
the  Grand  Master  of  the  Temple,  Renauld  of  Cha- 
tillon,  Count  of  Karac,  and  the  Patriarch  of  Jerusa- 
lem joined  to  raise  Sybilla  to  the  throne,  in  spite  of 
the  formal  protest  of  all  the  other  barons  and  the 
Grand  Master  of  the  Hospital.  The  gates  of  Jeru- 
salem were  shut  f  and  it  was  only  by  sending  one 
of  their  followers,  disguised  as  a  monk,  that  the  no- 
bles asseml)led  with  the  Count  of  Tripoli  at  Naplousa 
could  gain  any  tidings  of  what  passed.  Sybilla  w^as 
crowned  in  form  ;  and  then  the  patriarch,  pointing  to 
the  other  crown  which  lay  upon  the  altar,  told  her 
that  it  was  hers  to  dispose  of,  on  which  she  imme- 
diately placed  it  on  the  head  of  Guy  of  Liisignan.^ 
After  this  some  of  the  barons  refused  to  do  homage 
to  the  new^  king,  and  some  absented  themselves 
from  his  court ;  but  the  imminent  danger  in  which 
the  country  was  placed  at  length  brought  back  a 
degree  of  concord,  when  concord  could  no  longer 
avail. 

Saladin  had  by  this  time  made  himself  master  of 
all  Syria  ;^  and  had  not  only  consolidated  into  one 
great  monarchy  dominions  wiiicli  for  ages  had  been 
sf'parated  into  petty  states,  but  also,  by  the  inces- 
sant application  of  a  powerful  and  expansive  mind, 
he  had  drawn  forth  and  brought  into  action  many 
latent  but  valuable  resources  which  had  previously 
been  unknown  or  forgotten.  He  had  taught  the 
whole  interests  of  his  people  to  centre  in  his  own 
person,  and  he  now  determined  to  direct  their  ener- 
gies to  one  great  and  important  enterprise.  That 
enterprise  was  the  conquest  of  Palestine,  and  wi-h 

1  Bernard  the  Treasurer ;  James  of  Vitry. 

2  Bernard  the  Treasurer.  s  Rog.  of  Hovedon. 
4  WiUiam  of  Tyre  ;  VVUliam  de  Nangis. 


23'4  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

an  army  "i*  fifty  thousand  horse,  and  near  two  hun- 
dred thousand  foot,  lie  advanced  towards  Jerusalem, 
and  laid  siege  to  Tiberias.'  Within  the  walls  of  that 
fortress  the  Countess  of  Tripoli  held  out  against  the 
Saracens,  while  her  husband  joined  Guy  of  Lusignan, 
and  brought  his  forces  to  the  field  in  defence  of  the 
Holy  Land. 

The  conduct  of  the  Count  of  Tripoli  is  very  ob- 
scure.2  That  from  time  to  time  he  had  treated  with 
the  Saracens  is  evident,  and  almost  every  European 
authority,  except  Mills,  accuses  him  of  having,  in 
this  instance,  betrayed  his  countrymen  into  the  hands 
of  the  infidels.  Whether  with  or  against  his  advice 
matters  little  to  the  general  result — the  Christians 
marched  down  to  meet  Saladin  at  Tiberias.^  Beyond 
doubt  it  was  by  the  counsel  of  the  Count  of  Tripoli 
that  they  pitch«^d  their  tents  in  a  spot  where  no  water 
was  to  be  found.  The  troops  suffered  dreadfully 
from  thirst ;  and  in  the  morning,  when  they  advanced 
to  attack  Saladin  in  the  cool  of  the  dawn,  the  wary 
monarch  retired  befoie  them,  resolved  not  to  give 
them  battle  till  the  heat  of  the  risen  sun  had  added 
to  their  fatigues.  To  increase  the  suffocating  warmth 
of  a  Syrian  summer's  day,  he  set  fire  to  the  low 
bushes  and  shrubs  which  surrounded  the  Christian 
camp;  so  that  when  the  battle  did  begin,  the  Latin 
forces  were  quite  overcome  with  weariness  and 
drought.  The  contest  raged  throughout  the  day,  the 
Christians  fighting  to  reach  the  wells  which  lay 
behind  the  Saracen  power,^  but  in  vain;  and  night 
fell,  leaving  the  strife  still  doubtful.  The  next  morn- 
ing the  Latins  and  Turks  again  mixed  in  combat. 
The  Count  of  Tiipoli^  forced  his  way  through  the 
Saracens,  and  escaped  unhurt;  but  the  scimitars  of 
the  Moslems  mowed  down  whole  ranks  of  the  Chris- 
tians,  for   their  immense   superioiity  of   numbers 

I  Bernard  ;  William  of  Nangis.  2  Will.  Neub. 

3  Bernard.  .  4  William  of  Nangis. 

6  Bernard  the  Treasurer;  William  of  Nangis. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  233 

allowed  them  to  sun*oimd  the  height  upon  whiclfthe 
king  and  the  chief  of  his  army  were  stationed,  and 
to  wage  the  warfare  at  once  against  every  face  of 
the  Latin  host.  Such  a  conflict  could  not  long 
endure.  Multitudes  of  the  infidels  fell,  but  their 
loss  was  nothing  in  proportion  to  their  number, 
when  compared  with  that  which  their  adversaries 
underwent. 

The  Grand  Master  of  the  Hospital'  alone  clove  his 
way  from  the  field  of  battle,  after  having  staid  till 
victory  had  settled  upon  the  Paynim  banners.  He- 
reached  Ascalon  that  night,  but  died  on  the  following 
day  of  the  wounds  he  had  received.  The  King — 
Renault  de  Chatillon,  Count  of  Karac,  who  had  so 
often  broken  faith  with  the  Moslems — and  the  Grand 
Master  of  the  Temple,  whose  whole  order  was  in 
abhorrence  among  the  Mussulmans — were  taken 
alive  and  carried  prisoners  to  the  tent  of  Saladin. 
That  monarch  remained  for  some  time  on  the  field, 
giving  orders  that  the  knights  of  St.  John^  and  those 
of  the  Temple,  who  had  been  captured,  should  in- 
stantly embrace  Islamism,  or  undergo  the  fate  of  the 
scimitar.  A  thousand  acts  of  cruelty  and  aggression 
on  their  part  had  given  cause  to  such  deadly  hatred; 
but  at  the  hour  of  death  not  one  knight  could  be 
brought  to  renounce  his  creed ;  and  they  died  with 
that  calm  resolution  w^hich  is  in  itself  a  glory.  After 
this  bloody  consummation  of  his  victory,  Saladin 
entered  the  tent  where  Lusignan  and  his  companions 
expected  a  similar  fate  :  but  Saladin,  thirsty  himself, 
called  for  iced  sherbet,  and  having  drank,  handed 
the  cup  to  the  fallen  monarch,  a  sure  pledge  that  his 
life  was  secure.  Lusignan  in  turn  passed  it  to 
Renaul  of  Chatillon.^  but  the  sultaun,  starting  up,  ex- 
claimed, "  No  hospitality  for  the  breaker  of  all  en- 
gagements !"■*  and  before  Chatillon  could  drink,  with 

1  Vertot.  2  Rog.  of  Hovedon  ;  William  of  Nangis. 

3  William  of  Nanjis;  Bernard  the  Treasurer. 
*  Some  writers  state  that  Saladin  proposed  to  Chatillon  to  abjuio 
U2 


234  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

one  blow  of  his  scimitar,  Saladin  severed  his  head 
from  his  body. 

Tiberias  surrendered  immediately.  City  after  city 
now  fell  into  the  power  of  the  vietor,  and^  at  length, 
after  an  obstinate  defence,  .Jerusalem  once  more  was 
trodden  by  the  Moslems.'  But  the  conduct  of  the 
infidel  sultaun  on  this  occasion  shames  tiie  cruelty 
of  the  crusaders.  When  the  people  could  hold  out 
no  longer,  Saladin,  who  had  at  first  offered  the  most 
advantageous  terms,  insisted  that  the  city  should 
now  throw  itself  upon  his  mercy. 

He  then  agreed  upon  a  moderate  ransom  for  the 
prisoners,  and  promised  to  let  each  man  carry  forth 
his  goods  without  impediment.  When  this  was  done, 
with  extraordinary  care  he  saw  that  neither  insult 
nor  injury  should  be  ofifcred  to  the  Christians;  and, 
having  taken  possession  of  the  town,  he  placed  a 
guard  at  one  of  the  gates  to  receive  the  ransom  of 
the  inhabitants  as  they  passed  out.  Nevertheless, 
when  the  whole  wealth  which  could  be  collected  in 
the  town  had  been  paid  down,  an  immense  number 
of  the  poorer  Christians  remained  unredeemed. 
These  were  destined  to  be  slaves ;  but  Bernard  the 
"^Preasurer  relates,  that  Saif  Eddyn,  the  brother  of 
the  monarch,  begged  the  liberty  of  one  thousand  of 
these,  and  that  about  the  same  number  were  deli- 
vered at  the  prayer  of  the  Patriarch  and  of  Balcan 
de  Ibelyn,-  who  had  commanded  in  the  place,  and 
communicated  with  the  Curdish  monarch  on  its  sur- 
render. After  this  Saladin  declared  that  his  brother, 
tlie  Patriarch,  and  Ibelyn  had  done  their  ahns,  and 
that  now  he  would  do  his  alms  also  ;  on  which  he 
caused  it  to  be  proclaimed  ihrough  the  city,^  that  all 
the  poor  people  who  could  give  no  ransom  might  go 


Cliristianify,  wtiirli  he  boldly  rrfiised  :  but  otbers  do  not  mention  the 
rircuinstaiice,  and  ilie  ant  of  Saladin  seems  to  me  to  have  liien  nioie  one 
of  ha  ty  passion  than  of  deliberation.  i  Bernard. 

2  Bernard  the  Treasurer;  Continuation  of  William  of  Tyre 

3  Willjam  of  Nang.s. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  235 

forth  in  safety  by  the  gate  of  St.  Lazarns;  but  he 
ordered  that  if  any  attempted  to  take  advantage  of 
tins  permission  who  really  could  pay  for  their  deli- 
veranee,  they  should  be  instantly  seized  and  cast  into 
prison.  iMany  of  the  nobler  prisoners  also  he  freed 
at  the  entreaty  of  the  Christian  ladies ;  and  in  his 
whole  conduct  he  showed  himself  as  moderate  in 
conquest  as  he  was  great  in  battle. 

Antioch  and  the  neighbouring  towns,  as  well  as 
the  greater  part  of  the  county  of  Tripoli,'  were  soon 
reduited  to  the  Saracen  yoke,  and  with  the  exception 
of  Tyre,  which  was  defended  by  the  gallant  Conrad, 
Marquis  of  Montferrat,  the  whole  of  Palestine  be- 
came subject  to  the  victor  of  Tiberias. 

Such  was  the  sudden  and  disastrous  termination 
of  the  Christian  dominion  in  the  Holy  Land  ;'  a  mis- 
fortune which  all  the  contemporary  writers  attribute 
to  the  vices  of  the  inhabitants.  Without  presuming 
to  assign  it,  as  they  do,  to  the  special  wrath  of  Hea- 
ven, we  may  nevertheless  believe  that  the  gross  and 
scandalous  crimes  of  ihe  people  of  Jerusalem  greatly 
accelerated  its  return  to  the  Moslem  domination. 
After  the  successes  of  the  first  crusade,  the  refuse 
of  European  populations  poured  into  Palestine  in 
hopes  of  gain,  and  brought  all  their  vices  to  add  to 
the  stock  of  those  that  the  country  already  pos- 
sessed. The  clergy  were  as  licentious  as  the  laity, 
t!ie  chiefs  as  immoral  as  the  people.  Intestine  quar- 
rels are  sure  to  follow  upon  general  crime  ;  and  un- 
bridled passions  work  as  much  harm  to  the  society 
in  which  they  are  tolerated,  as  to  the  individuals  on 
whom  they  are  exercised.  The  Latins  of  Palestine 
retained  their  courage,  it  is  true;  but  they  knew  no 
confidence  in  each  other.  Virtue,  the  great  bond 
of  liiiion,  subsisted  not  among  them,  and  each  one 
caballed,  intrigued,  and  strove  against  his  neighbour. 
The  ambition  of  the  two  great  military  orders  bred 

»  Bernard.  2  James  of  Vitry ;  Bernard;  William  of  Tyre. 


233  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

continual  hatred  and  opposition,'  and  the  discord  that 
existed  between  the  Hospitallers  and  the  clergy 
caused  anotlier  breach  in  the  harmony  of  the  state. 

During  the  time  that  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem 
was  thus  dividing  itself,  by  passions  and  vices,  into 
ruinous  factions  and  enfeebled  bodies,  Saladin  and 
those  that  preceded  him  were  bending  all  their  ener- 
gies to  consolidate  their  power  and  extend  their  domi- 
nion. Zenghi  was  a  great  warrior,  Nourhaddin  a 
great  monarch,-  and  Saladin  added  to  the  high  quali- 
ties of  both,  not  only  a  degree  of  civilization  in  his 
own  person  which  neither  had  known,  but,  wliat  was 
aill  more,  the  spirit  of  civilization  in  his  heart. 

Saladin  was  as  superior  to  any  of  the  princes  of 
Palestine  in  mind  as  he  was  in  territory;  and  with 
clear  and  general  views  of  policy,  keenness  and 
strength  of  perception  in  difficulties,  consummate 
skill  in  war,  innumerable  forces,  and  the  hearts  of 
his  soldiers,  it  was  impossible  that  he  should  not 
conquer.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  Latins 
were  a  more  powerful  and  vigorous  race  of  men 
than  the  Turks.  The  event  of  every  combat  evinced 
it;  and  even  in  their  defeats,  they  almost  always  left 
more  dead  upon  the  field  of  the  enemy's  forces  than 
of  their  own.  Their  armour,  too,  was  weightier,^  and 
their  horses  heavier  and  more  overpowering  in  the 
charge.  But  the  Turkish  horseman  and  the  Turkish 
horse  were  more  active  and  more  capable  of  bearing 
long  fatigue,  privation,  and  heat  than  the  h^uropean  ; 
and  this  in  some  degree  made  up  for  the  slighter  form 
and  lighter  arms  of  the  Saracen. 

In  war,  also,  as  a  science,  the  Turks  had  improved 
more  than  the  Cin-istiaiis.  We  find  that  the  troops 
of  Saladin  employed  means  in  their  sieges  that  tht;y 
had  acquired  from  the  crusaders;  that  they  stood 
firmly  the  charge  of  the  cavalry* ;  that  they  now  foughc 
hand  to  hand  with  the  mailed  warriors  of  Europe, 

1  Bernard  ;  Albert.  2  William  of  Tyre 

8  Albert  of  Aix  ;  Fulcher--  Robert 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  2b7 

and  mixed  all  the  modes  of  chivalrous  warfare  with 
those  they  had  practised  before. 

We  do  not  perceive,  however,  that  the  Latins 
adopted  their  activity  or  their  skill  with  the  bow ; 
and  at  the  same  time  it  must  be  remarked,  that  the 
armies  of  the  Moslem  fought  as  a  whole,  under  the 
absolute  command  of  one  chief;  while  the  Chris- 
tiaus,  divided  in  tlie  battle  as  in  the  time  of  peace, 
were  broken  into  separate  corps  undei'  feudal  leaders, 
wlio  eacli  consulted  his  own  will  fully  as  much  as 
that  of  his  sovereign. 

Many  other  causes  might  be  traced  for  the  Chris- 
tian fall  and  the  Mussuhiian  triumph;  but  perhaps 
more  has  been  already  said  than  was  required. 
Whatevei'  were  the  causes  the  result  was  the  same 
— Jerusalem  was  taken  by  the  Moslem,  and  conster- 
nation spread  through  Christendom. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

TTie  Xews  of  the  Fate  nf  Palestine  reaches  Europe— The  Archbishop  of 
Tyre  comes  to  seek  for  Aid— Assistance  granted  by   William   the 

■  Good,  of  Sicily— Death  of  Urban,  from  Grief  at  the  Loss  of  Jeru- 
salem— Gregory  VII [.  promotes  a  Crusade — Expedition  of  Frederic, 
Emperor  of  Germany — His  Successes — His  Death — Stale  of  Europe — 
Cn/saile  promoted  by  the  Trovbadours — Philip  Augustus  and  Henry 
II  take  the  Cross— Laws  enacted— Saladin's  tenth—War  renewed  — 
Death  of  Henry  II. — Accession  of  Richard  Cfur  de  Lion — The  Cru- 
sade— Philip's  March — Richard's  March — Affairs  of  Sicily — Quarrels 
between  the  Monarchs— Philip  goes  to  Acre—  Richard  subdues  Cy- 
prus— Arrives  at  Acre — Siege  and  Taking  of  Acre — Fresh  Disputes — 
Philip  Augustus  returns  to  Europe — Richard  marches  on — Battle 
of  Azotus — Heroism  of  Richard — Unsteady  Councils — The  Enter- 
vrlse  abandoned. 

We  have  seen  the  solicitations  of  the  church,  and 
t<ie  eloquence  of  two  extraordinary  men,  produce  the 
hrst  and  second  crusades ;  but  many  other  incite- 
ments  were  added  to  clerical  exhortations  before  the 


238  nisTOKV  or  chivalkv. 

inveterate  enmity  of  the  French  and  English  could 
De  sufficiently  calmed  to  permit  of  ai.y  thing  like  a 
united  expedition  for  the  recovery  of  the  Holy  Land. 
The  Italian  merchants,'  who  at  that  time  carried 
on  the  commerce  of  the  world,  w^ere  the  first  that 
brought  to  Europe  the  terrible  news  of  the  battle  of 
Tiberias,  the  capture  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  fall  of  Pa- 
lestine :  but  very  soon  after,  William  of  Tyre,^  the 
noble  historian  of  the  crusades,  set  out  in  person  to 
demand  assistance  in  behalf  of  his  afflicted  country 
from  all  the  princes  of  Christendom.  He  first  landed 
in  Sicily,  where  William,  king  of  that  country,  who 
had  married  Joan  of  England,  received  him  with 
kindness,  and  instantly  took  measures  for  furnishing 
such  assistance  to  the  Christians  of  the  Hoh-  Land, 
that  the  small  territory  yet  unconquered  might  be 
successfully  defended  till  further  succour  could 
arrive.  Three  hundred  knights  and  a  considerable 
naval  force  were  despatched  at  once;  and  William 
of  Sicily  was  continuing:  zealously  his  preparations, 
when  death  cut  him  off  in  tlie  midst;  and  the  crown 
was  seized  by  Tancred,  natural  son  of  Roger  L 

From  Sicily,  the  Archbishop  of  Tyre  proceeded  to 
Rome  ;  but  he  only  arrived  in  tinie  to  w^itness  the 
death  of  Pope  LIrban  HL,^  whose  mind  was  so  deeply 
affected  by  the  loss  of  the  Holy  Land,  and  the  capture 
of  the  sepulchre,  that  his  enfeebled  constitution  gave 
way  under  the  shock,  and  he  literally  died  of  grief. 
Gregory  VHL,  who  succeeded,  lost  not  a  moment  in 
preaching  a  new^  crusade ;  and  during  his  short  pon- 
tificate of  but  two  months,  he  left  no  means  untiied 
to  heal  the  dissensions  of  Christendom,  and  to  turn 
the  arms  of  the  princes  who  now  employed  them 
against  each  other  to  the  service  of  God,  as  it  was 


'  There  is  a  letter  in  Hovedon  from  a  Temj)]ar  to  Henry  11.,  pivjng  an 
account  of  the  state  of  Jerusalem  and  the  Holj'  Land,  dated  1179. 

2  Bernard  the  Treasurer;  William  of  Nangis,  A.  D.  1188;  B.  Peter 
borough  3  William  de  Nang  s ;  Jacob.  Vit.  lib.  i. 


inSTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  239 

then  considered,  in  the  deliverance  of  that  land  wiiich 
liad  been  sanctified  by  his  advent. 

The  first  who  took  the  Cross  was  the  famous  Fre- 
deric Barbarossa,'  wtio  conducted  a  magnificent 
army  across  Hungary  and  Greece,  saw  through  and 
defeated  the  perfidious  schemes  of  the  Greek  empe- 
ror, Isaac  Angelus,^  passed  on  into  Asia  Mmor,  over- 
threw in  a  pitched  battle  the  Saracen  forces  which 
had  been  called  against  him  by  the  base  and  cowardly 
Greek,  and  took  the  city  of  Iconium  itself.  Such 
splendid  successes,  with  so  little  loss,  had  never 
before  attended  any  Christian  host ;  but  the  light  that 
slione  upon  the  German  arms  was  soon  changed  to 
darkness  by  the  death  of  Frederic,  who,  bathing  im- 
prudently in  the  Orontes,^  returned  to  his  tent  in  a 
dying  state,  and  soon  after  expired*  at  seventy  years 
of  age.  After  the  decease  of  the  emperor,  while 
Henry,  his  eldest  son,  wlio  had  remained  in  Germany, 
assumed  the  imperial  crown,  Philip  Duke  of  Suabia 
led  on  the  host  towards  Antioch.  But  the  very  name 
of  Frederic  had  been  a  subject  of  such  fear,  even  to 
Saladin  himself,^  tnat  he  had  ordered  the  towns  of 
Laodicea,  Ghibel,  Tortosa,  Biblios,  Berytes,  and  Si- 
don  to  be  dismantled  at  the  approach  of  the  Germans. 
Now,  again,  the  Saracens  resumed  the  offensive; 
and,  between  war  and  famine,  the  Teutonic  ciusa- 
ders  were  redn(;ed  to  a  small  body  when  they  reached 
Antioch.  Their  force  was  still  sufficient  to  give 
them  the  command  of  that  city,  and  proved  a  most 
serviceable  aid  to  the  Christian  troops,  who  were 
slowly  beginning  to  rally  throughout  Palestine.  A 
new  military  institution  was  soon  after  attached,  by 
the  duke  of  Suabia,  to  the  German  hospital,  which 

1  Bernard  the  Treasurer.  2  a.  D.  llSQ,  1190. 

3  I  have  followed  .lames  of  Vhry.  Some  say  that  Frederic's  death 
proceeded  from  hathinic  in  the  (^ydiius.  and  some  in  the  Caiycadnns. 
The  matter  is  of  little  moment ;  hut.  as  he  was  descending  towards  An- 
tioch at  the  time,  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  Cardinal  de  Vitry  waa 
right.  Emadeddin,  in  the  collection  of  Arabic  historians  by  Reinaud, 
cals  this  river  the  Selef. 

4  Jacob.  Vit.;  Hist.  Hleros.  ab.;  Bemardus ;  Lection.  Canisius  Antiquaau 
*  Jiunes  of  Vitry. 


240  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

had  been  founded  at  Jerusalem  many  years  before 
by  some  northern  merchants,  and  had  since  been 
greatly  enlarged  by  the  Hanseatic'  tradersof  Bremen 
and  Lubec.  On  this  establishment  he  grafted  the 
Order  of  the  Knights  of  the  Holy  Cross,  or  the  Teu- 
tonic knights  of  the  Hospital  of  St.  Mary,^  which 
soon  greatly  increased,  and  was  sanctioned  by  papa] 
authority. 

I  must  now  return  to  France  and  England,  where 
private  feuds  had  prevented  the  distresses  of  Palestine 
from  producing  so  immediate  an  effect  as  they  had 
wrought  with  the  Germans.  Henry  II.  had,  as  we 
have  already  seen,  espoused  Kleonor,  the  repudiated 
wife  of  Louis  VII.,  and  had  obtained  with  her  the 
whole  of  Aquitain.^  This,  in  addition  to  Normandy, 
which  he  also  held  as  a  feudatory  of  the  French 
crown,  rendered  the  kingly  vassal  a  greater  territorial 
lord  than  even  the  sovereign  to  wliom  he  did  homage 
for  his  continental  lands.  Such  a  state  of  things, 
was  alone  quite  sufficient  to  cause  endless  dissen- 
sions ;  but  soon  more  immediate  matter  was  found. 
Louis  VII.  died.  Philip  Augustus  succeeded,  yet  in 
his  youth ;  and  Henry  II.,  after  having  himself,  in 
execution  of  the  feudal  duty  of  the  dukes  of  Nor- 
mandy, lii'ted  the  crown  with  which  Philip's  brow 
was  to  be  decorated,  endeavoured  to  strengthen  his 
own  party  in  France  as  much  as  possible  against  the 
young  monarch.  His  second  son,  Geoflrey, he  mar- 
ried to  Constance,  Dutchess  of  Brittany :  his  eldest 
son,  Henry,  espoused  Marguerite,  sister  of  Philip^ 
and  received  with  her  the  lordship  of  Gisors,''  and  the 
territory  of  the  Vexin.  Prince  Henry  died  early, 
leaving  no  children ;  and  the  land,  by  his  marriage 
contract,  reverted  to  the  crown  of  France ;  but  his 
father  refused  to  yield  it.     War  broke  out  in  conse- 

1  Pet.  de  Dusburg. ;  Chron.  Ord.  Teuton. 

2  Existing  Orders  of  Knighthood  ;  James  of  Vitry. 
8  Vit.  Ludovie  VII. ;  Roger  de  Hovedon. 

4  Rigord  de  gest.  Phil  Aug  ;  Hovedon  ;  Robert,  de  Monte. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  24. 

quence,  and  was  raging-  fiercely  when  the  neMs  of 
the  fall  of  Jerusalem  reached  Europe.  The  tidings 
were  so  unexpected,  each  on®  felt  so  deep  and  reli- 
gious a  devotion  for  .he  Holy  Land,  every  knight  had 
there  so  many  relations  or  friends,  that  the  news 
found  a  thousand  avenues  open  to  the  hearts  of  all 
who  heard  it.  The  world,  too,  was  then  mad  with 
song.  Nations  in  that  early  age  had  all  the  zealous 
passions  of  youth.  That  fresh  ardour — that  wild 
spirit  of  pursuit,  which  almost  every  one  must  have 
felt  in  his  own  young  days,  was  then  the  character 
of  society  at  large.  Europe  was  as  an  enthusiastic 
boy,  and  whatever  it  followed,  love,  religion,  song, 
it  followed  with  the  uncontrolled  passion,  the  fiery 
desire  which  burns  but  in  the  days  of  boyhood 
among  nations  as  among  men.  Poetry  had  now  be- 
come both  the  great  delight,  and  the  great  mover  of 
the  day ;  and  all  the  eloquence  of  verse  found  a  fit 
subject  in  the  sorrows  of  Palestine.  The  Trouba- 
dours' and  the  Trouveres  vied  with  each  other,  which 
should  do  most  to  stimulate  the  monarchs  and  the 
Chivalry  of  Europe  to  lay  aside  their  private  quarrels, 
and  to  fly  to  the  deliverance  of  the  Holy  Land.  The 
plainte  was  heard  from  castle  to  castle,  mourning  over 
the  loss  of  Jerusalem.  The  sirvente  and  the  fabliau 
were  spread  far  and  wide,  lashing  with  all  the  viru- 
lence of  indignant  satire  those  whom  feuds  or  in- 
terests withheld  from  the  battles  of  the  Cross.  The 
papal  authority  enjoined,  with  its  menaces  and  its 
inducements,  peace  to  Europe  and  war  to  the  Sa- 
racen :  but  even  superstition  and  zeal  effected  little, 
when  compared  with  the  power  of  the  new  passion 
for  song.  The  first  crusade  had  been  the  effect  of  a 
general  enthusiasm  ;  the  second  of  individual  elo- 
quence; but  this  was  the  crusade  of  poetry.  The 
first  two  were  brought  aboi.>t  by  the  clergy  alone ; 
but  this  was  the  work  of  the  Troubadours. 


»  O  nffroj  Rude}  in  lUynouard ;  Millot ;  Ducange. 
T 


242  HISTORY    OF    CHIVA1.RY. 

A  truce  between  Henry  11.  and  Philip  Augustus 
was  agreed  upon,  and  a  meeting  was  fixed  between 
Trie  and  Gisors,'  for  the  purpose  of  considering-  the 
manner  of  settling-  all  difficulties,  and  the  best  means 
of  delivering  Jerusalem.  The  wliole  of  the  barons 
of  France  and  England  were  jjvesent  at  this  parlia. 
ment,  which  was  held  in  the  month  of  J-aiuiary,  and 
mutual  jealousies  and  hatred  had  nearly  turned  the 
assembly,  wliicli  met  to  promote  peace,  to  the  pur- 
poses of  bloodshed.  At  length  the  Cardinal  of  Al- 
b-ano  and  Wdliam,  Archbishop  of  Tyre,  presented 
themselves  to  the  meeting ;  and  the  oriental  prelate 
having  related  all  the  horrors  he  had  himself  beheld 
in  the  Holy  Land — the  slaughter  of  Tiberias,  the  fall 
of  .lerusalem,  tlie  po  lution  of  tlie  temple,  and  the 
capture  of  the  sepulchre — the  symbol  of  the  Cross 
was  unanimously  adopted  by  all ;  private  wars  were 
laid  aside,  and  a  mode  of  proceeding  was  determined 
on  which  promised  to  furnish  vast  supplies  for  the 
holy  enterprise  to  which  the  kings  and  barons  bound 
themselves. 

The  first  of  the  measures  resolved  was  to  enforce 
a  general  contribution  from  all  persons  who  did  not 
take  the  Cross,  whether  clergy  or  1-aity,  towards  de- 
fraying the  expense  of  the  crusade.  This  consisted 
of  a  tenth  of  all  possessions,  whether  landed  or  per- 
sonal, and  was  called  Saladln\<t  tithe.  Each  lord, 
clerical  or  secular,  liad  the  right  of  raising  this  tax 
within  his  own  feoff.  The  lord  of  the  commune 
could  alone  tithe  his  burghers,  the  archbishop  his 
see,  the  abbot  the  lands  of  the  monastery,  the  chapter 
the  lands  of  the  church.  Any  knight  having  taken 
the  Cross,  and  being  the  legitimate  heir  of  a  knight 
o.'  a  widow^  who  had  not  taken  the  Cross,  was  entitled 
to  la,y  the  tax  upon  the  lands  of  the  other;  while  all 
who'  refused  or  neglected  to  pay  their  quota  were 
given  absolutely  to  the  disposal  of  him  who  had  the 

«  William  of  Nangis,  A.  D.  1188  ;  Rigord. 

8  Rigord  in  vit.  Philip  August. ;  Guil.  de  Nangls,  A.  D.  1168. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRy.  243 

xight  to  require  it.  At  the  same  time  that  such 
iiifiictions  were  adjudg'ed  to  those  who  rejected  the 
call  to  the  Holy  Land,  many  immunities  were  ac- 
corded to  such  as  followed  the  crusade.  Great  faci- 
lities were  given  to  all  the  crusaders  for  the  payment 
of  their  anterior  debts  ;  but  they  were  by  no  meants, 
as  has  been  frequently  asserted,'  liberated  from  all 
eng-agements  during  the  time  they  were  occupied  iu 
the  expedition.  Such  were  the  regulations  whicii 
were  first  brought  forward  at  Gisors.  Each  of  the 
monarchs  proposed  them  afterward  to  a  separate 
court  of  their  barons  and  clergy,  Philip  at  Paris,  and 
Henry,  first  at  Rouen,  to  his  Norman  council,  and 
afterward  to  his  English  vassals  at  Geddnigton,  Id 
Northamptonshire. 

xVU  seemed  now  to  tend  rapidly  towards  the  great 
enterprise ;  nothing  was  seen  in  the  various  coun- 
tries but  the  symbol  of  the  Cross,  w^hich  in  England 
was  of  ermine  or  white,  of  ^ules  or  red  for  France, 
and  of  synople  or  green  for  Flanders. 

But  the  whole  current  of  feeling  was  suddenly 
turned,  by  an  aggression  of  Richard,  Duke  of  Gui- 
enne,  afterward  King  of  England,  upon  the  territo- 
ries of  the  Count  of  Toulouse.  Philip  Augustus 
flew  to  arms  to  avenge  his  vassal  and  friend; 
Richard  met  him  with  equal  fierceness,  and  the  feuds 
between  France  and  England  were  renewed  with 
increased  violence.a  Many  of  the  French  and  Eng- 
lish knights,  several  of  the  clergy  of  the  two  coun- 
tries, together  with  a  great  multitude  of  Germans, 
Italians,  and  Flemings,  waited  not  for  tlie  tardy 
journey  of  the  crusading  monarchs,  but  passed  over 
into  the  Holy  Land,  and  joined  themselves  to  Guy 
of  Lusignan,  who  had  now  collected  the  remnants 
of  all  the  military  orders,  and  with  those  princes  and 
knights  who  had  escaped  the  Moslem  scimitar,  was 

1  See  Rigord,  who  gives  minutely  the  statutes  on  this  occasion. 

2  Branclie  des  royaux  Lignages,  ann.  1189-90,  Guil.  de  Nangis  Rigord. 
Williain  the  Breton. 


244  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY, 

engaged  in  besieging  Acre.  His  forces'  gradually 
increased  till  they  became  immense  ;  and,  owing  to 
the  skill  of  those  by  whom  he  was  accompanied, 
rather  than  his  own,  the  camp  of  Lusignan  was  for- 
tified in  such  a  manner  that  no  efforts  of  the  Sara- 
cens could  penetrate  its  lines.  Saladin  pitched  his 
tents  on  the  mountains  to  the  soutli,  not  long  after 
the  Christians  had  undertaken  the  siege,  and  innu- 
merable battles  in  the  open  field  succeeded,  in  which 
neither  army  gained  any  material  advantage  that 
was  not  compensated  by  some  following  reverse. 

The  fleet  of  the  Saracens  supplied  the  town,^  and 
the  fleet  of  the  Christians  bi'ought  aid  to  the  camp, 
so  that  the  conflict  seemed  to  be  interminable,  from 
the  equal  zeal  and  force  of  the  contending  parties. 

In  the  mean  while,  the  war  between  Heniy  and 
Philip  continued ;  and,  from  a  personal  dispute 
between  Richard  Coeur  de  Lion  and  the  French 
monarch,  had  so  changed  its  character,  that  Richard, 
accompanied  by  his  brother  John,  went  over  to  the 
faction  of  the  enemy,  and  did  homage  to  the  crown 
of  France.*^  Henry,  abandoned  by  his  children  and 
the  greater  part  of  his  nobles,  found  lumself  forced 
to  sign  an  ignominious  peace;  and  after  one  of  the 
violent  fits  of  passion  to  which  he  so  often  yielded 
himself,  was  taken  ill,  and  concluded  a  long  life  of 
vice  and  crime  before  the  altar  of  the  Lord,"*  which 
he  had  once  caused  to  be  stained  with  blood.^ 

Richard  and  Philip  were  already  in  alliance ;  and 
no  sooner  had  the  new  monarch  of  England  ascended 
the  throne,  than  the  preparations  for  the  crusade 
were  resumed  with  activit}''.  Ample  treaties  were 
entered  into  between  the  French  and  English  kings ; 
and  as  the  clergy,  though  willing  enough  to  preach 

Bernard  the  Treasurer ;  James  of  Vitry. 

Continuation  of  William  of  Tyre,  Anon. 

R.  dt  Uiceto;  Roger  de  Hovedon  ;  Matthew  Paris.  Ann.  118S 

Henry  died  before  the  altar  of  the  church  of  Chinon, 

Hovedon. 


HISTORY    OF   CHIVALRY.  245 

the  crusade,  were  in  general  unwilling  to  aid  it  by 
the  payment  of  Saladin's  tenth,  Richard  had  recourse 
to  the  most  arbitraiy'  extortions,  to  furnish  the  sums 
necessary  for  his  enteiprise.  Philip  Augustus,  the 
Count  of  Flanders,  and  Richard  Coeur  de  Lion  met 
at  Nonancourt,  on  the  confines  of  Normandy,  and 
engaged  mutually  to  live  in  peace  and  defend  eaeh 
other,  as  true  allies,  till  a  period  of  forty  days  after 
their  return  from  Palestine.^  Richard  also  published 
a  code  of  laws  or  regulations  for  the  government  of 
his  troops  during  the  expedition.  By  these  it  was 
enacted,  that  whoever  slew  a  brother  crusader  should 
be  tied  to  the  corpse  and  buried  alive  ;  or,  if  the  mur- 
der were  perpetrated  at  sea,  should  be  plunged  with 
the  dead  body  into  the  waves.  A  man  who  drew  his 
knife  upon  another,  or  struck  him  so  as  to  produce 
blood,  was  destined  to  have  his  hand  cut  off.  Other 
cha3tisements  were  instituted  for  simple  blows,  abu- 
sive language,  and  blasphemy  f  and  if  any  one  were 
discovered  in  committing  a  robbery,  he  was  sen- 
tenced to  have  his  head  shaved  and  to  be  tarred  and 
featliered.  This  is,  I  believe,  the  first  mention  in 
history  of  that  curious  naval  punishment. 

Each  of  the  crusading  monarchs  now^  made  large 
donations  to  abbeys,  churches,  and  religious  commu- 
nities,^ and  performed  various  acts  of  grace  to  bring 
down  the  blessing  of  Heaven  upon  their  enterprise. 
They  took  every  measure  that  could  be  devised  for 
the  security  and  good  of  their  respective  realms 
during  their  absence,  and  then  proceeded  towards 
Lyons,  w^here,  finding  that  the  followers  of  their 
camp  were  becoming  somewhat  more  numerous  than 
was  desirable,  and  remembering  the  vices  and  irre- 
gularities of  the  former  crusades,  they  instituted 
several  new  laws ;  among  which  it  was  strictly  en- 
Joined  that  no  woman  should  be  permitted  to  accom- 

1  Brompton  ;  Hovedon.  2  Diceto.  3  Rymer,  col.  diplom. 

*  Brequegny.coll  ann  1        •  Uigord  in  vit.  Phil.  Aug 


246  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

pany  either  army,  except  w.aslierwomen,  and  such 
as  had  accomplished  fifty  years.  Here,  also,  the 
two  kings  separated,'  and  Philip,  traversing  the  Alps, 
soon  arrived  at  Genoa,^  where  he  hired  vessels  to 
carry  him  to  Messina,  the  general  rendezvous,  which 
place  he  reached  with  no  other  impediment  than  a 
severe  storm. 

Richard, in  the  mean  time, hurried  on  to  Marseilles, 
where  he  waited  a  few  days  for  the  fleet  which  was 
to  have  joined  him  from  England  ;  but  his  impatient 
spirit  could  never  brook  delay,  and  after  a  pause  of 
little  more  than  a  week,  he  hired  all  the  vessels  he 
could  find,  and  proceeded  to  Genoa.  Leaving  that 
city  he  touched  at  several  places  on  the  coast  of 
Italy,  and  near  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber  was  en- 
countered by  Octavian,  Bishop  of  Ostia,  who  de- 
manded various  sums,  stated  to  be  due  to  the  church 
of  Rome  from  the  English  monarch,  as  fees,  on  the 
election  of  the  Bishop  of  Ely,  and  the  deposition  of 
the  Bishop  of  Bourdeaux,  Richard  replied  by  boldly 
reproaching  the  prelate  with  the  simoniacal* avarice 
of  his  churcli,  and  sent  him  indignantly  from  his  pre- 
sence. In  the  Gulf  of  Salernum,  the  English  king 
was  met  by  his  fleet,  and  soon  anchored  before  Mes- 
sina, causing  all  the  horns  of  his  armament  to  blow 
as  he  entered  the  port.  The  noise  was  so  great,  that 
the  inhabitants  crowded  to  the  walls,  where  they 
beheld  the  thousand  banners  of  England  cover- 
ing the  sea  with  all  the  gay  and  splendid  colours  of 
chivalrous  blazonry.^  Richard  was  fond  of  such 
display,  and,  perhaps,  so  slight  a  thing  as  this  first 
woke  that  jealousy  in  the  bosom  of  Philip  Augustus 
which  afterward  proved  ruinous  to  the  crusade. 
Nevertheless  that  monarch  came  down  to  meet 
Richard,  with  Tancred,  the  usurping  King  of  Sicily, 
who  had  every  thing  to  fear  from  the  anger  of  the  hasty 

1  Benedict  of  Peterborough. 

2  Rjgord  says  nothing  of  any  illness  which  Philip  suffered  at  Messina. 

3  Hovedon ;  Broinpion. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  247 

sovereign  of  England.  After  dispossessing  Oonstan- 
tia,  the  heiress  of  the  crown,  Tanered  had  imprisoned 
Joan,  sister  of  Riehard,  the  widow  of  the  last  king 
William  the  Good.  He  had  freed  her,  it  is  true,  on 
the  news  of  Richard's  arrival ;  but  the  first  act  of 
the  English  monarch'  was  to  demand  the  restitution 
of  his  sister's  dowery,  and  the  legacies  which  had 
been  bequeathed  by  William  of  Sicily  to  Henry  H. 
of  England.  These  to^^ether  amounted  to  forty 
thousand  ounces  of  gold,^  and  for  some  time  Rich- 
ard's application  was  met  by  nothing  but  quibbling 
and  evasion. 

The  best  intelligence  had  hitherto  reigned  between 
the  French  and  Englisli,  but  not  so  with  Richard's 
knights  and  the  people  of  Sicily.  The  Anglo-Nor- 
mans were  dissolute  and  reckless,  and  the  Sicilians 
soon  proceeded  from  squabbling  and  opposition,  to 
seek  bloody  revenge.  It  is  probable  that  both  par- 
ties were  in  fault.  Every  thing  at  IMessina  was 
charged  at  a  most  exorbitant  price,'  and  the  Normans 
were  very  apt  to  take  what  they  could  not  buy. 
The  Sicilians  cheated  them,  and  they  plundered  the 
Sicilians,  till  at  length  some  of  the  Norman  soldiers 
were  killed.'*  Hugh  Lebrun,  a  favourite  of  Richard,- 
was  wounded;  and  Richard  himself,  finding  the 
peasantry  supported  by  Tanered  in  the  attack  on  his 
soldiers,  lost  command  of  his  temper,  fell  upon  the 
people  who  had  come  forth  from  Messina,  stormed 
the  walls  of  the  city;  and  in  an  inconceivably  short 
lime,  the  banner  of  the  King  of  England  was  flying 
over  the  capital  of  Sicily.^ 

Philip  Augustus,  who  had  interfered  on  many  occa- 
sions to  quiet  the  differences  between  the  Normans 
and  the  Sicilians,  could  not  bear  to  see  the  English 
standard  on  the  towers  of  Messina,  and  a  coolness 
rose  up  between  the  two  monarchs  from  that  mo- 
ment.    All  angry  discussion,  however,  was  removed 

1  Benedict  of  Peterboroush.        2  Rignrd ;  Benedict  of  PeterborougV 
3  Rigord.  4  Vinesauf.         6  Ben.  Abb.  Peter. ;  R.  Hovedon 


248  HISTORY    OF  CHIVALRY. 

by  the  conduct  of  Richard,  which  was  calm  and  mo- 
derate, far  beyond  his  usual  habits.  He  offered  to 
^ive  up  the  guard  of  the  city  to  either  the  Knights 
of  the  Temple  or  of  St.  John,  till  his  claims  on  Tan- 
cred  had  been  fairly  met.  This  tranquillized  the 
matter  for  a  time;  but  Eleonor,  Richard's  mother, 
now  arrived  in  Sicily,'  bearing  with  her  the  beautiful 
Berengaria,  of  Navarre.  The  King  of  England  had 
been  alnanced  to  Alice  of  France,  the  sister  of  Philip ; 
but  criminal  intercourse,  it  was  supposed,  had  existed 
between  the  French  prir^ess  and  Henry  H.,  and 
Richard  had  long  meditated  breaking  off  formally  an 
alliance  he  never  intended  to  fulfil.  The  sight  of 
Berengaria  decided  him.^  Some  letters  were  shown 
Jo  him  by  Tancred,  King  of  Sicily,  in  which  Philip 
Augustus  promised  aid  to  the  Sicilians  in  case  of  their 
warring  witli  the  English.  Richard,  with  the  papers 
m  his  hand,  cast  himself  on  horseback,  and  galloped 
to  the  tent  of  the  French  monarch.  Philip  declared 
the  letters  were  forged,  and  that  Richard's  anger  was 
a  mere  pretence  to  break  off  a  marriage  which  suited 
not  his  taste.  War  between  the  two  sovereigns 
seemed  inevitable,  and  how  it  was  averted  does  not 
very  clearly  appear.  Probably  the  higher  barons 
hiterposed ;  but  at  all  events  the  concessions  were 
on  the  side  of  Phihp,  who,  by  a  formal  treaty,  re- 
no  jnced  all  pretensions  to  Richard's  hand,  on  the 

'  Rigord. 

2  Rigordus  states  positively  that  Berengaria  had  arrived  before  the 
treaty  was  signed  between  Philip  and  Richard.     Mills  says,  that  Richard 
remained  in  Scily  after  Philip's  departure,  to  wait  for  Berengaria;  but 
Rigord  lived  at  the  time,  and  was  one  of  the  most  diligent  inquirers  who 
nave  left  us  records  of  that  age.     The  Branche  des  royaux  Lignages 
makes  Richard  say  to  the  King  of  France, 
"  Sire  vostre  suer  espousal 
De  laquele  atan  le  don  hui ; 
Mes  (tiic  nul  jour  ne  la  connui 
Et  j'ai  puis  prise  Berangarre 
Qui  fille  est  au  roy  de  Navarre." — 1226. 
William  the  Breton,  also,  who  was  afterward  chaplain  to  Philip  Ausus 
ms,  reoresents  Richard  as  saying, 

' '  Et  jam  juncia  thoro  est  mihi  Berengaria,  regis 
Filia  Navarroe  " 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  249 

part  of  his  sister  ;^  confirmed  him  in  all  the  feoffs  he 
held  from  the  crown  of  France ;  and,  leaving  him  and 
Berengaria  to  conclude  their  marriage,  he  set  sail 
with  his  fleet  for  Acre. 

The  appearance  of  the  French  before  that  place 
caused  great  rejoicing  among  the  Christians,  foi 
notwithstanding  every  efibrt  on  the  part  of  the  as- 
sailants the  city  still  held  out ;  and,  girt  in  themselves 
by  the  army  of  Saladin,  the  scarcity^  was  little  less 
in  their  camp  than  in  the  town.  Before  the  coming 
of  their  allies,  the  crusaders  under  the  walls  of  Acre 
had  done  all  that  human  ingenuity  could  invent  to 
force  the  garrison  to  yield.  They  had  turned  the 
course  of  the  river  which  supplied  the  city  with  fresh 
water;  they  had  been  incessant  in  their  attacks 
and,  during  nearly  two  years,  had  never  relaxed  one 
moment  in  their  endeavours.^  It  was  apparent, 
therefore,  that  nothing  but  assault  by  a  large  force 
could  carry  the  fortress,  and  this  the  arrival  of  Philip 
gave  the  possibility  of  attempting.  That  monarch, 
however,  either  from  some  engagement  to  that  effect, 
or  from  the  scantiness  of  the  succour  he  brought, 
which,  according  to  Boha  Eddin,  consisted  only  of 
six  large  ships,"*  determined  to  wait  the  arrival  of 
Richard  Cceur  de  Lion,  contenting  himself  with 
battering  the  walls  in  the  mean  while. 

The  coming  of  the  King  of  France  had  spread  as 
much  alarm  among  the  Saracens  as  joy  among  the 
Christians;  but  his  inactivity  calmed  their  appre- 
hensions;  and  the  escape  of  a  magnificent  white 

•  Rigord  in  vit.  Phil.  Aug. ;  Hovedon ;  Rymer  2  Bemardus. 

3  Various  knights  are  mentioned  by  Bernard  che  Treasurer,  as  having 
Bignalized  themselves  greatly,  both  prior  to  the  siege  and  after  its  com- 
mencement. One  in  particular,  whom  he  calls  the  Green  Knight,  even 
raised  the  admiration  of  the  Saracens  to  such  a  height  that  Saladin  seni 
for  him,  and  made  him  the  most  brilliant  offers,  in  hopes  of  bringing  him 
to  join  the  Moslems.  It  is  more  than  probable  that  this  Green  Knight 
was  the  famous  Jacques  d'Avesnes,  and  was  so  called  from  the  coluur 
of  the  cross  which  he  vvore. 

4  Auteurs  Arabes,  rec.  do  Reinaud  ;  Branche  des  !05'aux  JUgTsa^ea 
Rigord  in  '-■it.  rhli.  August 


250  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

falcon  which  Philiphad  brought  from  Europe,  was  con- 
sidered by  the  infidels  as  an  evil  omen  for  the  French 
monarch.  The  bird  flew  into  the  besieged  city,  and 
was  tlience  sent  to  Saladin,  who  would  not  be  pre- 
vailed upon  to  part  with  it,  though  Philip  offered  a 
thousand  pieces  of  gold  for  his  favourite  falcon.^ 

Richard  remained  some  time  in  Sicily,  enjoying  the 
idleness  and  luxury  of  a  delicious  climate,  and  a  fer- 
tile and  beautiful  land;  but  the  preaching  of  a  wild 
enthusiast,  called  Joachim,  together  with  various  ce- 
lestial phenomena,  Vv-hich  the  superstition  of  the  age 
attributed  to  Divine  wrath,  awoke  the  monarch  from 
his  dream  of  pleasure,  and  after  having  submitted  to 
an  humiliating  penance,^  he  set  sail  for  Acre.  A 
tempest  soon  dispersed  his  fleet,  and  three  of  the 
vessels  were  lost  upon  the  rocky  shores  of  Cyprus. 
The  monarch  of  that  island,  one  of  the  Comneni  of 
Constantinople,  had  rendered  himself  independent 
of  Greece,  and  had  taken  the  title  of  Emperor.  In 
the  madness  of  insatiable  greediness,  he  pillaged  the 
crews  and  passengers  of  the  English  vessels  stranded 
on  his  coast,  and  refused  a  refuge  to  the  bride  and 
sister  of  Richard  himself,  when  driven  by  the  storm 
into  the-  port  of  Limisso.  At  Rhodes^  the  lion- 
hearted  king  lieard  of  the  disasters  of  his  fleet,  and 
the  inhospitality  of  the  Emperor  of  Cyprus,  and  no 
sooner  had  he  gathered  together  his  ships,  than  he 
sailed  for  Limisso,  and  demanded  reparation  and 
apology. 

With  infinite  moderation,  the  more  admirable  m 
the  conduct  of  a  violent  and  irritable  monarch,  he 
three  times  required  satisfaction  before  he  proceeded 
to  any  act  of  aggression.  At  length,  finding  it  not  to 
be  obtained  but  by  the  sword,  he  landed  on  the  island, 
drove  the  coward  Greeks'  before  him,  took  the  unge» 

1  Boha  Eddin,  rec.  de  Reinaud. 

2  Brompton,  A.  D.  1191 ;  Ben.  Abb.  Peterborough,  1191. 

3  Hovedon;  Ben.  Abb.  Pete  borough. 
i  Hovedon  ;  Brompton  '  Will   Nftwb. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  251 

vierous  usurper  Isaac,  and  reduced  the  vvhole  country 
lo  his  sway.  His  wrath  bad  now  been  roused,  and 
all  temper  was  forgotten:  he  taxed  the  unfortunate 
inhabitants  of  the  country  to  an  enormous  extent 
and  then,  after  having  spent  some  time  at  Limisso, 
where  h.e  celebrated  his  marriage  witli  Berengaria, 
he  once  more  set  sail  for  Acre.  In  the  passage  the 
■fleet  of  the  English  monarch  came  suddenly  upon  a 
\arge  vessel  bearing  the  arms  of  the  King  of  France. 
Something  suspicious  in  the  appearance  of  the  ship 
induced  Richard  to  pursue  her,  and  it  was  soon  dis- 
covered that  she  was  filled  v/itli  Saracen  troops. 

The  attack  was  instantly  ordered ;'  the  infidels  de- 
fended themselves  with  the  greatest  bravery  ;  the  sea 
was  covered  with  Greek  fire,  and  a  rain  of  arrows 
fell  upon  the  decks  of  the  lov/  Euiopean  gaheys  from 
the  high  sides  of  the  Arabian  vessel.  But  resistance 
against  the  whole  fleet  of  the  English  king  was  vain ; 
and  the  emir  Jacob,  who  commanded,  ordered  the 
ship  to  be  sunk  by  cutting  through  the  bottom  with 
hatchets.  Before  this  could  be  completely  accom- 
plished, however,  the  English  and  Normans  were  mas- 
ters of  the  vessel,  and  ere  she  went  down  a  great 
part  of  her  cargo  was  saved.  This  principally  con- 
sisted of  military  stores  for  the  camp  of  Saladin: 
and,  among  other  implements  of  destruction,  the 
English  were  surprised  and  horrified  to  find  a  num- 
ber of  large  earthen  vases  filled  with  poisonous  rep- 
tiles, from  the  bites  of  which  it  was  known  that  the 
Christians  near  Acre  suffered  most  dreadfully. 
Whether  these  animals  were  or  were  not  really 
destined  by  Saladin  as  the  means  of  a  new  and  dire- 
ful mode  of  warfare,  such  was  the  purpose  which  the 
Cliristian  monarch^  attributed  to  those  who  carried 
them ;  and  giving  way  to  his  wrath,  he  ordered  all 
Ihe  prisoners  to  be  put  to  death.     Some  few  were 

1   Boha  Eddin  ;  Walter  Vinesauf ;  Hovedon  ;  Benedict  of  Peterboroujr>» 
?  Peterborough  ;  Vinesauf:  James.  Cardinal  of  Vitry.  lib.  i. 


252  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

saved,  who  were  afterward  ransomed  according  15 
the  universal  custom  of  the  day.' 

But  little  time  now  elapsed  ere  Richard,  with  a 
hundred  sail,  arrived  before  the  city  of  Acre,  and  the 
shouts  of  joy  that  welcomed  him  made  his  proud 
heart  beat  with  more  than  wonted  ardour.  All  the 
Chivalry  of  Europe  were  upon  the  sandy  plain  be- 
tween Ptolemais  and  the  mountains  of  Carouba  •}  the 
Templars,  the  Hospitallers,  the  Knights  of  France, 
of  England,  of  Germany,  of  Italy,  of  Flanders,  and  of 
Burgundy.  Thousands  of  banners  floated  on  the 
wind;  and  every  sort  of  arms,  device,  and  ensign 
glittered  through  the  camp.  On  the  inland  hills  lay 
the  millions  of  Saladin,  with  every  accessory  of  east- 
ern pomp  and  eastern  luxury.  There,  too,  was  the 
pride  of  all  the  Saracen  tribes,  called  into  the  field  by 
their  great  monarch  to  meet  the  swarming  invasion 
of  the  Christians.^  One  wing  of  the  Moslem  army 
was  commanded  by  Malek  Adel  Saif  Eddin,"  brothei 
of  Saladin,  and  the'other  by  that  monarch's  nephew, 
Modaffer.  Through  the  host  were  seen  banners  of 
green,  and  black,  and  yellow ;  and  armour  of  as  many 
kinds,  and  of  as  great  magnificence,  as  that  of  the 
Europeans. 

Nor  was  the  chivalrous  courtesy  of  the  day  con- 
fined to  the  Christian  camp.  In  times  of  truce  the 
adverse  nations  mingled  together  in  friendship;  and 
at  one  moment  they  sent  mutual  presents,  and  reci- 
procated good  offices,  while  at  another  they  met  in 

1  Mills  speaks  of  the  conduct  of  Richard  in  the  following  terms  : 
'The  sanguinary  and  ungenerous  Richard  killed  or  cast  overboard  his 

defenceless  enemies;  or,  with  an  avarice  equally  detestable,  saved  the 
commanders  for  the  sake  of  their  ransom."  That  author,  however,  says 
not  one  word  of  the  Saracens'  fighting  under  false  colours,  or  of  the  hor- 
rible cargo  which  they  carried  in  their  ship,  though  he  afterward  himself 
alludes  to  the  sufferings  of  the  crusaders  from  the  bites  of  reptiles.  Is 
this  historical  justice? 

2  Bernard  the  Treasurer. 

3  Hoha  Eddin,  rcc.  Hist.  Arabes  de  Reinaud. 

<  His  name,  literally  translated,  means  the  rust  king,  thesivord  oftht 
faith.  Fiom  Saif  Eddin  the  Christians  composed  the  word  Saphaddia 
%•  which  I «  is  ^erally  df  Fgna^ed  In  tb«  ehroclcies  of  ibe  tlBw. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  233 

bloody  and  impetuous  strife.  Saladin  himself  seems 
to  have  conceived  the  highest  respect  for  the  charac- 
ter of  Richard;  and  when  he  was  not  opposing  him 
in  the  field,  he  was  always  desirous  of  showing  that 
the  Moslems  were  not  to  be  outdone  in  generous 
sentiment  by  any  of  the  Christian  knights.  It  would 
be  endless  to  recount  all  the  transactions  of  the  siege 
of  Acre.  The  spirit  of  the  whole  of  this  crusade 
which  I  could  wish  to  dwell  upon  more  than  any 
thing  else)  has  been  already  fully,  perfectly,  and 
feelingly  displayed,  in  that  most  beautiful  composi- 
tion. The  TaUsman ;  wherein  Sir  Walter  Scott,  how- 
ever he  may  have  altered  some  historical  facts  to 
suit  the  purposes  of  fiction,  has  given  a  more  striking 
picture  of  the  human  mmd  in  that  age — of  the  cha- 
racter of  nations  as  well  as  individuals — than  any 
dull  chronicle  of  cold  events  can  furnish. 

Richard  Coeur  de  Lion,  soon  after  his  arrival  before 
Acre,  was  seized  with  the  fever  of  the  country,  and  in 
the  attack  made  upon  the  town  by  Philip  Augustus 
the  English  monarch  was  not  present.'  Philip  mur- 
mured highly,  and  his  assault  was  repulsed  from  the 
want  of  sufficient  forces  to  follow  up  his  first  advan- 
tage. Richard  in  his  turn  attempted  to  storm  the 
city  without  the  aid  of  France,  and  notwithstanding 
eflforts  of  almost  incredible  valour,  was  likewise  re- 
pelled. Mutual  necessity  brought  some  degree  of 
concord ;  and  it  was  agreed  that  while  one  army  as- 
sailed the  walls  the  other  should  guard  the  camp,  but 
still  the  endeavours  of  both  were  ineffectual  to  take 
the  town  by  storm ;  and  continual  disputes  were  every 
day  springing  up  between  the  two  monarchs  and  the 
two  hosts.  Philip  strove  to  seduce  the  vassals  of 
Ri('hard  to  follow  his  banner,  as  the  sovereign  of 
their  sovereign,  and  paid  three  pieces  of  gold  per 
month  to  each  of  the  Noraian  knights  who  would 
join  his  standard  i^  Richard  gave  four  pieces  of  gold 

>  Vinesauf ;  Hovedoa  2  Chron.  St.  Denia 


254  HISTORY       F    CHIVALky. 

to  all  who  came  over  from  Philip,  and  mam-  a  French 
feudatory  joined  himself  to  the  l^higlish  king.  The 
siege  of  Acre  still  advanced,  notwithstanding,  less 
indeed  by  the  presence  or  efforts  of  the  two  sove- 
reigns, than  by  the  simple  fact  of  the  city  being  cut 
off  from  all  supplies.  It  had  now  held  out  for  many 
months;  and  for  long  had  endured  but  little  priva- 
tion from  its  communication  with  the  sea;  but  as 
one  article  of  the  first  necessity  after  another  be- 
came exhausted,  that  means  of  receiving  provisions 
was  not  sufficiently  productive  or  regular  for  the  sup- 
ply of  a  great  city.  Even  when  ships  arrived  the 
town  was  in  a  state  of  scarcity,  and  a  day's  delay 
brought  on  a  famine.  Acre  could  resist  no  longer,« 
and  after  a  short  truce,  which  was  asked  in  the  hope 
of  assistance  from  Egypt,  it  surrendered  to  the  mo- 
uarchs  of  France  and  England,  on  very  rigorous 
terms.  All  the  Christian  prisoners  v/ithiu  the  tov/n 
tvere  to  be  freed,  together  with  one  thousand  men 
and  two  hundred  knights,  chosen  from  those  that 
Saladin  detained  in  captivity ;  two  hundred  thousand 
'Sieces  of  gold  were  to  be  paid,  and  the  true  Cross  was 
K)  be  restored  to  the  Christians.  Such  was  the  only 
capitulation  granted  to  the  people  of  Acre,  who  wore 
rdso  to  remain  in  the  bauds  of  the  crusaders  till  the 
stipulations  had  been  fulfilled  by  Saladin ;  and  in  case 
the  conditions  were  ilot  accomplished  within  forty 
days,  the  prisoners  were  left  to  the  disposal  of  theii 
conquerors. 

vSaladin  neglected  to  fulfil  any  of  the  terms  whicl* 
depended  on  him;  the  ransom  was  not  paid;  the 
wood  of  the  Cross  was  not  restored ;  and  Richard^ 
cruelly  commanded  his  prisoners  to  be  put  to  death.^ 

1  James  of  Vitry;  Hovedon ;  Viiiesauf;  Ben.  of  Pet.;  Bernard  the 
Treasurer. 

2  Rifford;  William  of  Nancris ;  James  of  Vitry;  Bernardus;  Vire 
sauf ;  Hovedon.  All  these  authors  give  different  accounts  of  the  nuio* 
6ers  sacrificed. 

3  Bernard  the  Treasurer  affirms  that  Philip  caused  the  prisoners  to  b« 
executed  ;  but  most  of  the  other  historians  agree,  that  this  piece  of  cruelty 
v/aa  committed  by  Richard  alone. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  26tt 

After  the  capture  of  the  city,  the  Archduke  of  Aus- 
tria boldly  placed  his  banner  on  one  of  the  towers 
but  no  sooner  was  it  seen  by  Richard,  than  with  h. 
own  hand  he  tore  it  down,  and  rendinof  it  to  pieces, 
trampled  it  under  his  feet.     The  insult  was  iieithe 
forg-otteu  nor  unrevencred,  though  from  that  momen 
ihe  banners  of  the  kings^  only  continued  to  float 
from  the  walls  of  Acre.     Thus  new  dissensions  were 
added  to  those  \vhich  had  already  arisen,  and  the  two 
monarchs,  by  taking  possession  of  the  whole  spoil  and 
divifling  it  between  them,  gave  high  disgust  to  the 
rest  of  the  crusa^ders.     Another  more  tangible  cause 
of  animosity  soon  sprang  up.     Sybilla,  the  wife  of 
Guy  of  Lusignan,  through  whom  alone  he  possesseii 
the  title  of  King  of  Jerusalem,  died  during  the  sieg^ 
of  Acre,  but  he  still  pretended  a  right  to  the  throna 
Conrad  of  ?\iontferrat,  lord  of  Tyre,  had  seized  upon 
Isabella,  sister  of  Sybilla,  and  wife  of  the  weak  and 
cowardly  Humphrey  de   Thoron;   and  having  ob. 
tained,  by  one  means  or  another,  a  divorce  between 
ner   and  her  husband,  had  married  her;   on  whici: 
marriage,  he  also  claimed  the  empty  vanity  of  the 
crown.     Ricliard,  with  the  Pisans  and  the  Hospital- 
lers, maintained  the  cause  of  Lusignan  ;  Philip  Augus- 
tus, with  the  Genoese  and  the  Templars,  supported 
Conrad ;  and  the  schism  was  only  healed  by  Lusig- 
nan acknowledging  Conrad  to  be  heir  to  the  nomi- 
nal kingdom,   while  Conrad  allowed  Lusignan  to 
retain  the  title  for  his  life. 

Soon  after  tliis,  the  crusade  received^  its  death- 
dIow ,  by  the  defection  of  Philip  Augustus.  No  doubt 
can  exist  that  that  monarch  had  really  lost  his  health 

1  Rigord. 

2  Bernard  the  Treasurer  says,  that  the  English  king  lodged  in  the 
House  of  the  Templars,  and  that  Philip  Augustus  occupied  the  citadel; 
"  Le  Roi  de  France  ot  le  chastel  d'Acre,  et  le  fist  ganiir  et  le  Roi  d'Anglo- 
terre  se  herberja  en  la  maiso  i  du  Temple."  INIost  autliorities,  however, 
are  opposed  to  this  statement,  declaring  that  Richard  lodged  in  the  pa- 
lace, and  Pliilip  with  the  Templars. 

3  Bernard  the  Treasurer ;  Rigord :  William  the  Breton :  Branche  dea 
royaux  Lignages. 


256  HISTORY  OF  CHIVALRY. 

since  his  sojourn  in  the  Holy  Land ;  but  as  little  doubv 
Is  there  that  his  chief  motive  in  returning  to  Europe 
was  his  disgust'  at  the  overbearing  conduct  of  Rich- 
ard, and  his  jealousy  at  the  great  superiority  of  his 
rival  in  all  military  exercises.  Philip  Augustus  was 
an  expert  and  able  general,  a  brave  and  distinguished 
knight;  but  Richard  was  the  wonder  of  his  day,  and 
what  Philip  might  have  admired  in  an  inferior,  he 
could  not  bear  in  a  fellow-king.  He  therefore  pro- 
claimed aloud  his  illness,  and  his  intention  to  leturn 
to  Europe,  most  unwisely — as  James  of  Vitry  ob- 
serves— for  the  interest  of  the  crusade  ;  for  Saladin^ 
had  been  so  much  depressed  by  the  fall  of  Acre,  that 
beyond  all  question  immense  concessions  might  have 
been  obtained,  had  the  monarchs  but  made  a  demon- 
stration of  acting  in  concert.  As  bound  to  him  by 
treaties,  Richard's  permission  was  demanded  by  the 
King  of  France.  At  first  Richard  exclaimed,  with  a 
burst  oj" honest  indignation,  "Eternal  shame  on  him 
and  on  all  France,  if  for  any  cause  he  leave  the  work 
unfinished!"^  but  he  added  afterward,  "  Well, let  him 
go,  if  his  health  require  it,  or  if  he  cannot  live  with- 
out seeing  Paris."  With  this  surly  leave,  Pliilip 
hastened  his  departure,  after  having  made  over  to 
Conrad  of  Tyre  his  share  in  the  city  of  Acre,  and 
having  sworn,  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  to  respect 
Richard's  possessions  in  Europe — an  oath  which  he 
soon  found  occasion  to  break. 

The  Duke  of  Burgundy,'*  with  ten  thousand  men, 
was  left  behind  to  support  Richard ;  and  that  monarch, 
after  repairing  the  fortifications  of  Acre,  having  seen 
the  churches  purified,  and  the  Christian  religion  re- 
stored, marched  out  with  considerable  force,  and  took 
the  road  by  the  seaside  towards  Ascalon.  Vessels 
laden  with  provisions  followed  along  the  shore ;  but, 

1  Rigord  ;  Robert  of  Cloucester. 

2  James  of  Vitry ;  Boha  Eddin  ;  Ernad  Eddiii ;  ReL-ueil  de  Reinaud. 

3  Benedict  of  Peterborough. 

4  Bernard  the  Treasurer;  James  of  Vitry,  &;e. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  257 

on  the  other  hand,  the  Moslems,  who  had  now 
recovered  confidence  at  the  dissensions  which  they 
knew  reigned  among  the  Christians,  pursned  tlie 
army  as  it  marched,  and  harassed  it  by  continual 
attacks. 

Richard'  refrained  from  any  thing  like  a  general 
engagement,  as  long  as  such  conduct  was  possible ; 
but  near  Azotus  he  found  himself  compelled  to 
fight,  and  he  accordingly  drew  out  his  men  in  battle 
array.  Eudes,  Duke  of  Burgundy,  commanded  he 
left,  and  the  famous  Jacques  d'Avesnes  the  right,  of 
the  crusaders,  while  Richard  himself  appeared  in  the 
centre. 

Saladin^  led  the  attack  against  the  Christian  army, 
and  the  right  gave  way.  At  the  same  time  the  left 
repulsed  the  Moslems,  and  with  the  usual  impetuous 
courage  of  the  French,  who  composed  it,  followed  up 
their  success  till  they  were  cut  off  from  the  main 
body.  Richard  advanced  to  the  aid  of  the  Duke  of 
Burgundy,  but  only  so  far  as  to  save  him  from  being 
destroyed.  With  wonderful  coolness  he  waited  till 
the  Saracens  had  exhausted  their  arrows,  and  wearied 
their  horses  with  rapid  evolutions,  so  that  the  knights 
murmured  at  the  unwonted  inactivity  of  their  mo- 
narch. A  t  length,  seeing  that  Saladin  had  weakened  his 
left  wing  to  attack  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  that  the  hail 
of  missiles  was  passed,  and  that  there  existed  some 
confusion  in  the  enemy's^  lines,  the  king  commanded 
his  knights  to  charge,  and  leading  them  on  himself, 
he  with  his  own  hand  overthrew  all  that  opposed  him. 
The  infidels  whom  he  slew,  and  the  feats  that  lie 
performed,  are  almost  incredible ;  but  certain  it  is, 
that  his  voice,  his  eye,  his  look,  brought  inspiration 
to  the  Christians  and  dismay  to  the  hearts  of  the 
Moslems.  The  Saracen  host  fled  amain,  and  Richard 
remained  master  of  the  field,  having  to  mourn  few  of 

1  Hovedon  ;  James  of  Vitry ;  Vinesauf 

2  Vinesauf ;  Boha  Eddin. 
s  Hovedon ;  Vinesauf. 


238  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY- 

his  distinguished  soldiers  besides  Jacques  d'Avesiie:?- 
who  was  slain  towards  the  end  of  the  battle.' 

The  road  both  to  Ascalon  and  Jerusalem  was  no\ 
open  to  the  host  of  the  Cross;'  but  either  from  trea 
chery,  as  some  have  supposed,  or  from  envy,  a 
others  have  imagined,  Richard  was  continually  op 
posed  in  the  council  of  war :  the  operations  of  th( 
crusaders  became  vacillating,  uncertain,  and  ill- 
judged,  and  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem  was  virtually 
cast  away.  The  army,  instead  of  following  its  ad- 
*vantag-es,  proceeded  to  jaffa,^  wasted  time  in  fortify - 
mg  that  city,  and  suffered  tlie  Saracens  to  recover 
from  their  panic.  Various  attacks  were  soon  made 
upon  the  Christians ;  a  party  of  Templars  was  sur- 
rounded by  the  foe,  and  would  have  been  cut  to 
pieces,  with  the  Earl  of  Leicester  and  some  English 
who  had  come  to  their  aid,  had  not  Richard,  with  his 
lion-heart,  rushed,  almost  unarmed,  into  the  fight ; 
and,  scattering  the  enemy  like  a  whirlwind,  delivered 
his  friends  from  their  peril.  On  another  occasion,  he 
had  himself  nearly  been  taken  prisoner  while  falcon- 
ing, and  would  certginly  have  fallen  into  the  hands 
of  the  Saracens,  had  not  one  of  his  followers,  named 
William  de  Pratelles,'*  exclaimed,  "  I  am  the  king !" 
and  thus  drawn  the  attention  of  the  enemy  to  him- 
self. After  this,  various  treaties^  were  entered  into, 
which  ended  in  nothing,  and  probably  were  devised 
by  the  Saracens  merely  for  the  purpose  of  gaining 
time  to  recruit  their  forces.  It  was  even  proposed 
that  Joan  of  Sicily,  the  E]nglish  monarch's  sister, 
should  be  given  in  marriage  to  Saphaddin,  or  Saif 
Kddin  ;  and  that  Jerusalem  should  be  yielded  to  the 
parties  in  this  strange  alliance.  All  these  negotia 
tions,  however,  terminated  as  they  began,  and  hos- 
tilities were  often  commenced  and  suspended,  equally 

'  James  of  Vitry  ;  Trivet  Annates.  2  Bernard  the  Treasurer 

3  James  of  Vitry. 

4  This  gentleman  was  taken  prisoner,  but  was  of  course  ranson.c/ 
Immediately  by  Richard. 

6  Hovedon;  Boha  Eddia 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  259 

without  cause.  Richard  advanced  to  Ramula,  and 
nothing  opposed  his  proceeding-  to  Jerusalem ;  but  at 
a  cduncil  of  war  it  was  determined  that  the  army 
sliould  retire  upon  Ascalon.'  This  was  done,  and 
Ascalon  was  once  more  fortified;  but  here  the  troops 
were  cut  off  from  supplies,  new  divisions  arose,  and 
many  desertions  took  place.  The  Duke  of  Burgundy 
retreated  to  Acre ;  the  Genoese  and  Pisans  broke 
out  into  open  warfare,  and  one  party,  supported  by 
Conrad  of  Montferrat,  would  have  destroyed  the 
other,  had  not  Richard  marched  to  the  spot,  forced 
Conrad  to  withdraw,  and  re-established  peace  be- 
tween the  contending  nations.  Conrad,  frustrated 
in  the  views  he  had  entertained,  rejected  all  con- 
ciliation from  Richard,  and  allied  himself  with 
Saladin.  That  monarch  immediately  hastened  once 
more  to  attack  the  divided  army  of  the  Cross  ;^  but 
Conrad  was  stabbed  b^/  two  of  a  class  of  men  called 
the  Assassins,^  at  the  moment  that  Richard,  to  obtain 

1  Vinesaiif;  James  of  Vifry. 

2  Hovedon  ;  William  of  Nangis,  aim.  1192;  Vinesauf. 

8  For  many  years  a  horde  of- plunderers  had  been  esfablished  in  the 
mountains  of  Phoenicia,  in  the  neijihboiirhood  of  Tortosa  and  Tripoli, 
who,  in  the  end,  obtained  the  name  of  Assassins,  from  the  small  dagger 
which  was  their  only  weapon,  and  which  was  called  hassassin.  Tii'eir 
religion  was  a  corrupted  species  of  Islamism,  and  their  governrfient  a 
fanatical  despotism.  Their  chief  was  called  somelimes  the  Ancient, 
sometimes  the  Lord  of  the  Mountains,  and  among  the  Christians  he  ob- 
tained the  name  of  the  Old  Man  of  the  Mountains.  By  working  on  tie 
exciteahle  imaginations  of  an  illiterate  and  fanatical  race,  the  lords  of  thia 
extraordinary  tribe  had  obtained  over  them  an  influence  unknown  to  any 
otlier  power  which  was  ever  brought  to  sway  the  mind  of  man.  Th« 
will  of  the  Old  Man  of  the  Mountains  was  absolute  law  to  each  of  his 
subjects.  Whatever  were  his  commands,  whether  l()  slay  themselves 
or  another,  they  asked  no  questions — paused  not  to  consider  of  justice  or 
injustice — but  obeyed  ;  and  when  sent  to  execute  the  will  of  their  lord 
upon  anyone,  they  followed  their  object  with  a  keen  sagacity  and  unal- 
terable perseverance,  that  placed  the  life  of  each  individual  in  the  hands  of 
I  heir  remorseless  monarch.  Nothing  could  turn  them  aside  from  the  pur- 
suit ;  no  difficulties  were  too  great  for  them  to  surmount ;  and  when  ihey 
had  struck  the  victim,  if  they  escaped,  it  was  well ;  but  if  they  were  taken, 
they  m?t  torture  and  death  with  stoical  firmness,feelingcertainofthejova 
of  Paradise  as  a  compeu-saiion  for  their  sufferings.  The  number  of  this  tribe 
was  about  sixty  thousand,  all  conscientious  murderers,  whom  no  danger 
would  daunt,  and  no  human  cons^ideration  could  deter.  Such  were,  the 
men  who  slew  Conrad  r  f  \iontferrat;  and  yet  the  French  with  the  wild 


260  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

concord,  had  consented  to  his  coronation  as  king  of 
Jerusalem,  in  opposition  to  the  claim  of  Guj'-  of  Lu- 
signan.  The  French  attributed  the  death  of  Conrad 
to  Richard,  and  all  parties  flew  to  arms  ;  but  in  the 
midst  of  this  confusion,  Henry  Count  of  Champagne 
came  forward,  married  the  widow  of  Conrad,  was 
proclaimed  king  of  Jerusalem'  with  the  consent  of 
all,  and  the  united  host  once  more  prepared  to  march 
and  conquer  the  kingdom  for  which  they  had  just 
been  providing  a  king. 

During  this  time,  Richard  Coeur  de  Lion,  while 
waging  the  war  for  Jerusalem,  was  neglecting  all  his 
best  interests  in  Europe.  John,  his  brother,  was 
striving  for  the  crown  of  England,  and  Philip  Augustus 
was  stripping  him  of  his  territories  in  France.  Mes- 
senger after  messenger  brought  naught  but  tidings  of 
danger,  and  pressing  solicitations  for  his  return. 

Still  Richard  advanced  towards  Jerusalem,^  but  his 
force  was  too  small  to  attempt  a  long-protracted 
siege.  He  found  himself  far  from  resources,  and  in 
a  country  where  supplies  could  be  obtained  but  with 
the  greatest  difficulty.^  The  marches  before  him 
were  barren  and  hot;  little  water  was  to  be  procured 
and  at  Bethlehem  a  council  of  twenty  peisons  wa3 
appointed  to  inquire  into  the  possibility  of  proceed- 

inconsistency  of  their  national  hatred,  attributed  the  deed  to  Richard,  whfl 
never  found  aught  on  earth  that  could  induce  him  to  cover  his  wrattj 
when  it  was  excited,  or  to  stay  him  from  the  open  pursuit  of  revenge, 
which  was  always  as  bold  and  unconcealed  as  it  was  fierce  and  evanes- 
cent. From  this  tribe  we  have  derived  the  word  assn.isin.—See  Jamea 
ofVitry;  Mattliew  of  P;,-ris ;  William  of  Tyre  ;  Ducange  ou  .loinvilj-e, 

1  Bernard  the  Treasurer ;  James  of  Vitry  ;  William  of  Nangis. 

2  Bernard;  Vinesauf;  Matthew  Paris. 

S  Little  doubt  can  exist  that  one  great  cause  of  the  abandonment  of 
the  crusade  were  the  dirferences  between  Richard  and  the  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy. The  Frenchman  was  jealous  of  the  fame  which  the  English 
Icing  would  have  acquired  by  taking  Jerusalem,  and  consequently  took 
care  thnt  he  should  not  effect  that  object.  Such  is  the  account  given  by 
Bernard  the  Treasuiar—a  Frenchman,  who  always  showed  a  inanifesJ 
tendency  to  exculpate  liis  countrymen,  whenever  there  existed  a  fair 
excu*:!.  See  the  Chronicle  in  old  F'rench,  published  m  the  collection  of 
Martcnne  and  Durand.  It  was  generally  attributed  to  Hugh  Plagon,  but 
bos  since  been  proved  to  h<)  t*u*t»'g.my^  i-  UkJuard  the  Treasurer 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  261 

ing.  Certain  information  was  received  that  the  Turks 
had  destroyed  all  the  wells  and  cisterns  round  the 
Holy  City,  and  it  was  determined  to  abandon  the 
enterprise.  Richard  felt  the  disappointment  with  all 
the  bitterness  of  broken  hope  and  crusiied  ambition. 
He  was  led  to  a  hill  from  whence  he  could  behold 
Jerusalem;  but  the  sig-ht  and  its  memories  were  too 
much,  and,  covering  his  eyes  with  his  shield,'  the 
warrior  monarch  turned  away  with  a  swelling  heart 
to  concert  measures  for  gaining  something,  at  all 
events,  to  compensate  the  loss  of  .lerusnlem.  But 
discord  was  in  the  bosom  of  the  crusade ;  t  he  soldiers 
murmured,^  the  chiefs  rebelled,  and  the  only  thing  that 
could  save  the  army  was  immediate  retreat.  Such, 
then,  after  many  plans  had  been  proposed  and  re- 
jected, was  the  ultimate  step.  The  great  body  of  the 
forces,  with  liichard  and  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  fell 
back  upon  Acre  ;  but  a  smaller  part  threw  itself  into 
Jaffa ;  and  Saladin,  recovermg  his  energies  as  the 
crusaders  lost  theirs,  collected  his  power  and  pre- 
pared to  reap  the  fruits  of  their  disunion.  The  hope 
of  saving  the  Holy  Land  was  now  gone,  and  Richard 
determined  to  abandon  an  endeavoui-  which  jea. 
iousies  and  treacheries  had  rendered  infeasible  ;  and, 
returning  to  Europe,  to  give  his  thoughts  to  the  con- 
solidation and  security  of  his  o\vn  dominions.  Be- 
fore he  set  out,  however,  the  news  reached  him 
that  Saladin  had  attacked  Jaffa  with  immense  forces ; 
and  that  the  only  hope  of  the  garrison  was  in  aid 
from  him.^  Sending  the  bulk  of  the  army  by  land, 
he  took  advantage  of  a  favourable  wind,  and  set  sail 
w^ith  a  very  small  retinue  for  the  besieged  city. 
When  he  arrived  at  Jaffa,  he  perceived  that  the  gatea 
were  already  in  the  hands  of  the  Saracens,  and  that  the 
Christians  were  fighting  to  the  last,  to  sell  their  lives 
dearly.  "  When  King  Richard  found  that  the  place 
was  taken,"  to  use  the  words  of  Bernard  the  Trea- 

1  Vinesauf.  2  Hovedon  ;  Vinesauf. 

8  The  Frencb  reftiscd  to  march  to  tbo  assistance  of  Jafi^ 


862  HISTORY  OF  chivalry. 

surer,  "he  sprano-on  shore,  with  his  shield  round  his 
neck,  and  his  Danish  axe  in  his  hand,  retook  the 
castle,  slew  the  Saracens  that  were  within  tlie  walls, 
and  drove  those  that  were  without  back  to  their  camp, 
where  he  halted  on  a  little  mound — he  and  his  men. 
Saladin  asked  his  troops  why  they  fled ;  to  which 
they  replied,  that  the  King-  of  England  had  come  to 
Jaffa,  had  slain  much  people,  and  retaken  the  town. 
Then  Saladin  asked,  '  Where  is  he  V  And  they  re- 
plied, '  There,  sire,  upon  that  hillock  with  his  men.' 
'  What !'  cried  Saladhi,  '  the  king  on  foot  among  his 
servants !  This  is  not  as  it  should  be.'  And  Saladin 
sent  Inm  a  horse,'  chargidg-  the  messenger  to  say,  thai 
such  a  man  ought  not  to  remain  on  foot  in  so  great 
danger." 

The  attempts  of  the  vSaracens  were  vain  to  re. 
cover  the  position  they  had  lost,  and  their  terror  at 
the  tremendous  name  of  Richard  made  that  name 
host.  This  victory  again  placed  the  King  of  Eng- 
land in  a  commanding  situation,  and  he  took  advan. 
tage  of  it  to  demand  peace.  Saladin  gladly  met  hi3 
advances.  A  treaty  was  entered  into,  and  a  truce 
Was  concluded  for  three  years  and  eight  months, 
during  which  period  the  Christians  were  to  enjoy  the 
liberty  of  visiting  Jerusalem,  as  pilgrims,  exemp' 
from  all  grievance'.  Tyre  and  Jaffa,  with  the  whole 
district  between  them,  \vere  yielded  to  the  Latins, 
who,  on  their  part,  agreed  to  demolish  the  fortifica. 
lions  of  Ascalon.  The  troops  of  the  Cross  were 
permitted  to  resort  as  palmers  to  Jerusalem,  where 
the  sultaun  received  and  treated  them  with  court- 
sous  liospitality.  Richard  would  not  visit  the  city  he 
could  not  capture ;  but  the  Bishop  of  Salisbury  was 
entertained  in  the  sultaun's  own  palace,  and  obtained 
from  the  generous  Saracen  leave  to  establish  three 
societies  of  Latin  priests,  in  Jerusalem,  in  Bethle- 
nem,  and  in  Nazareth.     Various  other  splendid  acts 

I  Bernard  the  Treasurer. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  263 

of  kingly  mag-nanimity  closed  Saladin's  communica- 
tion with  the  crusaders. 

On  the  25th  of  October,  A.  D.  1192,  Richard  set  sail 
for  Europe.  The  fruits  of  liis  crusade  were  but 
small,  as  far  as  the  recovery  of  the  Holy  Land  was 
concerned  ;  but  in  his  own  person  he  acquired  a  de- 
gree of  military  gloiy  that  enmity  could  not  wrest 
from  him,  and  ages  have  not  been  able  to  dijn. 

He  had  many  faults  and  many  failings ;  and  his 
own  pride  contributed  as  much  as  the  jealousy  of 
his  enemies  to  create  disunion  among  the  allies,"  and 
frustrate  the  object  of  the  expedition.  But  he  had 
also  to  contend  with  many  wrongs  and  difficulties, 
and  possessed  many  bright  and  noble  qualities.  He 
carried  the  heart  of  a  lion  to  his  grave;'  and  for  cen- 
turies after  the  women  of  Palestine  scared  theii 
children  with  his  name.^ 

'  Bernard  the  Treasurer. 

2  The  Queen  Berengaria  and  Joan  of  Sicily  left  Acre  on  tiie  29lli  of 
September,  previous  to  the  departureof  Richard,  who  set  out  on  the 25th 
of  October,  1192.  Afler  encountering  a  violent  storm,  which  scattered 
J:is  fleet  and  wrecked  the  greater  number  of  his  vessels,  Richard,  w  ih 
J:is  single  ship,  touched  at  Zara,  where  he  landed,  accompanied  only  hy 
two  priests  and  a  few  knights  of  the  Temple,  whose  garb  he  had  as- 
KUiTied.  From  Zara,  Richard  endeavoured  to  make  his  way  through 
Germany  in  disguise,  but  in  vain.  The  news  of  his  journey  had  already 
spread;  the  unforgiving  Archduke  of  Austria,  whose  banner  he  had 
trampled  on  at  Acre,  caused  every  road  to  be  narrowly  watclied.  Oufi 
after  another  of  his  companions  were  sent  away  by  (he  king,  lili  at 
length,  with  a  single  squire,  he  arrived  at  a  small  town  near  Vienna ; 
W'here.  taking  up  his  abode  at  a  petty  lodging,  Richard  despatched  his 
follower  for  provisions.  The  sauire  was  recognised  by  some  of  the  spies 
of  the  archduke,  and  Richard  was  taken  and  cast  into  prison.  The 
royal  captive  was  speedily  given  into  the  hands  of  the  eijiperor  of  Aus- 
tria, who  concerted  with  Philip  Augustus  the  means  of  detaining  him  in 
secrecy.  His  confinement,  nevertheless,  was  soon  known  in  England, 
and  means  were  used  to  discover  his  jireci.se  si' nation.  General  tradition 
gives  the  merit  of  having  ascertained  his  lord's  prison  «o  his  favourite 
troubadour  Blcndel,  or  Blondiau;  and  we  may  be  surely  allowed  to  re- 
gret that  no  grave  historian  has  confirmed  the  tale.  However  that  may 
be,  the  place  of  the  king's  confinement  was  discovered,  and  England  bts 
pan  to  cry  loudly  foi^justice  from  all  Christendom.  Knightly  honour  ;<  *•] 
religious  feeling  were  invoked,  and  the  infamy  of  detaining  a  traveller, 
a  pilgrim,  and  a  crusader  was  proclainned  with  the  loud  and  powtr.'ul 
voice  of  a  people's  indignation.  Henry  at  length  felt  himself  oblij^rd  lo 
yield  some  appearance  of  justice  fur  detaming  an  imiependent  nioriri-'  h"; 
Bnd  Hichard    wa.s  brought  belbre  the  diet  at  WorniS,  where  li«  w^i.s 


254  HISTORY  or  chivalry. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

Death  of  Saladin — Disunion  among  his  Successors — Celestine  FIT. 
preaches  a  new  Crusade — Henry  of  Germany  takes  the  Cross — Aban- 
dins  his  Purpose — Crusaders  proceed  icilhont  him — Saif  Edd:n  takes 
the  Field,  and  captures  Jnffa — The  Crusaders  are  reinforced—  Defeat 
Saif  Eddin — Lay  Sies'e  to  Thoroa — Seized  with  Panic,  and  retreat— 
Disperse — Death  of  Henry  of  Champagne,  King  of  Jerusalem — Hi^ 
Widow  marries  Almeric,  King  of  Cyprus — Truce — Death  of  Almerit 
and  Isabella— Mary,  Heiress  of  Jerusalem,  ivedded  to  John  of  Brienne 
—Affairs  of  Europe — Innocent  III.  and  Foulque of  Xeuilly  promote  a 
Crusade— The  Barons  of  France  take  the  Cross— Proceed  to  Venice — 
Their  Difficulties — Turyi  to  the  Siege  of  Zara—A  ChaiLge  of  Purpose- 
Proceed  to  Constantinople — Siege  and  Taking  of  that  City— Subse- 
quent Proceedings — A  Revolution  in  Constantinople- Alexius  de- 
posed by  Murzuphlis — Second  Stege  and  Capture  of  the  Greek  Capital 
— Flight  of  Murzuphlis — Plunder  and  Outrage— Baldwin,  Count  of 
Flanders,  elected  Emperor. 

For  some  time  the  Christians  of  the  Holy  Land 
enjoyed  an  interval  of  repose.  Saladin  was  a  reli- 
gious observer  of  his  word;  and  during  the  short 
space  that  intervened  between  the  departure  of 
Richard  Coenr  de  Lion  and  the  death  of  his  great 
adversaiy,  the  Latins  received  the  full  benefit  of  the 
treaty  which  had  been  executed  between  those  mo- 
narchs. 

A  year  had  scarcely  elapsed  ere  Saladin  was  seized 
with  a  mortal  sickness;  and,  finding  his  end  ap- 
proaching, he  commanded  the  black  standard,  which 
had  so  often  led  the  way  to  victory,  to  be  taken 

charged  with  imaginary  crimes,  the  chief  of  which  was  the  assassina- 
tion of  Conrad,  Marquis  of  Moatferrat.  Had  the  least  shadow  of  reason 
been  left  on  the  side  of  the  emperor,  Richard's  fate  would  have  been 
sealed ;  but  the  English  monarch  defended  himself  with  so  much  elo- 
quence and  justice,  that  no  doubt  remained  on  ilie  minds  of  tiiose  who 
heard  him.  and  his  ransom  was  agreed  upon  at  one  hundred  thousand 
marks  of  silver.  This  money  was  obtained  with  difficulty,  and  John 
and  Philip  strove  to  raise  greater  sums  to  tempt  the  cupidity  of  the 
emncror  to  retain  the  lion-hearted  monarch.  The  avaricious  Henry 
hesV:ited  on  their  proposals,  a-.id  thus  was  the  liberty  of  the  noble  king 
of  England  set  up  to  auction,  till  the  Germanic  body  indignantly  inter- 
fis»e<S,  tire  raii<!om  waa  paid,  and  Riojjard  returned  to  Engtaad. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  205 

down,  and  replaced  by  the  shroud  which  was  to  wrap 
his  body  in  the  grave.  This  was  then  borne  through 
the  streets,  while  ihe  criers  called  all  men  to  behold 
what  Saladin,  the  mighty  conqueror,  carried  away 
witli  him  of  all  his  vast  dominion.'  Saladin  died,  a 
monarch  in  whose  character,  though  the  good  was  not 
unmixed  with  evil,  the  great  qualities  so  far  pre- 
ponderated, that  they  overbalanced  the  effects  of  a 
barbarous  epoch  and  a  barbarous  religion,  and  left  in 
him  a  splendid  exception  to  most  of  the  vices  of  his 
age,  his  country,  and  his  creed. 

At  that  period  the  principle  of  hereditary  succes- 
sion was  not  very  clearly  ascertained  either  in  Eu- 
rope or  in  Asia;  and  the  vast  monarchy  which  Sala- 
din had  been  enabled  to  consolidate  was  broken  in 
pieces  at  his  death.  Saif  Eddin,  his  brother,  took 
possession  of  the  greater  part  of  Syria,  and  strength- 
ened himself  by  the  soldiers  of  his  dead  relative,  who 
both  loved  and  esteemed  him.  Three  of  the  great 
monarch's  sons  seized  upon  such  portions  of  their 
father's  dominions  as  they  could  reach ;  and  civil 
dissensions  followed,  highly  detrimental  to  the  power 
of  the  IVIoslem,  and  favourable  to  tlie  security  of  the 
Christians.  This,  indeed,  was  the  moment  when  a 
crusade  was  most  practicable,  and  Pope  Celestine 
III.  exhorted  all  Christendom  to  snatch  the  opportu- 
nity. In  most  instances  his  call  fell  upon  cold  and 
unwilling  ears.  Philip  Augustus  was  too  deeply  en- 
gaged in  those  vast  and  magnificent  schemes  which, 
.iOwever  impeded  by  the  prejudices  of  the  day,  ren- 
dered his  reign  a  great  e])Och  in  the  history  of  na- 
tions.^ Richard  Coeur  de  Lion  had  learned  the  dan- 
ger of  quitting  his  own  kingdom,  and  the  vanity  of 
hoping  for  union  among  ambitious  men.  Henry  of 
Germany  alone,  moved  by  wild  schemes  for  aggran- 
dizing his  territories,  assented  at  once  to  the  crusade ; 
but  finding  that  Sicily  seemed  ready  to  receive  him, 

I  Williatn  of  Nangis.  i  Rigord  ;  V\^illjam  «Jie  Breton. 

X 


266  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRV. 

he  deemed  the  nearer  conquest  the  more  advisable ; 
and  on  the  same  principle  he  had  taken  tlie  Cross,  he 
abandoned  it  ag-ain.  Not  so  his  subjects ;  an  immense 
number  of  the  vassals  followed  eagerly  the  road 
which  he  had  quitted;'  and  several  Teutonic  bishops, 
with  the  Dukes  of  Saxony,  Brabant,  and  Bavaria, 
set  out  from  Germany,  and  reached  Acre  in  safety. 

The  Christians  of  Palestine  were  at  that  moment 
in  the  enjoymentofpeace,^  and  they  beheld  the  com- 
ing- of  new  crusaders  with  horror  and  despair.  Had 
the  troops  that  arrived  been  sufficient,  indeed,  to  give 
any  thing  like  certainty  to  their  enterprise,  all  the 
Latins  of  the  Holy  Land  would  willingly  have  con- 
curred ;v  but  the  prospect  of  new  and  desolating  wars, 
waged  by  scanty  forces,  was,  notwithstanding  the 
dissensions  of  their  enemies,  a  hopeless  and  painful 
anticipation.  Nevertheless,  the  Germans  began  their 
operations  at  once  f  and  Saif  Eddin,  with  his  whole 
attention  suddenly  directed  to  the  Christians,  showed, 
by  the  energetic  activity  of  his  movements,  that  the 
spirit  of  Saladia  survived  in  his  brother.  Jaffa  was 
taken  by  assault,^  with  a  great  slaughter  of  tlie 
Christians,  and  all  promised  a  speedy  destruction  to 
the  small  remains  of  the  Latin  kingdom.  Fresh  suc- 
cours, however,  -were  received  from  Europe;  the 
hopes  of  the  Christians  revived ;  and,  under  the  com- 
mand of  the  Duke  of  Saxon}^  they  marched  on.  to- 
wards Beritus.  Saif  Eddin  hastened  to  meet  them, 
and  attacked  the  Latin  forces  near  Sidon ;  but  his 
army  was  completely  routed  by  the  firm  and  steady 
gallantry  of  the  Germans  ;  and  the  way  to  Jerusalem 
was  once  more  open  to  the  followers  of  the  Cross. 
But  the  crusaders  embarrassed  themselves  with  the 
siege  of  the  castle  of  Thoron.  The  Saracens  had 
time  to  recover  from  their  panic  ;  civil  dissensions 
were  forgotten ;  and  while  the  garrison  of  Thoron 
held  out  with  persevering  valour,  the  sultaun  of 

1  Will,  of  Nnngis,  amt.  1 193.     2  Jntnp.s  of  Vitry. 

8  Bei n.ni d  the  Ti ei'.s'irer.  i  Bern:i.-d  ;  Will,  of  Naii5,'is,  ann.  1 197 


JirHT«)RV    OF    CHIVALRY.  267 

Egypt  advanced  to  join  his  imcle,  and  repel  the  Chris-. 
tian  invasion.  Vague  rumours  of  immense  prepara- 
tion on  the  part  of  the  infidels  reached  the  besieg- 
ing army.  The  crusaders  were,  as  usual,  disunited 
am.ong  themselves ;  the  Saracens  within  the  castle 
were  fighting  with  the  com  age  of  despair;  and,  at 
last,  a  sudden  panic  seized  the  leaders  c"'  ihe  German 
army.'  They  abandoned  the  camp  Lt  the  night, 
and,  flying  to  Tyre,  left  their  soldiers  to  follow  as 
tliey  could.^  A  complete  separation  ensued  between 
the  Germans  and  the  Latins,  each  accusing  the  other 
of  treachery ;  while  the  Syrian  Christians  remained 
8t  Tyre,  the  Teutonic  crusaders  proceeded  to  .Taffa. 
Thither  Saif  Eddin  pursued  them ;  and  another  battle 
was  fought,  in  which  the  Germans  were  once  more 
victorious,  though  victor}""  cost  them  the  lives  of 
many  of  their  princes.  Almost  at  the  same  time 
news  reached  their  camp  of  the  death  of  the  emperor 
Henry.  From  that  mom^ent,  none  of  the  German 
nobles  remembered  aught  but  the  election  of  a  new 
emperor ;  and  as  soon  as  vessels  could  be  procured, 
the  principal  barons  set  off  for  Europe.  They  left 
behind  them  in  Jafl^a  about  twenty  thousand  of  the 
inferior  soldiers,  and  a  few  knights ;  but  the  town 
was  surprised  by  the  Saracens  on  the  night  of  the 
following  festival  of  St.  Martin  ;  and  the  Germans, 
plunged  in  revelry  and  drunkenness,^  were  slaugh- 
tered to  a  man. 

Such  was  the  end  of  the  German  crusade  in  Pa- 
lestine; and  before  proceeding  to  speak  once  more 
of  the  affairs  of  Europe,  it  may  be  as  well  to  touch 
upon  the  brief  and  uninteresting  series  of  events 
tliat  follo\ved  in  that  country.  Henry,  Count  of 
Champagne,  who  had  married  Isabella,  the  heiress 
of  Jerusalem,  had  proved  but  an  indolent  monarch  ; 
and  in  the  year  1197,  at  the  precise  moment  when. 
*ae  Saracens  had  newly  captured  Jaffa,  he  was  killed 

1  Jnmps  of  Vifrv.  2  IJovprfrn. 

8Fi.llei'sKoiy\Vfir;.  Beinntd  (heTrcajiij.er, 


268  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

by  falling  from  a  window.  His  loss  was  attended 
by  no  evil  consequences ;'  for  the  Saracens  were  soon 
involved  once  more  in  civil  dissensions  by  the  death 
of  Saladin's  second  son,  Malek  el  Aziz,  sultaun  of 
Egypt,  and  the  truce  with  the  Christians  was  will- 
ingly renewed.  Isabella,  the  queen,  whose  grief 
was  not  even  so  stable  as  that  of  the  dame  of  Ephe- 
sus,  was  easily  prevailed  on,  by  the  Grand  Master 
of  the  order  of  St.  John,-  to  give  her  thrice-widowed 
hand  to  Almeric  of  Lusignan,  now — by  the  cession 
of  Richard  of  England — King  of  C3^prus.  This 
marriage  was  certainly  a  politic  one,  as  Cyprus 
afforded  both  a  storehouse  and  a  granaiy  to  Pales- 
tine ;  but  the  peace  with  the  Saracens  remained  un- 
broken till  the  bigoted  Simon  de  Montfort,  detaching 
himself  from  another  body  of  knights,^  which  I  shall 
mention  hereafter,  arrived  at  Acre,  and  made  some 
feeble  and  ineffectual  incursions  on  the  Mussulman 
territory.  After  his  fruitless  attempts,  the  truce  was 
once  more  established,  and  lasted  till  the  death  of 
Almeric  and  Isabella,  when  the  crowns  of  Jerusalem 
and  Cyprus  were  again  separated.  The  imaginary 
sovereignty  of  the  Holy  City  now  became  vested  in 
Mary,"*  the  daughter  of  Isabella,  by  Conrad  of  Tyre, 
while  the  kingdom  of  Cyprus  descended  to  the  heirs 
of  Lusignan.  According  to  feudal  custom  it  was 
necessary  to  find  a  husband  for  Mary  who  could  de- 
fend her  right,  and  on  every  account  it  was  deter- 
mined to  seek  one  in  Europe.  The  choice  was  left 
to  Philip  Augustus ;  and  he  immediately  fixed  upon 
Jean  de  Brienne,  a  noble,  talented,  and  chivalrous 
knight,  who  willingly  aecepted  the  hand  of  the  lady 
of  Palestine,  and  that  thorny  crown  which  was  held 
out  to  him  from  afar 

The  news  of  his  coming,  and  the  prospect  of  large 
European    reinforcements   to   the    Christians,^  de- 

1  James  of  Vitry  ;  Bernard  ;  Will,  of  Nangis ;  A.  D.  1193- 
^  Vertot ;  Bernard.  3  James  cf  Vitry 

4  Bernard ;  A.  D.  1206.  6  Sanut.  cap.  3 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  269 

pressed  the  mind  of  Saif  Eddin,  who  had  already  to 
struggle  with  vast  and  increasing  difficulties.  He 
tendered  the  most  advantageous  terms  of  peace ; 
but  at  that  time  the  two  great  n.ilitary  orders  may 
be  said  to  have  governed  Palestine.'  They  were 
then,  as  usual,  contending  with  jealous  rivalry  f  and 
the  Templars,  having  for  the  moment  the  superiority, 
the  offers  of  the  sultaun  were  refused,  because  the 
Hospitallers  counselled  their  acceptance.  Jean  de 
Brienne  arrived,  and  wedded  Mary,  but  the  succour 
that  he  brought  was  very  far  inferior  to  that  which 
the  Latins  had  anticipated,  and  the  war  which  had 
begun  was  confined  to  predatory  excursions  on  the 
territory  of  the  enemy.^ 

I  must  now  retrograde  in  my  history  for  some 
years,  and  speak  of  the  affairs  of  Europe.  No  cru- 
sade, as  we  have  seen,  had  been  desired  by  the 
Christians  of  Palestine''  since  they  had  enjoyed  thft 
comforts  of  peace,  and  no  crusade  had  reached  tha 
country;  but,  nevertheless,  one  of  the  most  power- 
ful  expeditions  which  Europe  had  ever  brought  into 
the  field  had  set  out  for  the  purpose  of  delivering 
Jeiusalem.'^ 

This  crusade  was,  in  the  first  place,  instigated  by 
the  preaching  of  a  man  less  mighty  than  St.  Bernard 
in  oratory,^  and  less  moved  by  enthusiasm  than  Peter 
the  Hermit ;  but  it  was  encouraged  by  one  of  the 
most  talented  and  most  ambitious  of  the  prelates  of 
Rome.  Foulque  of  Neuilly  would  have  produced 
little  effect,  had  he  not  been  supported  by  Innocent 
ni. ;  and  the  influence  of  neither  the  one  nor  the 
other  would  possibly  have  obtained  the  object  desired, 

t  Hovedon. 

2  Tlie  [lower  of  the  orders  of  the  Temple  and  the  Hospital  had,  by  this 
time,  become  immense.  Riches  flowed  in  upon  riches,  and  donation 
was  a;lded  lo  donation.  In  the  year  1244,  Matthew  Paris  declares  the 
Ternp'ars  possessed  in  Europe  nine  thousand  manors,  and  the  Hospital 
iers  nineteen  thousand. 

3  A.  D.  1210.  4  James,  Cardinal  de  Vitry 
f  A.  D   1202  «  Rigord. 


270  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

had  not  the  young  and  enterprising  Thihnlt,  Count 
of  Champagne,  embraced  the  badge  of  the  Cross  with 
his  court  and  followers,  at  a  grand  tournament'  to 
which  he  had  invited  all  the  neighbouring  prmce>s. 
In  the  midst  of  their  festivities,  Foulque  appeared, 
and  called  the  whole  assembly  to  the  crusade. 
Partly,  it  is  probable,  from  the  love  of  adventure, 
partly  from  religious  feeling,  Thibait,  in  his  twenty- 
second  year,  assumed  the  Cross.  The  Count  of 
Blois,  who  was  present,  followed  his  example ;  and 
of  eigliteen  hundred  knights  who  heia  vassalage 
imder  the  lord  of  Champagne,  scarcely  enough  were 
left  to  maintain  the  territories  of  their  sovereign. 
Nothing,  except  fear, is  so  contagious  as  enthusiasm: 
the  spirit  of  crusac^'ng  was  revived  in  a  wonderfully 
short  time.  The  Count  of  Flanders,  with  various 
other  persons,  took  the  Cross  at  Bruges,  and  many 
more  knights  joined  them  from  different  parts  of 
France,  among  whom  was  Simon  de  Montfort,  who 
uftervv'ard  proved  the  detestable  persecutor  of  the 
Albigeois. 

After  holding  two  general  conferences  at  Soissons 
and  at  Compiegne,  it  was  determined  to  send  mes- 
sengers to  Italy  for  the  purpose  of  contracting  with 
one  of  the  great  merchant  states  to  convey  the  arma- 
ment to  the  Holy  Land.^  The  choice  of  the  city 
w^as  left  to  the  deputies  ;  and  they  proceeded  first  to 
Venice,  furnished  with  full  powers  from  the  crusad- 
ing princes  to  conclude  a  treaty  in  their  name.  Ve-- 
nice  was  at  that  time  governed  by  the  famous  Henry 
Dandolo,  who,  with  the  consent  of  the  Senate,  agreed 
not  only  to  carry  the  crusaders  to  Palestine  tor  a 
certain  sum,  but  also  promised  to  take  the  Cross  him- 
self and  aid  in  their  enterprise.^  Well  satisfied  with 
this  arrangement,  the  deputed  barons  returned  to 
Fiance,  but  found  the  Count  of  Champagne  sick  of 

1  Ducange ;  Villeliardouiii  chroniqne.  2  Villehardouin. 

3  Ducange,  Kist.de  Constantinople  sous  les  Fransais. 


HISTORY   OF    CHIVALRY.  271 

a  disease  ^vhich  soon  produced  his  death.  After 
having-  been  refused  by  Eudes,  Duke  of  Burgundy, 
and  Thibalt,  Count  of  Bar,  the  office  of  commander 
of  the  expedition  was  offered  to  Boniface,  Marquis 
of  Montferrat,  and  accepted.  The  new  cliief  of  the 
crusade  repaired  to  Soissons,  to  confer  with  the  rest 
of  the  knig-hts,  and  then  proceeded  to  Italy  to  pre- 
pare for  his  departure.  All  these  delays  retarded 
their  departure  till  the  year  1202,  when  they  set  out 
in  several  bodies  for  Venice,  and  arrived  safely  at 
that  city  with  very  little  difficulty.' 

Innocent  III.  had  made  infinite  efforts  in  favour  of 
the  crusade :  and,  with  the  daring  confidence  of  ge- 
nius, had  even  taxed  the  unwilling  clergy,  while  he 
merely  recommended  charitable  subscriptions  among 
the  laity.  Under  such  circumstances  it  will  be  easily 
conceived  that  the  voluntary  donations  amounted  to 
an  equal  sum  with  the  forced  contributions  ;  but  what 
became  of  the  whole  is  very  difficult  to  determine. 
Certain  it  is,  that  when  the  crusaders  arrived  at  Ve- 
nice, not,  half  the  money  could  be  raised  among 
them  which  they  had  agreed  to  pay  for  the  use  of 
the  repuolic's  transports,^  although  the  chiefs  melted 
down  their  plate  to  supply  those  who  had  not  the 
means  to  defray  their  passage. 

This  poverty  was  attributed  to  the  fact  of  various 
large  bodies  having,  eitlier  by  mistake  or  perversity, 
taken  the  way  to  the  Holy  Land^  by  other  ports,  and 
carried  with  them  a  large  part  of  the  stipulated  sum; 
but  it  does  not  appear  that  the  Pope,  into  v/hose 
hands  flowed  the  full  tide  of  European  alms,  made 
any  effort  to  relieve  the  crusaders  from  their  diffi- 
culties. In  this  distress  the  Venetians  offered  to 
compromise  their  claim,  and  to  convey  the  French 
to  Palestine,  on  condition  that  they  sliould  aid  in  the 
recapture  of  the  city  of  Zara,  in  Sclavonia,  which 
had  been  snatched  from  the  republic  some  time  before 

I  Vit.  Innocent  III.  2  villehardouin.  3Ducang& 


272  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

by  the  King  of  Hungary.'  With  this  stipulation, 
Dandolo,  though  aged  and  stone  blind,  agreed  to  take 
the  Cross  ;  and  so  deeply  affected  were  the  knights, 
both  with  his  forbearance  and  gallant  enthusiasm, 
that  the  iron  warriors  of  Europe  were  melted  to 
tears  by  the  old  man's  noble  daring. 

The  news  of  this  undertaking  having  reached 
Rome,  the  most  vehement  opposition  was  raised  to 
any  change  of  destination ;  and  Innocent^  launched 
the  thunders  of  the  church  at  the  refractory  cru- 
saders. Many  of  tlie  chiefs — terrified  by  the  excom- 
munication pronounced  against  those  who  should 
quit  the  direct  road  to  the  Holy  Land,  to  attack  the 
possessions  of  a  Christian  prince — remained  in 
Italy  ;^  b-ut  the  greater  part  made  every  preparation 
to  second  the  Venetians  against  Zara. 

Before  their  departure,  the  crusaders  received  en- 
voys, the  event  of  whose  solicitations  afterward  gave 
a  new  cliaracter  to  their  expedition.  At  the  death 
of  Manuel  Comnenus,  emperor  of  the  east,  Andro- 
nicus,  his  brother,  seized  upon  the  throne  and  mur- 
dered his  nephew,  Alexius  H.,  who  had  succeeded. 
Either  urged  by  indignation  or  ambition,  Isaac  An- 
gelus,  a  distant  relation  of  the  slaughtered  prince, 
took  arms  against  the  usurper,  overthrew  and  put 
him  to  death ;  after  which  he  in  turn  ascended  the 
throne  of  Constantinople.''  His  reign  was  not  long; 
for,  at  the  end  of  two  years,  a  brother,  named  Alex- 
ius, whom  he  had  redeemed  from  Turkish  captivity, 
snatched  the  crown  from  his  head,  and,  to  incapaci- 
tate him  from  ruling,  put  out  his  eyes. 

His  son,  named  also  Alexius,  made  his  escape  from 
prison,  and  fled  to  Italy,  where  he  endeavoured  to 
interest  the  Pope  in  his  favour.  But  the  church  of 
Rome  entertained  small  affection  for  the  schismatic 
Greeks ;   and  though  Innocent  wrote  an  impotent 


1  Villehardouin.     2  Baronius;  Gesta  Innocent  III.     3  Villehardouin. 
*  Villebardoula ;  Ducan£e.  Hist  de  Coastaatinople  sous  les  Fraagais. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  273 

letter'  to  the  usurper,  he  showed  no  real  favour  to 
the  unhappy  prince.  The  young  exile  then  turned 
to  Philip  of  Suabia  (then  Emperor  of  Germany), 
who  had  married  his  sister  Irene ;  and  at  the  same 
time  hearing  of  the  crusade,  which  was  delayed  at 
Venice,^  he  sent  deputies  from  Verona  to  the  chiefs, 
to  solicit  their  aid  against  his  treacherous  uncle. 
The  barons  of  France  met  his  prayers  with  kind- 
ness ;  and  the  envoys  were  accompanied,  on  their 
return  to  the  court  of  Philip  of  Suabia,^  by  a  party 
of  the  crusaders,  who  were  instructed  to  receive 
any  proposition  which  Alexius  might  think  fit  to 
make. 

In  the  mean  while,  the  knights  embarked  on  board 
the  Venetian  galleys,  round  the  decks  of  which  they 
ranged  their  shields,  and  planted  their  banners ;  and 
having  been  joined  by  Conrad,  Bishop  of  Halberstadt, 
with  a  large  body  of  German  soldiers,  a  finer  arma- 
ment never  sailed  from  any  port.'' 

The  chain  which  protected  the  harbour  of  Zara 
was  soon  broken  through;  the  crusaders  landed, 
pitched  their  tcnts,^  and  invested  the  city  on  all  sides. 
The  besiegers,  as  usual,  were  much  divided  among 
themselves ;  and  those  who  had  unwillingly  followed 
the  host  to  Zara,  against  the  commands  of  the  Pope,* 
still  kept  up  a  continual  schism  in  the  camp,  which 
produced  fatal  consequences  to  the  people  of  the 
city.  The  morning  after  the  disembarkation,  a  depu- 
tation of  citizens  came  forth  to  treat  with  Dandolo 
for  the  capitulation  of  the  town.  The  Doge  replied 
that  he  could  enter  mto  no  engagement  without  con- 
sulting his  allies,  and  went  for  that  purpose  to  the 
tents  of  the  French  chiefs.  During  his  absence, 
those  who  opposed  the  siege  persuaded  the  deputies 

I  Ducanee,  notes  on  Villeliardouin.  *  Philip  Mousiics. 

3  VilUhaidoiiiii. 

4  It  coiisistf  (1  «.f  throe  hundred  vessels  of  a  large  size,  besides  palan* 
ders  and  gKiiesfiipR. 

6  November,  1202.  6  Gunthcr ;  Villebardouin. 


274  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

from  Zara  that  the  crusaders^  would  not  assist  the 
Venetians  in  an  assault.  With  this  assurance  the 
Doge's  reply  was  not  waited  for;  the  envoys  re- 
turned, and  the  city  prepared  for  defence.  At  the 
same  time,  the  Abbot  of  Vaux  Cernay  presented  him- 
self to  tlie  assembled  barons,  and  commanded  them, 
in  the  name  of  the  Pope,  to  refrain  from  warring 
against  Christians  while  engaged  under  the  banners 
of  the  Ooss.  On  this  the  Doge  angrily  remonstrated ; 
the  greater  part  of  the  knights  embraced  his  cause  ; 
and  Zara,  after  being  furiously  attacked,  surrendered 
at  discretion. 

The  town  was  now  occupied  during  the  winter  by 
the  army  of  the  crusade ;  and  the  chiefs  of  the 
French  forces  sent  a  deputation  to  Rome  to  obtain 
pardon  for  their  disobedience.  This  was  easily 
granted;  but  the  Venetians,  who  seemed  to  care 
little  about  excommunication,  remained  under  the 
papal  censure.  Notwithstanding  the  forgiveness 
they  had  obtained,  many  of  the  most  celebrated 
knights  quitted  Zara,^  and  made  their  way  to  the 
Holy  Land.  Such  desertions  took  place  especially 
after  the  return  of  the  deputies  sent  to  Philip  of 
Suabia;  and  it  was  difficult  to  keep  the  army^  toge- 
ther, when  it  became  known  that  its  destination  was 
likely  to  be  changed  from  Acre  to  Constantniople. 

Alexius,  however,  offered,  in  case  of  his  being  re- 
established in  his  father's  dominions,-*  to  place  the 
Greek  church  under  the  authority  of  the  Roman 
pontiff,  to  turn  the  whole  force  of  the  eastern  empire 
against  the  infidels  of  Palestine,  and  either  to  send 
thither  ten  thousand  men,  and  there  mamtain  five 
hundred  knights  during  his  life,  or  to  lead  his  forces 
towards  Jerusalem  in  person.  Besides  this  he  pro- 
mised to  pay  two  hundred  thousand  marks  of  silver^ 
to  the  crusading  army,  and  to  place  himself  in  tho 


1  Dncance;  Villehaidouin.  2  Alberic;  A.  D.  1202. 

S  Villehaitlouin.  4  Ducange.  5  Viliehardouin. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  275 

Iiands  of  the  chiefs  tin  the  city  of  Constantinople 
was  retaken. 

These  offers  were  so  advantageous  that  the  greater 
part  of  the  barons  embraced  them  at  once  :  but  many 
exclaimed  loudly  against  the  proposed  interruption 
of  the  main  purpose  of  the  crusade,  and  many  aban- 
doned the  host  altogether. 

Alexius  the  usurper  trembled  at  the  news  of  the 
treaty  between  his  nephew  and  the  crusaders,  and 
sent  instant  ambassadors  to  Rome,'  in  order  to  en- 
gage the  pontiff  in  his  interest.  Such  of  the  chiefs 
as  were  opposed  to  the  measure  talked  loudly  of  the 
papal  injunction  to  refrain  from  all  wars  with  the 
Christians;-  but  it  does  not  appear  that  Innocent 
exerted  himself  strenuously  to  turn  the  Latins  from 
their  design.  It  was  far  too  much  his  desire  to  bring 
the  Gnnk  church  under  the  domination  of  the  Roman 
see,  fo^him  to  dream  of  thwarting  an  enterprise  backed 
with  the  solemn  conditions  1  have  mentioned  ;  and  it 
war.  not  at  all  likely  that  the  clearsighted  prelate 
should  renounce  absolute  engagements,  as  IMills  has 
supposed,^  for  the  vague  hope  of  wringing  the  same 
from  a  treacherous  usurper. 

At  length,  after   the  Venetians  had  demolished 


1  Ducange.  SGantlier  in  Canisias. 

5  Mills  says,  that  Innocpnt  issued  decrees  and  bnjls  against  the  expe 
ditiori  to  Constantinople,  and  founds  his  reasoningon  a  passage  ofBalu 
zi'is  :  but  it  is  extremely  probable  that  theanger  of  the  Pope  was  a  mere 
menace  of  the  party  opposed  to  the  enterprise  rather  than  an  existing 
fact.  Baluzius  was  not  present  any  more  than  Ducange;  and  surely, 
for  every  thing  where  research  is  concerned,  Ducange  is  the  better  author- 
ity of  the  two:  yet  Ducange  makes  no  mention  of  the  opposition  of  the 
Pope,  and  absolutely  states  that  the  legate  counselled  the  attack  on 
Constantinople.  See  Ducange,  Hist,  de  Constantinople  sous  les  Fran- 
cais. 

GeofTroy  de  Villehardouin,  who  was  not  only  present,  but  one  of  the 
chief  actors  in  what  he  relates,  speaks  fully  of  the  Pope's  wrath  at  the 
attack  of  Zara,  but  mentions  no  opposition  to  the  enterprise  against  Con- 
stantinople, though  that  enterprise  was  in  agitation  at  the  time  the  depu- 
ties were  sent  to  Rome.  Pliilippe  Moviskes,  Bishop  of  Tournay,  a  con- 
temporary, states  that  the  first  appliLaiion  of  the  young  Prince  Alexius 
to  the  crusaders  was  made  by  the  advi^^e  of  the  Pope. 


2T6  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

Zara,'  to  prevent  its  falling  again  into  the  heinds  of 
their  enemies,  the  expedition,  having  been  joined  by 
the  prince  Alexius,  set  sail,  and  at  the  end  of  a  short 
and  easy  passage  came  within  sight  of  Constanti- 
nople.^ 

The  allies  were  instantly  met  by  ambassadors  from 
the  Emperor,  who,  mingling  promises  with  threats, 
endeavoured  to  drive  tiiem  again  from  the  shore,  but 
in  vain.  The  crusaders  demanded  the  restoration  of 
Isaac,  and  submission  from  the  usurper,  and  prepared' 
to  force  their  landing;  but  before  they  commenced 
hostilities,  they  approached  the  walls  of  Constanti- 
nople, and  sailed  underneath  ihem,  showing  the  young 
Alexius  to  the  Greek  people,  and  calling  to  them  to 
acknowledge  their  prince.  No  sympathy  was  ex- 
cited, and  the  attack  being  determined  on,  the  chiefs 
held  a  council  on  horseback,  according  to  the  custom 
of  the  ancient  Gauls,  when  the  order  of  their  pro- 
ceedings was  regulated.  The  army  was  portioned 
into  seven  divisions,  the  first  of  which  was  com- 
manded by  the  Count  of  Flanders,  and  the  last  by 
the  Marquis  of  Montferrat.  Having  procured  a  num- 
ber of  flat-bottomed  boats,  one  of  which  was  attached 
to  every  galley,  the  knights  entered  with  their  horses, 
armed  at  all  points,  and  looking,  as  Nicetas  says,  like 
statues  of  bronze.^  The  archers  filled  the  larger  ves- 
sels, and  it  was  the  general  understanding  that  each 
should  fight  as  he  came  up. 

"  The  morning  was  beautiful,"*  writes  the  old 
Mareschal  of  Champagne,  "  the  sun  beginning  to  rise, 
and  the  Emperor  Alexius  waited  for  them  with  thick 
battalions  and  a  great  armament.  On  both  sides  the 
trumpets  were  sounded,  and  each  galley  led  on  a  boat. 
The  knights  sprang  out  of  the  barks,  while  the  water 
was  yet  to  their  girdle,^  with  their  helmets  laced  and 
rheir  swords  in  their  hands ;  and  the  good  archers, 

1  Villehardouln.  2  June,  1203.        3  Nicotas,  lib.  iii.  cap.  5. 

*■  Villebardouin.  &  Ibid. 


HISTORY   OF    CHIVALRY.  277 

the  sergeants,  and  the  crossbowmen  did  the  same 
wherever  they  happened  to  touch.  The  Greeks,  at 
first,  made  great  show  of  resistance,  but  when  they 
saw  the  lances  levelled  they  turned  their  backs  and 
fled." 

The  tents  and  camp  equipage  of  the  fugitives  fell 
immediately  into  the  hands  of  the  crusaders;  and 
siege  was  laid  to  the  towei  of  Galata,  which  guarded 
one  end  of  the  great  chain  wherewith  the  mouth  of 
the  harbour  was  closed.  Before  night  the  Greeks  had 
recovered  from  their  panic,  and  some  severe  fightino; 
took  place  ere  the  fort  could  be  taken  and  the  barrier 
removed ;  but  at  length  this  being  accomplished,  the 
Venetians  entered  the  port.  After  ten  days  of  con- 
tinual skirmishing,  a  general  attack  was  determmed 
upon;  and  it  was  agreed  that  the  Venetians'  should 
assafl  the  city  by  sea,  while  the  French  attempted  to 
storm  the  walls  by  land.  The  enterprise  began  on 
tne  land  side  against  the  barbican ;  but  so  vigorously 
was  every  inch  of  ground  disputed  by  the  Pisans,  the 
English  and  Danish  mercenaries  who  guarded  the 
fortifications,  that  though  fifteen  French  knights  ob- 
tained a  footing  for  some  time  on  the  ramparts,  they 
were  at  ler  gth  cast  out,  while  four  of  their  number 
were  taken. 

In  the  mean  while,  the  fleet  of  the  Venetians  ad- 
vanced to  the  walls ;  and  after  a  severe  fight  of  mis- 
siles between  the  defenders  and  the  smaller  vessels 
which  commenced  the  assault,  the  galleys  themselves 
approached  the  land ;  and,  provided  with  high  towers 
of  wood,  began  to  wage  a  nearer  warfare  with  those 
upon  the  battlements.  Still  the  besieged^  resisted 
with  extraordinary  valour,  and  the  galleys  were 
beaten  off;  when  the  blind  chief  o.  the  republic,  armed 
at  all  points,  commanded,  with  tremendous  threats  in 
case  of  disobedience,  that  his  vessel  should  be  run  on 
shore  ;^  and  then,  borne  out  with  the  standard  of  St. 

«  Dandolo,  Chron. ;  Villehardouin.  2  Epist.  Innocent  m. 

3  Villehardouin. 


278  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

Mark  before  him,  he  led  the  way  to  victory.  Shame 
spread  through  the  rest  of  the  fleet ;  galley  after  gal- 
ley was  brought  up  close  under  the  walls,  and  all  the 
principal  towers  round  the  pcit  were  in  a  moment 
stormed  and  taken.  Alexius  made  one  great  effort 
to  recover  the  twenty-five  towers  which  the  Ve- 
netians had  captured;  but,  with  remorseless  resO" 
lution,  Dandolo  set  fire  to  the  neighbouring  build- 
ings, and  thus  raised  up  a  fiery  bulwark  to  his  con- 
quest.' 

As  a  last  resource,  the  Emperor  now  issued  fortn  to 
give  battle  to  the  French :  and  so  infinite  was  the 
superiority  of  his  numbers,  that  the  hearts  of  the  pil- 
grims almost  failed  them.  The  gallant  Doge  of  Ve- 
nice no  sooner  heard  of  their  danger,  than,  abandon- 
ing-the  ramparts  he  had  so  nobly  won,  he  brought 
his  whole  force^  to  the  aid  of  the'  French,  declft-ing 
that  he  would  live  or  die  with  his  allies.  Even  after 
[lis  arrival,  however,  the  disparity  was  so  great,  that 
the  crusaders  dared  not  quit  their  close  array  to  begin 
the  tight,  and  the  troops  of  Alexius  hesitated  to  attack 
those  hardy  warriors  whose  prowess  they  had  often 
witnessed.  The  courage  of  the  Latins  gradually  in- 
creased by  the  indecision  of  their  enemj",  while  the 
fears  of  the  Greeks  spiead  and  magnified  by  delay 
and  at  length  Alexius  abandoned  the  last  hope  of 
courage,  and  retreated  into  the  city.  The  weary  cru- 
saders hastened  to  disarm  and  repose  themselves, 
after  a  day  of  immense  fatigues ;  but  Alexius,  having 
no  confidence  either  in  his  own  resolution,  or  in  the 
steadiness  of  his  soldiery,  seized  what  treasure  he 
c«.»vld  carry,  and  abandoned  Constantinople  to  its 
fate.^  The  coward  Greeks,  deserted  by  their  chief, 
f'rew  forth  the  miserable  Isaac  from  his  prison ;  and 
Living  robed  the  blind  monarch  in  the  long-lost  pur- 
ple, they  seated  him  on  the  throne,  and  sent  to  tell 
the  Franks  that  their  object  was  accomplished.     The 

I  Ducangej  Villsha-'Jouin  ;  Nicetas         2  Viiiehardouin.      3  Xjcetas 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  279 

crusaders  would  hardly  believe  the  tiding-s,  but  de- 
spatched four  of  their  body  to  ascertain  the  truth. 
The  envoys  found  Isaac  enthroned  in  the  palace  of 
Blachernse,'  and  surrounded  by  as  large  and  splendid 
a  court  as  if  fortune  had  never  ceased  to  smile  upon 
him. 

They  now  represented  to  the  restored  Emperor  the 
conditions  of  their  treaty  witli  his  son ;  and  Isaac, 
after  some  slight  hesitation,  accepted  tliem  as  his  own. 
He  also  agreed  to  associate  the  young  Alexius  in  the 
throne;  but  as  all  these  hard  terms,  especially  that 
which  implied  the  subjection  of  the  (Jr^ek  church  to 
the  Roman  prelate,  deeply  offended  his  subtle  and 
revengeful  subjects,  he  prayed  the  crusaders  to  delay 
their  departure  till  complete  order  was  re-esta- 
blished.2  This  was  easily  acreded  to ;  and  the  Franks 
and  Venetians,  during  their  stay,  wrote  to  Innocent 
III.,  excusinglheir  having  again  turned  from  the  road 
to  .Jerusalem. 3  The  Pope  willingly  pardoned  both* 
but  intimated,  that  to  make  that  pardon  efficacious^ 
they  must  be  responsible  that  tli»3  schism  in  the 
church  should  be  healed  by  the  submission  of  the 
Greeks  to  the  see  of  Rome. 

At  first,  the  harmony  between  the  Franks  and  th«? 
Greeks  appeared  to  be  great.  The  young  Alexiu' 
paid  several  portions  of  the  money  which  had  beer 
stipulated  ;"*  and  while  the  presence  of  the  Latin  armT 
kept  the  capital  in  awe,  he  proceeded  to  reduce  the 
provinces  to  obedience.  When  this  was  completed, 
however,  and  the  tranquillity  of  the  empire  seemed 
perfectly  restored,  his  conduct  changed  towards  his 
benefactors.  A  fire  which  broke  out  in  the  city'  was 
attributed  to  the  French,  who  were  at  the  very  mo- 
ment engaged  in  seriour?  dispute  with  a  party  of 
Greeks,  exasperated  by  an  insult  to  their  religion. 
The  very  domineering  presence  of  the  crusaders  was 


J  Ducange;  Viliehardouin.       2  ibid 

3  GcsL  Innnc.  Ill  4  Ducange         5  Nice! as. 


280  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

a  continual  and  irritating  reproach,  and  the  Gre(  kn 
began  to  testify  no  small  hatred  towards  their  armed 
guests.  Alexius  himself,  ungrateful  in  his  own  na- 
ture, contending  with  his  father  about  their  divided 
sovereignty,  and  hesitating  between  the  people  he 
was  culled  to  govern  and  those  who  upheld  him  in 
the  government,  refused  or  evaded  the  fulfilment  of 
many  of  the  items  in  his  treaty  with  the  Latins.  The 
chiefs  soon  found  that  they  were  deceived,  and  for- 
mally summoned  the  young  monarch  to  accomplish 
liis  promises.  The  messengers  who  bore  the  liaughty 
demand  to  a  despotic  court  hardly  escaped  with  their 
lives;  and  the  same  desultory  warfare  which  had 
been  waged  by  the  emperors  against  each  body  of 
crusaders  that  had  passed  by  Constantinople  was 
now  commenced  against  the  Count  of  Flanders  and 
his  companions.'  A  thousand  encounters  took  place, 
in  which  the  Franks  were  always  victorious;  and 
though  the  Greeks  directed  a  number  of  vessels, 
charged  with  their  terrific  fire,  against  the  Venetian 
fleet,  the  daring  courage  and  conduct  of  the  sailors 
freed  them  from  the  danger,  and  only  one  Pisan  gal- 
ley was  consumed. 

In  the  mean  while  the  Greeks  of  the  city,  hating 
and  despising  a  monarch  who  had  seated  himself 
among  them  by  the  swords  of  strangers,  and  who  had 
drained  their  purses  to  pay  the  troops  that  held  them 
down;^  seeing,  also,  that  his  ingratitude,  even  to  his 
allies,  had  left  him  without  the  support  by  which  alone 
he  stood,  suddenly  rose  upon  Alexius,  and  cast  him 
into  prison.  Isaac  himself  died,  it  is  said,  of  fear; 
and  the  Greeks  at  first  elected  a  nobleman  of  a  dif- 
ferent family,  named  Nicholas  Canabus ;  but  he  was 
mild  and  weak,  a  character  which  little  suited  the 
thnes  or  country  in  which  he  assumed  so  high  a  sta- 
tion. A  rival,  too,  existed  in  a  man  who  had  shown 
unremitting  enmity  to  the  Latins,  and  after  a  short 

»  VUlehardouln.  «  Nicataa. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  281 

Struggle,  Alexius  Ducas,  a  cousin  of  the  late  mo- 
narch, a  bold,  unscrupulous  villain,'  was  proclaimed 
emperor.  Among  his  lirst  acts — though  at  what 
exact  period  remains  in  doubt^ — the  new  Alexius, 
who  was  more  commonly  called  -Murzuphlis,  caused 
the  preceding  Alexius  to  be  put  to  death.  The  man- 
ner of  his  fate  is  uncertain :  but  the  usurper  had  the 
cunning  impudence  to  yield  his  victim's  body  a  pub- 
li:  funeral. 

War  was  now  determined  between  the  crusaders 
and  Murzuphlis,  and  the  attack  of  the  city  was  re- 
solved ;  but  previous  to  that  attempt,  the  crusaders, 
who  were  in  great  want  of  provisions,  despatched 
Henry,  brother  of  the  Count  of  Flanders,  with  a  con- 
siderable force  to  Philippopoli,  in  order  to  take  pos- 
session of  the  rich  magazines  which  it  contained. 
Returning  loaded  with  spoil,  he  was  attacked  by 
Murzuphlis ;  but  the  Greeks  scattered  like  deer  be- 
fore the  Latins,^  and  Henry  rejoined  his  companions 
not  only  rich  in  booty,  but  in  glory  also.  Negotia- 
tions were  more  than  once  entered  into,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  conciliating  the  differences  of  the  Greeks  and 
the  Latins  ;  but  all  proved  ineffectual ;  and  early  in 
the  spring  the  armies  of  France  and  Venice  prepared 
for  the  attack.  The  first  step  was,  as  usual,  a  treaty 
between  the  allies  to  apportion  the  fruits  of  success. 
By  this  it  was  determined  that  the  whole  booty  should 
be  divided  equally  between  the  French  and  Vene- 
tians ',*  that  six  persons  from  each  nation  should  be 
chosen  to  elect  an  emperor;  tliat  the  Venetians 
should  retain  ail  the  privileges  they  had  hitherto  en- 
joyed under  the  monarchs  of  Constantinople;  and 
that,  from  whichever  of  the  two  nations  the  empe- 
ror was  selected,  a  patriarch  should  be  named  froM 

1  Nicetas;  Villehardouin ;  Gest.  Innor.  III. 

*  Villehardouin  intimates  that  Murzuphlis  put  Alexius  to  death  imme 
^lately  alter  having  seized  the  crown  ;  and  the  Chronicle  in  the  Rouchy 
dialect,  No.  148,  Bibliothtque  del'Arsenal,  says,  "Et  ne  demeuragairea 
spr^s  que  Morcuffle  est raiigla  le  josne  empereur  Alexes  en  la  prison." 

»NK:et4»  4  Ihicange:  Villehardouin. 

Y 


2S2  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

the  Other.  There  were  various  other  conditions 
added,  the  priii{Uj)al  of  which  were,  tliat  one-fourth 
of  the  whole  conquest  should  be  given  to  the  new 
emperor,  besides  the  palaces  of  Bucoleon  and  Bla- 
chenise,  while  the  rest  was  divided  among  the  French 
and  Venetians;  and  that  twelve  pei~'^ns  should  be 
selected  from  each  nation,  to  determine  the  feudal 
laws  by  which  the  land  was  to  be  governed,  and  to 
allot  the  territory  in  feoffs  among  the  conquerors. 

On  the  8th  of  April,  1204,  the  whole  army,  having 
embarked  on  board  the  sliips,'  as  had  been  previously 
concerted,  attacked  the  city  by  water.  The  vessels 
approached  close  to  the  walls,  and  a  tremendous  fight 
began  between  the  assailants  and  the  besieged:  but 
no  hope  smiled  on  the  Franks;  they  were  repelled 
in  every  direction;  and  those  who  had  landed,^  were 
forced  to  regain  their  vessels  with  precipitancy,  ap- 
proaching to  flight.  The  Greeks  rejoiced  in  novel 
victory,  and  the  Franks  mourned  in  unwonted  defeat. 
Four  days  were  spent  in  consultations  regarding  a 
further  attempt ;  and  the  chiefs,  judging  that  no  one 
vessel  contained  a  sufficient  number  of  troops  to 
effect  a  successful  assault  on  any  particular  spot,^  it 
WcLs  resolved  to  lash  the  ships  two  and  two  together, 
and  thus  to  concentrate  a  greater  force  on  each  point 
of  attack.  On  the  fourth  day  the  storm  was  recom- 
menced, and  at  first  the  fortune  of  battle  seemed  still 
in  favour  of  the  Greeks;  but  at  length,  a  wind 
springing  up,  drove  the  sea  more  fully  into  the  port, 
and  brought  the  galleys  closer  to  the  walls.''  Two 
of  those  lashed  together,  called  the  Pilgrim  and  the 
Paradise,  now  touched  one  of  the  towers,  and,  fiom 
the  large  wooden  turret  with  which  the  mast  was 
crowned,  a  Venetian  and  a  French  knight  named 
Andrew  d'Arboise  sprang  upon  the  ramparts  of  the 
city.^ 

The  crusaders  rushed  on  in  multitudes ;  and  such 

I  Villehardouin ;  Ducange  2  Gunther ;  Ducange. 

»  Vmehardoiim  *  Ducange  6  2d  April,  1301 


HISTORY    or    CHIVALRY.  283 

terror  seized  the  Greeks,  that  the  eyes  of  Nicetas 
mag-nified  the  first  knight  who  leaped  on  the  walls  to 
the  unusual  altitude  of  fifty  feet.'  One  Latin  drove 
before  him  a  hundred  Greeks ;-  the  defence  of  the 
gates  was  abandoned  ;  the  doors  were  forced  in  with 
blows  of  axes ;  and  the  knights,  leading  their  horses 
from  the  ships,  rode  in,  and  took  complete  possession 
of  the  city.  Murzuphlis  once,  and  only  once, 
attempted  to  rally  his  troops  before  the  camp  he  had 
formed,  in  one  of  the  open  spaces  of  the  town.  But 
ihe  sight  of  the  Count  of  St.  Pol,  with  a  small  band 
of  followers,  was  sufficient  to  pnt  hrm  to  flight;  and 
a  German  having  set  fire  to  a  part  of  the  buildings^ 
no  further  efibrt  was  made  to  oppose  the  victorious 
crusaders.  The  fire  was  not  extinguished  for  some 
time ;  and  the  Latin  host,  in  the  midst  of  the  immense 
population  of  Constantinople,  like  a  handful  of  dust 
in  the  midst  of  the  wilderness,  took  possession  of 
the  purple  tents  of  Murzuphlis,  and  kee])ing  vigilant 
guard,  passed  an  anxious  and  a  fearful  night,  after  all 
the  fatigues  and  exploits  of  the  day.  Tv/enty  thou- 
sand was  the  utmost  extent  of  the  Latin  nun'ibers  ;•* 
and  Constantinople  contained,  within  itself,  four 
hundred  thousand  men  capable  of  bearing  arms. 
Each  house  was  a  citadel,  which  might  have  delayed 
and  repelled  the  enemy ;  and  each  street  was  a  defile, 
which  might  have  been  defended  against  a  host. 
But  the  days  of  Leonidas  were  passed  ;  and  the  next 
morning  the  Latins  found  that  Murzuphlis  had  fled, 
and  that  tlieir  conquest  was  complete.  Plunder  and 
violence  of  course  ensued;^  but  there  was  much 
less  actual  bloodshed  than  either  the  nature  of  the 
victory  or  the  dangerous  position  of  the  victors 
might  have  occasioned. 

Fear  is  the  most  cruel  of  all  passions ;  and  per- 
haps the  fact  that  not  two  th<^usand  peisons  were 
slain  in  Constantinople  afte«'  rl  e  storm,  is  a  greater 

1  >.';cetas.  2  Gk:3t.  Inn.  Til.  3  Guniher  ;  Villehardouiru 

4 VilishardoBi" •  l/ucanse.  'Nicetas;  Guntber. 


Zb-*  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

proof  of  the  courage  of  the  Latins  than  even  the 
taking  of  the  city.  Many  noble  and  generous  ac- 
tions mingled  with  the  effects  of  that  cupidity  and 
lust  which  follow  always  upon  the  sack  of  a  great 
town.  Nicetas  mentions  a  striking  example  which 
happened  to  himself,  wherein  a  noble  Venetian  dedi- 
cated his  whole  attention  to  protect  an  ancient  bene- 
factor ;'  and  a  body  of  Frenchmen,  in  the  midst  of 
the  unbounded  licentiousness  of  such  a  moment, 
were  moved  by  a  father's  agony  to  save  his  daugh- 
ter from  some  of  tlieir  fellows.  This  is  the  admis- 
sion of  a  prejudiced  and  inveterate  enemy  ;  and  it  is 
but  fair  to  suppose,  that  many  such  instances  took 
place.  The  great  evils  that  followed  the  taking  of 
the  eastern  capital,  originated  in  the  general  com- 
mand to  plunder.  Constantinople  had  accumulated 
within  it  the  most  precious  monuments  of  ancient 
art,^  and  these  were  almost  all  destroyed  by  the  bar- 
barous hands  of  an  avaricious  soldiery.  Naught  was 
spared ;  the  bronzes,  wliich,  valueless  as  metal,  were 
inestimable  as  the  masterpieces  and  miracles  of  an- 
tique genius,  were  melted  down,^  and  struck  into 
miserable  coin ;  the  marble  was  violated  with  wan- 
ton brutality ;  all  the  labour  of  a  Phidias  or  a  Lysip- 
pus  was  done  away  in  an  hour ;  and  that  which  had 
been  the  wonder  and  admiration  of  a  world  left  less 
to  show  what  former  days  had  been,  than  the  earth 
after  the  deluge. 

In  this  the  Latins  were  certainly  barbarians ;  but 
in  other  respects— unless  subtilty,  deceit,  vice,  and 
cowardice  CcUi  be  called  civilization,  and  courage, 
frankness,  and  honour  can  be  considered  as  bari3a- 
rism — the  Latins  deserved  not  the  opprobrious  name 
by  which  the  Greeks  designated  them. 

The  plunder  of  the  city  was  enormous.  In  money'* 
a  sufrK'i"ent  sum  was  collected  to  distribute  twenty 
marks  to  each  knight,  ten  to  each  servant  of  arms, 

I  Nicetas,  2  See  note  XI. 

3  Njcetas.  4  Villchardouln ;  Ducange. 


HISTORY    OF    CiilVALRV  285 

and  five  to  each  archer.  Besides  this,  a  vast  quantity 
of  jewels  and  valuable  mevcliaiidise  uas  divided 
between  the  French  and  Venetians  ;  and  the  republic, 
who  understood  the  value  of  such  objects  better  than 
the  simple  Prankish  soldiers,  ottered  to  buy  the  whole 
spoil  from  their  connades,  at  the  rate  of  four  liun- 
dred  marks  for  a  knight's  share,  and  in  the  same 
proportion  to  the  res^.  The  booty — v.'ith  a  lew 
individual  instances  of  concealment,'  which  were 
strictly  punisiied  with  death  when  discovered- -was 
fairly  portioned  out;  and,  after  this  partition,  the 
twelve  persons  selected  to  choose  an  emperor  pro- 
ceeded to  their  deliberations.  They  were  bound  by 
oath  to  elect  without  favour  the  best  qualified  of  the 
nobles  ;  and  after  a  long  hesitation,  between  the  Mar- 
quis of  JMontferrat  and  the  Count  of  Flanders,  they 
named  the  latter.-  In  all  probability  the  determining 
consideration  was,  that  Baldwin,  by  iiis  immediate 
connexion  with  France,  was  more  capable  of  sup- 
porting the  new  dynasty  than  the  IMarquis,  wliose 
Italian  domains  could  not  afford  such  effective  aid. 
To  prevent  the  evil  conse<iuences  of  rivalry,  the 
island  of  Crete  and  the  whole  of  Asiatic  Greece 
were  given  to  Montferrat,  who  afterward,  with  the 
consent  of  Baldwin,  exchanged  them  for  the  Scla- 
vonian  teriitory.  Baldwi;^  was  then  raised  upon  a 
buckler,^  and  cariied  to  the  church  of  St.  Sophia. 
Afterabiief  space  of  preparation,  he  was  formally 
proclaimed,  and  crowned  as  emperor;  and,  according 
to  old  usage,  a  vase  filled  with  ashes,^  and  a  tuft  of 

1  Villehardouin.  i  N'icetas;  Ducancje;  Villoliardouiii ;  Alboric. 

3  Uucaiige. 

•1  Tlie  cardinal  legate  fnvpsred  IJaldwin  with  iho  purple  with  Iiis  own 
hands,  and  Iinioceiil  continued,  in  all  points  but  those  of  ccclcsiaslica! 
governnrieiil,  the  treaty  hy  which  the  Veneiians  and  the  Franks  had  bound 
themselves.  He  also  took  the  jrreatcst  interest  in  the  i  e\v  state,  .-n;! 
wrote  0  all  the  prelates  of  i'>anee  and  (■'crniai  y  to  sup))ort  it  hy  ihoir 
preaehiini  and  influence.  This  in y  be  added  to  other  proolis,  that"  Inno 
ce  t  never  seriously  opposed  the  e.vpcdition  a;:ainst  the  sehismatic  em 
pire  of  the  Creeks.  The  truth  in  all  probability  is,  thai  he  made  a  show 
of  turning  the  cru.saders  from  their  j)uri)ose,  both  tu  preserve  cowsistency 


2»5  HISTORY    Ot     CHIVALRY. 

lighted  wool,  were  presented  to  the  new  monarch,  as 
a  symbol  of  the  transitory  nature  of  life  and  the 
vanity  of  greatness— emblems  too  applicable  to  him- 
self and  his  dominions  ;  for  ere  two  yeais  had  passed, 
Baldwin  had  gone  down  into  the  grave;  and  less 
than  the  ordinary  life  of  one  man  elapsed  before  the 
dynasty  that  he  established  was  again  overthrown. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

i'Jivisions  among-  the  Moslems — Among  the  Christians— Crusade  of 
Children — Innocent  III.  declares  he  will  lead  anew  Crnsadeto  Syria 
— IVte  King  of  Hungary  takes  the  Cross — Arrivesin  Syria — Successes 
of  the  Pilgri7ns—Tke.y  abandon  the  Siege  of  Mount  Thabor—The  King 
of  Hungary  returns  to  Europe — The  Duke  of  Austria  continues  the 
^V^ar — Siege  of  Damietta — Reinforcements  arrive  under  a  Legate — 
Famine  in  Damietta— The  Moslems  offer  to  yield  Palestine— The 
tegate^s  Pride— He  refuses— Taking  of  Damietta—  'I  he  Army  adriances 
awards  Cairn — Overflowing  of  the  Nile — The  Array  ruined— The 
Legate  sues  for  Peace — Gtnerous  Conduct  of  the  Sultaun — Marriage 
of  the  Heiress  of  Jerusalem  with  Frederic.  Emperor  of  Germany — His 
Disputes  with  the  Pope — His  Treaties  ivith  the  Saracens— He  recovers 
Jerusalem— Quits  the  Holy  Land — Disputes  in  Palestine— The  Tem- 
plars defeated  and  slaughtered  -  Gregory  IX. — Crus-ade  of  the  King 
of  Nmiarre  ineffectual — Crusade  of  Richard.  Earl  of 'Cornwall— 
jerusaleih -recovered — The  Corasmin s— Their  Barbarity — They  take 
Jerusalem — Defeat  the  Christians  with  terrible  slaughter— Are  exter- 
minated by  the  Syrians— Crusade  of  St.  Ijouis — His  Character — 
Arrives  in  the  Holy  Land —Takes  Damietta — Battle  of  Massoura — 
Pestilence  in  the  Army — The  King  taken — Ransomed- Returns  to 
Europe— Second  Crusade  of  St.  Louis — Takes  Carthage— His  Death 
■ — Crusade  of  Prince  Edward-~He  defeats  the  Saracens — Wounded  by 
an  Assassin — Returns  to  Europe— Successes  of  the  Turks — Last 
Siege  and  Fall  of  'Acre—  Palestine  lost. 

The  fifth  crusade  had  ended,  as  we  have  seen, 
without  producing  any  other  benefit  to  Palestine  than 

md  to  afford  room  for  anj-  aflor-exertion  of  his  authority  that  he  might 
•iidse  iiecessaT}-:  but  t  at,  al  the  same  ti'iie.  the  cardinal  legate  veiy 
*veli  understood  that  he  was  to  promote  the  enterprise,  and  to  be  slightly 
Glained  for  it  afterward,  in  order  to  screen  his  superior  from  the  charge 
trf"  that  ambitious  craving  for  which,  however,  he  w;is  notorious.  It 
W'ouid  be  ditficult  to  believe  that  Innocent,  who  triumphed  over  Philip 
Augustus,  the  greatest  monarch  of  the  day,  and  forced  him  to  abandon 
his  dearest  wishes,  would  confine  himself  to  idle  threats,  if  he  enter- 
tained any  serious  disiaciinalion  to  the  attack  of  Constantinople. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRV.  2S7 

a  deep  depression  in  the  mind:s  of  the  Turks,  from 
the  knowledge  that  the  weak  dynasty  of  the  Greeks 
had  been  replaced  by  a  power  of  greater  energy  and 
resolution.  The  famine  also,  which  about  this  time 
desolated  the  territories  of  the  Egyptian  sultaun, 
and  the  contests'  between  the  remaining  Attabecs 
and  the  successors  of  Saladin,  crippled  the  efforts  of 
the  Moslems;  while  the  courageous  activity  of  Jean 
de  Brienne^  defeated  the  attempts  of  Saif  Eddin. 
Nevertheless,  many  bloody  disputes  concerning  the 
succession  of  Antioch,  and  the  fierce  rivalry  of  the 
orders  of  the  Temple  and  Hospital,  contributed  to 
shake  the  stability  of  the  small  Christian  dominion 
that  remained. 

Each  year,^  two  regular  voyages  of  armed  and 
unarmed  pilgrims  took  place,  from  Europe;  to  the 
Holy  Land  :  these  were  called  the  passagium  Martii, 
or  the  spring  passage  ;  and  the  passagiuia  Johanyns^ 
or  the  summer  passage  which  occurred  about  the 
festival  of  St.  .Tohti.  A  continual  succour  was  thus 
afforded  to  Palestine:  and  that  the  spirit  of  crusading 
was  by  no  means  extinct  in  Europe  is  evinced  by  the 
extraordinary  fact  of  a  crusade  of  children'  having 
been  preached  and  adopted  towards  the  year  1213. 
Did  this  fact  rest  alone  upon  the  authority  of  Alberic 
of  Three  Fountains  Abbey,  we  might  be  permitted 
to  doubt  its  having  taken  place,  for  his  account  is, 
in  several  particulars,  evidently  hypothetical ;  but  so 
many  coinciding  authorities  exist,-^  that  belief  be- 
conu^s  matter  of  necessity. 

The  circumstances  -are  somewhat  obscure  ;  but  it 
seems  certain  that  two  monks,  with  the  design  of 
profiting  by  a  crime  then  too  common,  the  traffic  in 
children,  induced  a  great  number  of  the  youth  of 
both  sexes  to  set  out  from  France  for  the  Holy  Land, 
habited  as  pilgrims,  with  the  scrip  and  staff.     Two 

i  Reinaud  rec.  des  Hist.  Arabes.       2  Vertot. 

3  Ducange.  4  Alberic.  Mon.  Trium  Fontliun. 

«  Ja«ob.  deVoragine;  Albert  Staden^iis 


288  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

merchants  of  Marseilles,'  accomplices  in  the  plot, 
as  it  Avould  seem,  furnished  the  first  body  of  these 
misg-uided  children  Avith  vessels,  which,  of  course, 
were  destined  to  transport  them  for  sale  to  the  Afri- 
can coast.  Several  of  the  ships  were  wrecked  on 
the  shores  of  Italy,  and  every  soul  perished,  but  the 
rest  pursued  tlieir  way  and  accomplished  theii  in- 
human voyag-e.  The  two  merchants,  however,  were 
afterward  detected  in  a  plot  against  the  emperor 
Frederic,  and  met  the  fate  they  deserved.  Another 
body,  setting-  out  from  Germany,  reached  Genoa  after 
immense  difficulties ;  and  there  the  Genoese,  instead 
of  encouraging  their  frantic  enthusiasm,  wisely  com- 
manded them  to  evacuate  their  territory  ;  on  which 
they  returned  to  their  homes,  and  though  many  died 
on  the  road,  a  great  part  arrived  in  safety,^  and 
escaped  the  i^ate  which  had  overtaken  the  young  ad- 
venturers from  France. 

When  Innocent  111.  heard  of  this  crusade,  he  is 
leported  to  have  said,  "  While  we  sleep,  these  chil- 
dren are  awake :"  and  it  is  more  than  probable,  that 
his  circum.stance  convinced  him,  that  the  zealous 
{spirit  which  had  moved  all  the  expeditions  to  the 
Holy  Land  was  still  active  and  willing.  Certain  it 
is,  that  he  very  soon  afterward  sent  round  an  ency- 
clical letter,  calling  the  Christian  world  once  more 
to  arms  against  the  Moslems.  Indulgences  were 
spread,  and  extended  in  their  character:  a  council 
of  Lateran  was  held,  and  Innocent  himself  declared^ 
his  intention  of  leading  the  warriors  of  Christ  to 
the  scene  of  his  crucifixion.  De  Cour9on,  an  Eng- 
lisli  monk,  who  had  become  cardinal,  preached  the 
new  crusade  with  all  the  pomp  of  a  Roman  prelate, 
and  a  great  number  of  individuals  were  gathered 
together  for  the  purpose  of  succouring  Palestine. 
But  the  kings  of  the  earth  had  now  more  correct 


1  Albericus.  2  Jacob,  de  lorai^ne;  Albert.  Stadenssis. 

3  C!est,  Innocfntm  :  Labbe  concil.  Matthew  Paris,  A.  D.  1213. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  289 

viev/sof  policy;  and  policy  never  encourages  enthu- 
siasm except  as  an  instrument.  Only  one  king  there- 
for.; could  be  found  to  take  the  Cross — this  was 
Andrew,'  monarch  of  Hungary;  and  the  Dukes  of 
Austria  and  Bavaria,  with  a  multitude  of  German 
bishops  and  nobles,  joined  his  forces,  and  advanced 
to  Spahitro.  Innocent  III.  w^as  by  this  time  dead, 
but  the  expedition  sailed  in  Venetian  ships  to  Cyprus, 
and  thence,  after  having  given  somewhat  too  much 
rein  to  enjoyment,  proceeded  to  Acre,  carrying  with 
it  a  large  reinforcement  from  France  and  Italy.  The 
Saracens  had  heard  less  of  this  crusade  than  of  those 
which  had  preceded  it,  and  were  therefore  less  pre- 
pared to  oppose  it.  The  Christian  army  advanced 
wiV.h  success,  and  many  thousands  of  the  infidels  felt 
the  European  steel ;  but  the  crusaders,  not  contented 
with  plundering  their  enemies,  went  on  to  plunder 
their  friends ;  and  serious  divisions  began,  as  usual, 
to  show  themselves,  which  were  only  healed  by  the 
influence  of  the  clergy,  who  turned  the  attention  of 
the  soldiers  from  pillage  and  robbery  to  fasts  and 
pilgrimages.  When  the  host  was  once  more  united, 
its  exertions  were  directed  to  the  capture  of  the 
fort-  built  by  the  Saracens  on  Mount  Thabor.  After 
overcoming  infinite  difficulties  in  the  ascent  of  the 
mountain,  the  Latins  found  themselves  opposite  the 
fortress  :  the  soldiers  \vere  enthusiastic  and  spirited ; 
and  it  's  more  than  provable  that  one  gallant  attack 
would  have  rendered  the  greatest  benefit  to  the  Chris- 
tian cause,  by  obtaining  possession  of  such  an  im- 
portant point.  The  leaders,'  however,  seized  with 
a  sadden  fear  of  being  cut  off,  abandoned  their  object 
without  striking  a  blow,  and  retired  to  Acre.  The 
rest  of  the  season  was  passed  in  excursions,  by  which 
the  Christians  obtained  many  prisoners  and  much 
Bpoii;  and  in  pilgrimages^  wherein  ifiousands  wero 

1  Cbron.  Hodefrid.  Mon. ;  Bonfinius.         ?  Bernard  the  Treasure. 
*  Jacob.  Vitriao- ;  Bernardua. 


290  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY, 

cut  to  pieces  by  the  Saracens.  The  kinj^s  of  Cypna 
and  Hiing-ary  then  turned  their  course  to  Tripoli, 
where  the  first  died,  and  the  Huug-arian  monarch 
was  suddenly  seizeil  with  the  desire  of  returning  to 
his  own  dominions  ;'^  which  he  soon  put  in  execution, 
notwithstanding-  the  prayers  and  solicitations  of  the 
Syrian  Christians. 

Still  the  Latins  of  Palestine  were  not  left  destitute. 
The  Duke  of  Austria  remained,  with  all  the  German 
crusaders;  and  the  next  year  a  large  reinforcement 
arrived  from  Cologne ;  nor  would  these  have  been 
so  tardy  in  coming,  had  they^  not  paused  upon  the 
coast  of  Portugal  to  succour  the  queen  of  that  coun- 
try against  the  Moors.  Tlie  efforts  of  the  Christians 
had  proved  hitherto  so  fruitless  for  the  recovery  of 
Jerusalem,  while  t^e  Saracens  could  bring  vast  forces 
from  Egypt  continually  to  the  support  of  their  Syrian 
possessions,  that  the  Latins  now  resolved  to  strike 
at  the  very  source  of  their  power. 

Damietta  was  supposed  to  command  the  entrance 
of  the  Nile,  and  consequently  to  be  the  key  of  Egypt; 
and  thither  the  crusaders  set  sail,  for  the  purpose  of 
laying  siege  to  that  important  •^ny.  They^  arrived 
in  the  month  of  May,  and  landed  on  the  western 
bank  of  the  river  opposite  to  the  town.  A  tower  in 
the  centre  of  the  stream,  connected  with  the  walls 
by  a  strong  chain,  was  the  immediate  object  of  attack  ; 
but  the  first  attempt  was  repulsed  with  great  loss, 
though  made  by  the  Hospitallers,  the  Teutonic  Order, 
and  the  Germans,  united.  An  immense  machine^  of 
wood  was  now  constructed#)n  board  two  of  the  ves- 
sels, which,  lashed  together,  were  moved  across  to 

1  Bernardus. 

2  Mere  restlessness  is  stated  by  Mills  to  have  been  the  cause  of  An- 
drew's abandonment  of  the  enterprise,  but  this  was  any  thing  but  the 
case.  Andrew,  it  is  true,  was  of  a  weak  and  unstable  character;  but 
there  were  far  too  many  dissensions  in  Hungary,  and  tragic  horrors  in 
his  own  family,  to  permit  of  his  reniaihing  in  Palestine 'without  total 
ruin  to  himself  and  his  dominions.^See  Bonjinius. 

3  Godefrid.  Mnn. ;  James  of  Viiry.         4  Bernardus ;  James  of  Vjtrj 
i  Matthew  Paris, 


HISTORY    or    CHIVALRY.  291 

Ific  point  of  assault,  and,  after  along  and  courageous 
resirsianee,  the  garrison  of  the  castle  was  forced  to 
surrender  at  discretion.'  The  besieging  party  then 
abandoued  themselves  to  joy  and  revelry ;  they 
looked  upon  the  city  as  taken  ;  and  the  news  of  the 
death  of  Saif  Eddin  increased  their  hopes  of  the 
complete  deliverance  of  the  Holy  Land.  The  vic- 
tories which  Saif  Eddin  had  gained  over  the  Chris- 
tians were  indeed  but  small,  nor  had  he  struck  any 
one  great  blow  against  the  Attabecs,  but  he  had  gra- 
dually, and  almost  imperceptibly,  extended  his  domi- 
nions in  every  direction,  and  left  a  large  territory  and 
full  treasury  to  his  successors.  His  high  qualities 
were  different  from  those  of  Saladin,  and  his  charac- 
ter was  altogether  less  noble  and  striking,  but  he 
possessed  more  shrewdness  than  his  brother ;  and  if 
his  mind  had  not  the  same  capability  of  expanding, 
it  had  more  powers  of  concentration.  To  Saif  Ed- 
din succeeded  his  two  sons,  Cohr  Eddin  and  Camel, 
the  first  of  whom  took  possession  of  Syria  and 
Palestine  in  peace.  But  Egypt,  wliich  the  second 
had  governed  for  some  time,  instantly  broke  out  into 
revolt  on  the  news  of  his  father's  death,  and  had  the 
Franks  pushed  the  war  in  that  country  with  vigour, 
greater  effects  would  have  been  produced  than  were 
ever  wrought  by  any  preceding  crusade.  They  ne- 
glected their  opportunity ;  spent  their  time  in  rioting 
and  debauchery  under  the  yet  unconquered  walls  of 
Darnietta:  and,  after  the  a,rrival  of  large  reinforce- 
ments from  France,  England,  and  Italy,  under  the 
Cardinals  Pelagius  and  Courcon,  the  Earls  of  Chester 
and  Salisbury,  and  fhe  Counts  of  Nevers  and  La 
Marche,  they  only  changed  their  conthict  from  revel- 
ling to  dissension.  At  length  they  awoke  from  their 
frantic  dreams,  and  prepared  to  attack  the  city  itself; 
but  before  they  could  accomplish  their  object,  Cohr 

1  The  whole  of  the  siege  of  Darnietta.  and  the  events  that  fo]*  wed, 
1  have  taken  from  James  of  Vitry  and  the  old  Trench  of  Bernard  the 
Treasurer,  with  the  Recueil  des  Hist.  Arabes. 


292  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

Eddin  had  entered  En:ypt,  put  down  rebellion,  and  re* 
established  his  brother  Camel  in  full  possession  of 
his  authority.  The  siege  of  Damietta  now  became, 
like  the  fh'st  siege  of  Antioch,  a  succession  of  bat- 
tles and  skirmislies.  For  three  months  the  various 
nations  that  composed  the  besieging  force  as  well  as 
the  Templars,  the  Hospitallers,  and  the  Teutonic 
knights,  vied  with  each  other  in  deeds  of  glory;  nor 
were  the  Saracens  behind  their  adversaries  in  courage, 
skill,  or  resolution.  But  famine  took  up  the  sword 
against  the  unhappy  people  of  Damietta.  Pesti- 
lence soon  joined  her,  and  the  fall  of  the  city  became 
inevitable.' 

Cohr  Eddin,  fearful  that  Jerusalem  might  be  turned 
to  a  post  against  him,  had  destroyed  the  walls  of  thai 
town ;  but  now  that  he  saw  the  certain  loss  of  Da- 
mietta, and  calculated  the  immense  advantages  the 
Christians  might  thence  gain,  he  with  the  best  policy 
agreed  to  make  a  vast  sacrifice  to  save  the  key  of 
his  brother's  dominions.  Conferences  were  opened 
with  the  Christians,  and  tlie  Saracens  offered,  on  the 
evacuation  of  Egypt  by  the  Latins,  to  yield  the  whole 
of  Palestine,  except  the  fortresses  of  Montreal  and 
Karac,  to  restore  all  European  prisoners,  and  even  to 
rebuild  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  for  the  Christians. 
The  King  of  Jerusalem,  the  English,  the  French,  and 
the  Germans  looked  upon  their  warfare  as  ended, 
and  their  object  achieved,  by  the  very  proposal ;  but 
the  cardinal  Pelagius,  the  two  military  Orders,  and 
the  Italians,  opposed  all  conciliation,  contending  that 
no  faith  was  to  be  put  in  the  promises  of  infidels. 

Heaven  only  knows  whether' the  Saracens  would 
have  broken  their  engagements,  or  whether  calm 
moderation  might  not  have  restored  Palestine  to  the 
followers  of  the  Cross  ;  but  moderation  was  not  con- 
sulted, and  the  walls  of  Damietta  were  once  more 
attacked.     It  was  no  longer  difficult  to  iz.\e  them, 

I  James  of  Vltr^,  li^siaTd  the  Treasiur^ 


HISTQRY    OF    CHIVALRY.  293 

and  ^vhell  the  crusaders  entered  the  city,  they  dis- 
covered nothing  but  a  world  of  pestilence.  Death 
was  in  eveiy  street;  and  of  seventy  thousand  souls, 
not  three  thousand  were  found  alive.' 

Discord,  of  course,  succeeded  conquest ;  and  after 
having  cleansed  and  purified  Damietta,  a  winter  was 
spent  in  dissensions,  at  the  end  of  which  a  great 
part  of  the  army  returned  to  Europe;  and  Jean  de 
Krienne,  offended  by  the  arrogance  of  Pelagius,  re- 
tired to  Acre.  Concessions  soon  brought  him  back, 
and  hostilities  were  resumed  against  the  Moslems, 
but  the  legate  overbore  all  counsel ;  and  instead  of 
directing  iheir^  arms  .towards  Palestine,  which  was 
now  open  to  them,  the  crusaders  marched  on  towards 
Cairo.  The  forces  of  the  stdtaun  had  greatly  in- 
creased, but  he  still  offered  peace,  on  conditions  as 
advantageous  as  those  that  had  been  previously  pro- 
posed. The  legate  insultingly  rejected  all  terms, 
\vasted  his  tmie  in  inactivity,  the  Nile  rose,  the 
sluices  were  opened,  and  Pelagius  found  himself  at 
once  unahle  to  advance,  and  cut  off  from  his  re- 
sources at  Damietta.  There  is  nothing  too  mean  for 
disHppointed  pride,  and  the  legate  then  sued  in  the 
hmnblest  language  for  permission  to  retinn  to  Acre. 
The  Sultaun  of  Egypt,  with  admirable  moderation, 
granted  him  peaite,  and  the  King  of  Jerusalem  be- 
came one  of  the  hostages  that  Damietta  sliouid  be 
given  up.  The  troops  would  still  have  perished  for 
want,  liad  not  the  noble  sultaun  been  melted  by  the 
grief  of  John  of  Brienne,  who  wept  while  recounting 


1  This  pestilence  seems  to  have  been  somewhat  like  the  sea  Rfiir\'y. 
It  was  not  ai  all  confined  to  the  city,  though  it  raged  more  furiously 
within  the  walls.  Nevertheless,  many  of  the  soldiers  of  the  Cross  were 
attacked  by  it.  James  of  Vitry,  describing  its  effects,  sa\s,  "  A  sudden 
pain  took  possession  of  the  feet  and  legs :  soon  afier,  the  ^ums  and  the 
teeth  be'-ame  affected  wiih  a  sor!  of  ganjrrene,  and  the<ick  persons  were 
not  able  lO  eat :  then,  the  bones  of  the  legs  became  horribly  black  ;  and 
tlius,  aflf^r  having  suffered  long  tornients,  during  which  liicy  showed 
muj^h  pa.ience  a  great  number  of  Christians  went  to  repose  in  the  bosom 
01'  the  Lord." 

2  Jamssof  \'itiy;  Beiiiardus. 


294  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

the  distress  in  which  he  had  left  his  people.  The 
Saracen  mingled  his  tears  with  those  of  the  hostage 
kinii,  and  ordered  the  army  of  his  enemy  to  be  sup- 
plied with  food.'  Damietta  was  soon  after  yielded, 
and  the  hostages  exchanged.  Jolm  of  Brienne  re- 
tired to  Acre,  wearied  of  unceasing  efforts  to  recover 
his  nominal  kingdom;  and  Pelagius  passed  over 
into  Europe,  loaded  with  the  hatred  and  contempt  of 
Palestine. 

John  of  Brienne  had  received  the  crown  of  Jeru- 
salem as  his  wife's  dowry,  and  it  was  destined  that 
the  marriage  of  his  daughter  should  restore  the  Holy 
City  to  the  Christians.  The  «mperor  Frederick  II. 
had  often  vowed  in  the  most  solemn  manner  to  lead 
his  armies  into  Palestine,  and  had  as  often  broken 
his  oath.  At  length  it  was  proposed  to  him  that  he 
should  wed  Violante,  the  beautiful  heiress  of  the 
Syrian  kingdom;  and  it  was  easily  stipulated  that 
John  of  Brienne  should  give  up  his  rights  on  Pales- 
tine to  his  daughter's  husband.  Frederic  eagerly 
caught  at  the  idea.  By  the  intervention  of  the  Pope 
the  treaty  was  concluded  between  the  king  and  the 
emperor;  and  Violante,  having  been  brought  to 
Europe,  was  espoused  by  her  imperial  lover.''^  Many 
causes  combined  to  delay  the  new  crusade,  though 
it  was  preached  by  two  succeeding  popes  with  all 
the  zeal  and  proinises  that  had  led  to  those  that  went 
before.  France  and  Italy  remained  occupied  entirely 
by  intestine  dissensions  ;  but  England  showed  great 
zeal,  and  sent  sixty  thousand  men  at  arms  to  the 
field.^  The  emperor  collected  together  immense 
forces,  and  proceeded  to  Brundusium ;  but  there, 
being  taken  ill  of  a  pestilential  disease  which  had 
swept  away  many  of  his  soldiers,  he  was  obliged  to 
return  after  having  put  to  sea.  Gregory  IX.  was 
now  in  the  papal  chair;  and — wroth  with  the  empe- 
ror for  many  a  contemptuous  mark  of  disobedience 

>  Recueil  ties  Hist.  Arabes;  Matthew  Paris  ;  Bernard  the  Treasuror 
8  Becnard  3  Matthew  Paris. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  295 

to  the  ecclesiastical  authority — he  now  excommu- 
iricated  liiin  foi"  coming-  back,  however  necessary  the 
measure.  Frederic  was  angry,  though  not  fright- 
ened ;  and,  after  having  exculpated  himself  to  Europe 
by  a  pubhc  letter,'  he  sent  his  soldiers  to  plunder  the 
Pope's  territories  while  he  recovered  his  health.  At 
length,  in  1228,  he  set  sail  from  Brundusium,  still 
burdened  with  the  papal  censure,  which  he  w^as  too 
rriucii  accustomed  to  bear  to  feel  as  any  oppressive 
load.  He  arrived  without  difficulty  at  Acre  ;  hut  all 
men  wondered  that  so  great  an  enterprise  should  be 
undertaken  with  so  small  a  force  as  that  which  could 
be  contained  in  twenty  galleys  ;  audit  soon  appeared 
that  Frederic  had  long  beeji  negotiating  with  Camel, 
Sultaun  of  Egypt,  who,  fearful  of  the  active  and  am- 
bitious spirit  of  his  brother  Cohr  Eddin,^  had  entered 
into  a  private  treaty  with  the  German  monarch. 

The  emperor,  on  liis  arrival  in  Palestine,  found 
that  the  revengefid  Pope  had  laid  his  injunction  upon 
all  men  to  show  him  no  obedience,  and  afford  him 
no  aid  while  under  the  censure  of  the  church.^  None, 
therefore,  at  first,  accompanied  him  in  his  march 
but  his  own  forces  and  the  Teutonic  knights. 
The  Hospitallers  and  Templars  soon  followed,  and, 
too  fond  of  active  warfare  to  remain  neuter,  joined 
themselves  to  the  army  on  some  verbal  concession 
on  the  part  of  Frederic.  About  this  time  Cohr 
Eddin  died ;  and  Camel,"*  freed  from  apprehen- 
sion,^ somewhat  cooled  towards  his  Christian  ally. 
He  was,  nevertheless,  too  generous  to  violate  his 
promises,  and  after  Frederic  had  advanced  some 
way  towards  Jerusalem,,  a  treaty  was  entered  into 
between  the  German  monarch  and  the  Saracens, 
whereby  the  Holy  City  and  the  greater  part  of  Pales- 
tine was  yielded  to  the  Christians,  with  the  simple 

I  Matthew  Pari?,  ad.  ann.  1228.  2  Bernardus. 

f  R<<vina!diis  ;  Sanut. ;  William  of  N^-nsris,  1232. 
i  Bernard  the  Treasurer;  Com.  of  William  of  Tyre. 
5  Foi  soms  curious  particul^irs  concerning  the  disputes  between  tli« 
ejnperoi  and  the  Templars,  see  the  old  French  of  Bernard  the  Treasurer, 


2S0  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

etipiilatioii  that  the  Moslems  were  to  be  allowed'  to 
worship  ill  the  temple,  as  well  as  the  followers  of  the 
Cross.^  Frederic  then  proceeded  to  .leriisalem  to  be 
crowned;  but  the  conditions  he  had  agreed  to  had 
given  offence  to  the  Christians  of  Judea,  and  the 
Pope's  excommunication  still  hung  over  his  head. 
All  the  services  of  the  church  were  suspended 
during  his  stay ;  he  was  obliged  to  raise  the  crown 
from  the  altar  himself  and  place  it  on  his  own  brow ; 
and  he  discovered,  by  messengers  from  the  Sultaun 
of  Egypt,  that  some  individuals'^  of  the  military 
Orders  had  offered  to  betray  him  into  the  h;mds  of  the 
Saracens.  Frederic  now  found  it  necessary  to  de- 
part,^ and  after  having  done  justice  upon  several  of 
the  chief  contemners  of  his  authority,  he  set  sail  for 
Europe,  leaving  Palestine^  in  a  far  more  favourable 
state  than  it  had  known  since  the  fatal  battle  of 
Tiberias. 

Soon  after  the  departure  of  Frederic,  a  new  aspi- 
rant to  the  crown  of  Jerusalem  appeared  in  the  per- 
son of  Alice,  Queen  of  Cyprus,  the  daughter  of  Isa- 
bella and  Henry,  Count  of  Champagne,  and  half 

^  Bernard. 

2  This  story  is  doubtful.  Matthew  Paris  says,  that  the  Templars  and 
Hospitallers  gave  information  to  the  s-ultaun  that  Frederic  would,  on  a 
certain  day,  make  a  pilgrimage  to  bathe  in  the  Rivpr  .Jordan.  It  was  not 
at  all  likely,  however,  that  two  Orders  which  were  always  at  enmity 
should  unite  for  such  a  purpose. 

3  Matthew  Paris,  ann.  1229. 

4  There  were  many  motives  w'hiirh  induced  Frederic  to  return  to 
Europe  besides  disgust  at  the  ungrafeHil  conduct  cf  the  Syrian  Chris- 
tians. The  Pope,  not  content  with  using  the  spiritual  sword  aaainst  him, 
had  unsheathed  the  temporal  one,  and  vvas  waging  a  furious  v  ar  against 
the  imperial  lieutenant  in  Italy.  It  would  seem  a  strange  fact  that  .John 
of  Brieniie,  ex-king  of  .leru'^aleni,  and  father-in-law  of  the  emperor,  was 
in  command  of  the  paj-al  forces  wl  ich  ravaged  his  son-iri-Iaw's  territo- 
ries, had  we  not  good  reason  to  believe  that  Frederic's  cond  ct  to  ^'iolanVe 
(who  was  now  dead)  had  been  of  a  nature  that  so  chivalrous  a  man 
as  .lohn  of  Briennc  wastiot  likely  to  pass  unnoticed,  when  his  daughter 
was  the  sufferer  However,  it  is  but  just  to  remark  that  the  nason  why 
"•his  crusade  did  not  entirely  restore  the  Holy  Land  to  the  dominion  of  the 
Christians,  is  tobe  found  in  the  vindictive  and  uuchrisrian  enmity  of  P)pa 
Gregory  IX.  towards  the  Emperor  Frederic. 

s  Matthew  Paris 


HISTORY    OF    CHI   ALRY.  297 

sister  of  Mary,  throiig-h  whom  John  of  Brienne  had 
obtained  the  throne.  Her  claims  were  soon  disposer] 
of;  for  the  three  military  Orders,^  uniting  in  purpose 
for  once,  adhered  to  the  Emperor  of  Germany,  and 
Ahce  was  obliged  to  withdraw.  After  this  struggle 
the  attention  of  the  Christians  was  entirely  turned 
to  the  general  defence ;  and  the  right  of  tlie  empe- 
ror, who  had  now  made  his  peace  with  the  Pope, 
was  universally  recognised."^  Nevertheless,  the 
truce  which  he  had  concluded  with  Camel,  the  Sul- 
taun  of  Egypt,  did  not  in  all  instances  save  the  La- 
tins of  Palestine  from  annoyance  and  warfare.  The 
whole  country  was  surrounded  by  a  thousand  petty 
Mahommedan  states  not  included  in  the  peace,  aiid 
the  Moslems  left  no  opportunity  unimproved  for  the 
purpose  of  destroying  their  Christian  neighbours. 
Their  incursions  on  the  Latin  territory  were  inces- 
sant ;  and  many  large  bodies  of  pilgrims  were  cut  to 
pieces,  or  hurried  av/ay  into  distant  lands  as  slaves. 

A  trace  had  been  agreed  upon  also,  between  the 
Templars  and  the  Sultaun  of  Aleppo ;  but  at  the  death 
of  that  monarch' both  parties  had  again  recourse  to 
arms,  and  the  Templars  were  defeated  with  such  ter- 
rible slaughter  that  all  Europe  was  moved  with  com- 
passion. Even  their  ancient  rivals,  the  Hospitallers, 
sent  them  immediate  succour;  and  from  the  com- 
mandery  of  St.  John,  at  Clerkenwell,^  alone,  a  body 
of  thr-e  hundred  knights  took  their  departure  for  the 
Holy  Land. 

A  council  likewise  was  held  about  this  time  at 
Spoletto,  wliere  another  crusade  was  announced ;  and 
Gregory  IX.,  who  combined  in  his  person  every  in- 
consistency that  ambition,  bigotry,  and  avarice  can 
produce,  sent  th3  Dominican  and  Franciscan  friars 
to  stimulate  Europe  to  take  the  Cross.  No  sooner 
had  tlie  crusade  been  preached,  and  the  enthusiastic 
multitudes  were  ready  to  begin  the  journey,  than 

1  Saniitu!?.  2  Regist.  Greg.  Noni,  Vertot  Preuvea. 

8  MatthL'W  Paris,  1237 


298  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

Gregory  and  his  agents  persuaded  many  to  compro- 
mise their  vow ;'  ami,  by  paying  a  ceitaiii  sum  to- 
wards the  expenses  of  the  expedition,  to  fill  the  pa- 
pal treasury,  under  the  pretence  of  assisting  their 
brother  Christians.  Those  who  would  not  thus  yield 
to  his  suggestions  he  positively  prohibited  from  set- 
ting out,  and  engaged  the  Emperor  Frederic  to  throw 
impediments  in  their  way,  when  they  pursued  their 
purpose.  Nevertheless,  the  King  of  Navarre,  the 
Duke  of  Burgundy,  the  Count  of  Brittany,  and  the 
Count  de  Bar  proceeded  to  Palestine  in  spite  of  ail 
opposition;  and  their  coming  was  of  very  timely  ser- 
vice to  the  defenders  of  the  Holy  Land,  for  no  sooner 
had  the  period  of  his  truce  with  the  Christians  ex- 
pired, than  Camel,  finding  that  preparations  for  war 
were  making  on  their  part,  anticipated  their  efforts, 
retook  Jerusalem,  routed  all  the  forces  that  could  be 
opposed  to  him,  and  overthrew  what  was  called  the 
Tower  of  David.  He  died  shortly  after  this  victory, 
and  on  the  arrival  of  the  crusaders,  a  prospect  of  suc- 
cess seemed  open  before  them.  But  tlie  operations 
of  the  chiefs  were  detached,  and  though  the  Connt 
of  Brittany  gained  some  advantages  towards  Damas- 
cus, the  rest  of  tlie  French  knights  were  completely 
defeated  in  a  pitched  battle  at  Gaza,  and  most  of 
their  leaders  were  either  killed  or  taken.  The  King 
of  Navarre  was  glad  to  enter  into  a  disgraceful  treaty 
with  the  Emir  of  Karac,  which  was  conducted 
through  the  intervention  of  the  Templars  ;^  and  the 
rest  of  the  Latins  formed  alliances  with  what  neigh- 
bouring powers  they  could.  The  Hospitallers,  how- 
ever, would  not  subscribe  to  the  truce  with  tlie  Emir 
of  Karac^  through  jealousy  towards  the  Templars, 
and  there  was  no  power  in  the  state  sufficiently 
strong  to  force  them  to  obedience. 

Shortly  after  this  event,  the  Kins"  of  Navarre  re- 
turned to  Europe,  and  Richard,  Earl  of  Cornwall, 

1  Matthew  Paris  ;  Sanutus.  2  Sanutus,  lib.  iii.  page  21fi. 

*  Tlie  Emir  of  K;irac  was  but  a  dependant  of  the  Sultaun  of  Damascus 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  299 

with  many  knights  and  larsfe  forces,  arnved  in  Pales- 
tine. Their  expedition  had  been  sanntioned  by  all  the 
auihoiities  of  Europe,  except  the  Pope.  Henry  III. 
conducted  them  in  person  to  the  shore  ;  the  prayers 
and  benedictions  of  the  people  and  the  clergy  fol- 
lowed them,  and  their  journey  throug-ii  France  was 
accompanied  by  shouts  and  acclamations.  On  his 
arrival  in  Palestine,  Richard  instantly  marched  upon 
Jaffa,  but  he  was  met  by  envoys  from  the  Sullaun  of 
Egypt — who  was  now  at  war  with  the  Sultaun  of  Da- 
mascus— offering  an  exchange  of  prisoners,  and  a 
complete  cession  of  the  Holy  Land,'  with  some  un- 
important, exceptions.  Richard  instantly  accepted 
su(di  advantageous  proposals  ;  Jerusalem  was  given 
up  to  the  Christians,  the  rebuilding  of  the  walls  was 
commenced,  the  churches  were  purified,  and  the  earl 
returned  to  Euiope  witli  the  glorious  title  of  the  de- 
liverer of  Palestine.  The  Templars  would  not  be 
parties  to  this  treaty,  as  the  Hospitallers  had  refused 
to  participate  in  the  otiier ;  and  thus,  one  of  the  great 
military  Orders  remained  at  war  with  the  Su  taun 
of  Damascus,^  and  the  other  with  the  Sultaun  of 
Egypt. 

VYhile  these  events  had  been  passing  in  Palestine, 
a  new  dynasty  had  sprung  up  in  the  north  of  Asia,  and 
threatened  a  complete  revolution  in  the  whole  of  that 
quarter  of  the  world.  Genjis  Khan  and  his  succes- 
sors had  overiurned  all  the  northern  and  eastern  go- 
vernments of  Asia ;  and,  spreading  over  that  fair  por- 
tion of  the  earth  precisely  as  the  Goths  and  Huns  had 
spread  over  Roman  Europe,  had  reduced  the  more  po- 
lished and  civilized  nations  of  the  south,  by  the  sa- 
vage vigour  and  active  ferocity  of  a  race  yet  in  the 
youth  of  being.  Among^  other  tribes  whom  the 
successors  of  Genjis  had  expelled  from  their  original 
abodes,  was  a  barbarous  and  warlike  horde  called  the 

'  Matthew  Paris;  Litterse  Comit.  Ricliardi.  2  Sanutus;  Vertot 

3  'Jibliothi  que  Oriental;  Joinviile;  Ducange;  Sanutus,  217;  Conti- 
nuatiofi  of  VViliiam  of  Tyre. 


300  HISTORY  OF  CHIVALRY. 

Corasmins ;  and  this  people,  wandering  about  with- 
out a  dwelling-,  destroying-  as  they  went,  and  waging 
war  ag^ainst  all  nations,  at  length  directed  llieir  course 
towards  Palestine.  So  quick  and  unexpected  had 
been  their  arrival,  that  the  Christians  employed  in 
the  re-edification  of  the  city-walls  never  dreamed  of 
invasion  till  fire  and  massacre  had  swept  over  half 
the  Holy  Land.*  No  troops  were  collected,  no  pre- 
parations made,  the  fortifications  of  the  city  were  in- 
complete, and  the  only  resource  of  the  people  of  Je- 
rusalem was  to  retire  in  haste  to  the  shelter  of  JaflTa, 
under  the  guidance  of  the  few  Templars  and  Hospi- 
tallers who  were  on  the  spot.  Some  few  persons 
remained,  and  made  an  attempt  at  defence ;  but  the 
town  was  taken  in  a  moment,  and  every  soul  in  it 
put  to  the  svvord.2  The  bloodthirsty  barbarians,  not 
satisfied  with  the  scanty  number  of  victims  they  had 
found,  artfully  raised  the  banner  of  the  Cross  upon 
the  walls,  and  many  of  the  Latins  who  had  fled  re- 
turned. Seven  thousand  more  were  thus  entrapped 
and  massacred ;  and  the  Corasmins  exercised  every 
sort  of  barbarous  fuiy  on  those  objects  they  thought 
most  sacred  in  the  eyes  of  the  Christians, 

At  length  the  fugitives  at  Jaffa  received  a  succoui 
of  four  thousand  men  from  their  allies,  the  Sultauns 
of  Emissa  and  Damascus,^  and  resolved  to  give  bat- 
tle to  the  barbarians.  The  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem 
precipitated  the  measures  of  the  army,  and  after  a 
dreadful  struggle  the  Latins  were  defeated,  the  Grand 
Masters  of  the  Temple  and  St.  John  slain,  the  three 
military  Orders  nearly  exterminated,  and  the  Sultaun 
of  Emissa  forced  to  fly  for  shelter  to  his  fortifica- 
tions. Walter  de  Brienne,  the  lord  of  Jaffa,  was 
taken ;  and  to  force  that  town  to  surrender,  the  Co- 
rasmins hung  the  gallant  knight  by  the  arms  to  a 
cross,  declaring  to  the  garrison  that  he  should  there 

'  Joinville;  Maithcw  Paris;  Bernard  in  Martenne. 

2  Joinville;  MaJtliew  Paris;  Epist.  Tred.  Iniper 

3  Ducange ;  Joinville ;  Bernard. 


HISTORY  OF    CHIVALRY.  301 

remain  till  the  city  was  yielded.  Walter  heard,  and 
raising  his  voice,  unmindful  of  his  own  agonies,  so- 
lemnly commanded  his  soldiers  to  hold  out  the  city 
to  the  last.'  The  barbarians  were  obliged  to  retire, 
and  Walter  was  sent  captive  into  Egypt. 

The  Sultaun  of  Emissa  soon  raised  the  standard  a 
second  time  against  the  barbarians  and  after  several 
struggles,  in  which  the  monarch  of  Egypt  sometimes 
upheld,  and  sometimes  abandoned  the  Corasmins, 
the}''  were  at  length  entirely  defeated,  and  not  one, 
it  is  said,  escaped  from  the  field  of  battle.^  Barba- 
quan,  their  leader,  was  slain;  and  thus  Asia  was  de- 
livered of  one  of  the  most  terrible  scourges  that  had 
ever  been  inflicted  on  her. 

At  this  time  a  monarch  reigned  over  France  who 
combined  in  a  remarkable  degree  the  high  talents  of 
his  grandfather  Philip  Augustus  with  the  religious 
zeal  or,  perhaps  1  may  say,  fanaticism  of  his  father, 
Louis  VIII.  Louis  IX.  was  in  every  respect  an  ex- 
traordinary man  ;  he  was  a  great  warrior,  chivalrous 
as  an  individual,  and  skilful  as  a  general :  he  was  a 
great  king,  inasmuch  as  he  sought  the  welfare  of  his 
people  more  than  the  aggrandizement  of  his  territo- 
ries:  lie  formed  the  best  laws  that  could  be  adapted 
to  the  time,  administered  them  often  in  person,  and 
observed  them  always  himself:  he  was  a  good  man, 
inasmuch  as  he  served  God  with  his  whole  heart,  and 
strove  in  all  his  communion  with  his  fellows  to  do 
his  duty  according  to  his  sense  of  obhgation.  Had 
he  been  touched  with  religious  fervour  to  the  amount 

•  Bernard  ;  Joinville,    Matthew  Paris. 

2  The  wliole  of  these  events  are  extremely  obscure  in  history.  I  have 
followed  .loiiiville  rno-e  than  any  otherauthnr,  because  I  find  his  account 
more  clear  and  satisfactory.  Ducange's, valuable  noles  have  greatly 
aided  me;  but  even  that  indefatigable  investigator  has  not  been  able  to 
arri%e  at  precise  certainty.  The  accounts  in  Matthew  Pans  do  not  well 
harmon'Z!!  with  those  of  persons  who  had  more  immediate  means  of  in- 
form ition.  Vincent  of  Beauvais  states,  that  the  Corasmins  were  finally 
exterminated,  not  in  a  battle,  but  in  separate  bodies  by  the  peasantry 
Their  whole  number  seems  to  have  been  about  twenty  thousand  meii. 
Bernard  the  Treasurer,  in  Marteuue,  corroborates  the  slatemeut  of  Vti:- 
oent  of  Boauvaio. 


802  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

of  zeal,  but  not  to  the  amount  of  fanaticism,  he 
would  have  been  perhaps  too  superior  to  his  age. 
Previous  to  the  news  of  the  Corasmiiiian  irruption, 
St.  Louis  iiad  determined  to  visit  the  Holy  Laud,  in 
consequence  of  a  vow  made  during  sic^knessJ  It 
appears,  that  after  the  signal  defeat  which  he  had 
given  to  Henry  IIL  of  England  at  Saintonge,  Louis's 
whole  attention  was  turned  to  the  snfferings  of  the 
Christians  in  Palestine;  and  so  deeply  was  his  mind 
impressed  with  that  anxious  thought,  that  it  became 
tlie  subject  of  dreams,  which  he  looked  upon  as  insti- 
gations from  heaven.  The  news  of  the  destruction 
of  the  Christians  by  the  barbarians,  the  well-known 
quarrels  and  rivalry  of  the  two  military  Orders,  and 
the  persuasions  of  Linocent  IV.,  who  then  held  the 
thirteenth  oecumenical  council  at  Lyons,  all  hastened 
Louis's  preparations.  William  Longsword  and  a 
great  many  English  crusaders'^  joined  the  French  mo- 
narch from  Great  Britain ;  and  after  three  years'  care- 
ful attention  to  the  safety  of  his  kingdom,  the  provi- 
sion of  supplies,  and  the  concentration  of  his  forces, 
Louis,  with  his  two  brothers,  the  Counts  of  Artois 
and  Anjou,  took  the  scrip  and  staff,  and  set  sail  for 
Cyprus.  The  third  brother  of  the  king,  Alphonso, 
Count  of  Poitiers,  remained  to  collect  the  rest  of  the 
crusaders,  and  followed  shortly  after.^  The  queen- 
consort  of  France,  and  several  other  ladies  of  high 
note,  accompanied  the  monarch  to  the  Holy  Land.** 
At  Cyprus,  Louis  spent  eiglit  months  in  healing  the 
divisions  of  the  military  Orders,  and  endeavouring  to 
bring  about  that  degree  of  unity  which  had  been  un- 
known to  any  of  the  crusades.  At  length,  early  in 
the  spring,  he  set  sail  from  Cyprus  with  an  army  of 
fifty  thousand  chosen  men.  A  tremendous  storm 
separated  the  king's  fleet,  and,  supported  by  but  a 
small  part  of  his  troops  he  arrived  at  Dainictta,  where 

J  .Toinville;  Bernani  in  Martenne;  Ouillaumc  Guiarl. 
2  Mattliew  Paris  ;  Joinvillc.  3  JoinvUle. 

*  Guillaumo  Guiart :  Joinvilla. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  303 

the  Sultaun  of  Egypt,  with  his  whole  force,  was 
d);ivvn  up  to  oppose  the  lauding  of  the  Christians. 
The  sultaun  himself  was  seen  in  golden  armour, 
which  shone,  Joinviile  says,  like  the  sun  itself;  and 
so  great  was  the  noise  of  drums  and  trumpets  that 
the  French  were  almost  deafened  by  the  sound. 
After  some  discussion,  it  was  determined  that  the 
landing  should  be  attempted  without  waiting  for  the 
rest  of  the  army.  Among  the  first  who  renched  the 
shore  w^as  Joinviile,  Seneschal  of  Champagne,  who, 
accompanied  by  another  baron,  and  their  men-at- 
arms,  lauded  in  the  face  of  an  immense  body  of  Turk- 
ish cavalry,  that  instantly  spurred  forward  against 
tliem.  The  French  planted  their  large  shields'  in  the 
sand,  with  their  lances  resting  on  the  rim,  so  that  a 
complete  chevaux-de-frise  was  raised,  from  which 
tlie  Turks  turned  off  witliout  venturing  an  assault. 
St.  Louis  himself  soon  followed,  and  in  his  chival- 
rous impatience  to  land,  sprang  into  the  water  up  to 
his  shoulders,  and,  sword  in  hand,  rushed  on  to 
charge  the  Saracens. 

Intimidated  at  the  bold  actions  of  the  French,  the 
Moslems  fled  from  the  beach ;  and  as  the  crusaders 
advanced,  the  unexpected  news  of  the  death  of  tlieir 
sultaun  reached  the  Saracens,  upon  which  they 
abandoned  even  the  city  of  Damietta  itself,  without 
waiting  to  destroy  the  bridge,  though  they  set  fire  to 
the  bazaars." 

At  Damietta  Louis  paused  for  the  arrival  of  his 
brother,  the  Count  of  Poitiers,  and  the  rest  of  the 
forces ;  and  here,  with  the  usual  improvidence  that 
marked  all  the  crusades,  the  army  gave  itself  up  to 
luxury  and  debauchery,  which  tli'e  king  neither  by 
laws  nor  example  could  check.  At  length  the  rein- 
forcements appeared,  and  Louis,  leaving  the  queen  at 
JDamietta,  marched  on  towards  Cairo ;  but  near  Mas- 
floura  he  found  his  advance  impeded  by  the  Thanisian 

i  Joinviile ;  Branche  dea  royattx  Lignageii.  2  JoinTille. 


304  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

canal,  on  the  other  side  of  which  the  Saracens  were 
drawn  up  to  oppose  his  progress  undei-  the  command 
of  the  celebrated  Emir  Ceccidun.  No  other  means 
of  passing  the  canal  seemed  practicable,  but  by 
throwing  a  causeway  across.  This  was  accordingly 
commenced,  under  cover  of  two  high  moveable 
towers,  called  chats  chatiels,  or  cat-cH sties,  which 
were  s  carcely  raised  before  they  were  burnt  by  quan- 
tities of  Greek  fire,  thrown  from  the  pierriers  and 
mangonels. 

At  length  an  Arabian  peasant  agreed,  for  a  large 
bribe,  to  point  out  a  ford.  The  Count  of  Ariois,  with 
fourteen  hundred  knights,  was  directed  to  attempt  it. 
He  succeeded,  repulsed  the  Saracens  0!.i  the  banks, 
and  pursued  them  to  Massoura.  The  panic  among 
the  Moslems  was  general,  and  Massoura  was  nearly 
deserted.  The  more  experienced  and  prudent  knights 
of  all  classes  advised  the  Count  of  Artois  to  pause  for 
the  arrival  of  the  king  and  the  rest  of  the  army.  The 
Count,  with  passionate  eagerness,  accused  his  good 
counsellors  of  cowardice.  Chivalrous  honour  thus 
assailed  forgot  reason  and  moderation;  each  one 
more  ardently  than  another  advanced  into  Massoura: 
the  Moslems,  recovered  from  their  fear,  retiu-ned  in 
great  numbers;  the  fight  began  in  earnest,  and  al- 
most the  whole  of  the  imprudent  advance-guard  of 
the  Christians  was  cut  to  pieces.  The  Count  of  Ar- 
tois fell  among  the  first;' and  wheh  Louis  himself 
amved,  all  was  dismay  and  confusion.  The  battle 
Avas  now  renewed  with  redoubled  vigour;  Lours 
fought  in  every  part  of  the  strife,  and  the  French  and 
Saracens  seemed  emulous  of  each  other  i!i  the  paths 
of  glory  aiid  destruction.  The  sun  went  down  ovei 
the  field  of  Massoura,  leaving  neither  army  assuredly 
the  victors  ;  out  the  Saracens  had  been  repulsed,  and 
Louis  remained  master  of  the  plain. 

Sickness  and  famine  soon  began  to  rage  in  tha 

»  JoinviUe ;  Guillautwo  Gniart ;  Ehicaiige 


HISTORY  OF  CHIVALRY.  305 

Christian  camp.  The  Moslems  had  now  interrupted 
the  communication  with  Damietta;  and  every  soldier 
in  the  army  was  enfeebled  by  disease.  Nej^otiations 
were  begun  for  peace ;  but  were  broken  off,  because 
the  sultaun  would  receive  no  hostage  for  the  evacua- 
tion of  Damietta  but  Louis  himself;  and  it  was  de- 
termined to  attempt  a  retreat.  Many  strove  to  escape 
by  the  river,  but  were  taken  in  the  attempt;  and  the 
host  itself  vv-as  incessantly  subject  to  the  attacks  of 
the  Saracens,  who  hung  upon  its  rear  during  tlie 
whole  march,  cutting  otf  every  party  that  was  de- 
tached, even  to  procure  the  necessaries  of  life.  In 
this  dreadful  state  Louis  long  continued  to  struggle 
against  sickness,  fighting  ever  where  danger  was 
most  imminent,  and  bearing  up  when  the  hardiest 
soldiers  of  his  army  failed.  At  length  he  could  hardly 
sit  his  horse ;  and  in  the  confusion  of  the  flight — 
which  was  now  the  character  of  the  retreat — he  was 
separated  from  his  own  servants,  and  attended  only 
by  the  noble  GeofFroy  de  Sergines,  who  defended 
him  against  all  tlie  attacks  of  the  enemy.  He  was  led 
to  a  hut  at  the  village  of  Cazel,  where  he  lay,  ex- 
pecting every  moment  that  the  plague  would  accom- 
plish its  work.  He  was  thus  taken  by  the  Saracens,' 
who  assisted  in  his  recovery  and  treated  him  with 
honour.  The  greater  part  of  the  army  fell  into  the 
Moslems'  power,  but  an  immense  number  were  slain 
and  drowned  in  attempting  their  escape. 

Several  difficulties  now  arose  with  regard  to  the 
ransom  of  the  king;  the  Saracens  demanding  the 
cession  of  various  parts  of  Palestine  still  in  the 
hands  of  the  Christians.  This,  however,  Louis  re- 
fused ;  and  conducted  himself  in  prison  with  so  much 
boldness,  that  the  sultaun  declared  he  was  the  proud- 
est infidel  he  had  ever  beheld.  To  humble  him  to 
his  wishes,  the  torture  of  the  bernicles  was  threat- 
ened ;-  but  the  monarch  remained  so  unmoved,  that 

'  .loinviUe ;  Duaange,.  Guillaume  Guiart  2  See  note  XII 

Aa 


30G  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

his  enfranchisement  was  at  last  granted  on  other 

terms.  Ten  thousand  golden  besants  were  to  be  paid 
for  the  freedom  of  the  army ;  tlie  city  of  Damietta 
was  to  be  restored  to  the  Saracens,  and  a  peace  of 
ten  years  was  concluded.  During  the  interval  which 
followed  these  arrangements,  the  sultaun  was  assas- 
sinated, and  the  fate  of  St.  Louis  v/as  again  doubtful ; 
but  the  murderers  agreed  to  the  same  terms  which 
had  been  before  stipulated.  Nevertheless,  some  acts 
of  cruelty  were  committed ;  and  a  great  number  of 
the  sick  were  massacred  at  Damietta.  The  treasure 
which  the  king  possessed  on  the  spot  not  being  suf- 
ficient to  furnish  the  whole  ransom,  his  friends  were 
obhged  to  seize  upon  the  wealth  of  the  Grand  Master 
of  the  Temple,  who  basely  refused  to  lend  a  portion 
to  redeem  his  fellow-christians.  At  length  the  first 
part  of  the  sum  was  paid ;  the  great  body  of  the  foreign 
nobles  v.dio  had  joined  in  the  crusade  returned  to  Eu- 
rope, and  Louis  himself  retired  to  Acre.  The  Sara- 
cens had  already  broken  the  treaty  with  Louis  by  the 
murder  of  the  sick  at  Damietta,  and  by  the  detention 
of  several  knights  and  soldiers,  as  well  as  a  large 
bod)^  of  Christian  children.  The  promise  of  peace, 
therefore,  was  not  imperative;  and  the  Sultaun  of 
Damascus  eagerly  courted  the  French  king  to  aid 
him  in  ins  efforts  against  the  people  of  Egypt.'  The 
news  of  this  negotiation  immediately  brought  depu- 
ties from  Egypt,  who  submitted  to  the  terins  which 
Louis  thought  fit  to  propose ;  and  that  monarch,  with- 
out mingling  in  the  wars  that  raged  betw^een  the 
i,wo  Moslem  countries,  only  took  advantage  of  them 
to  repair  the  fortifications  of  Jaffa  and  Cesarea.  Af- 
ter having  spent  two  years  in  putting  the  portion  of 
Palestine  that  yet  remained  to  tb.e  Latins^  into  a  defen- 
sible state,  he  set  sail  for- France,  where  his  presence 
was  absolutely  required. 
Before  proceeding  to  trace  the  after-fate  of  the 

»Ducange;  Jolnviile;  Guill«ume  Guiart,        2  A.D.  1254. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  307 

Holy  Land,'  it  may  be  as  well  to  conduct  St.  Louis 
to  his  last  crusade>  Sixte-en  years  after  his  return 
to  I'kirope,  that  monarch  once  more  determined  on 
rearing  the  banner  of  the  Cross.  Immense  numbers 
flocked  to  join  him,  and  England  appeared  willing  to 
second  allthe  efforts  of  the  French  king.  Edward, 
the  heir  of  the  English  monarchy,  assumed  the  Cross; 
and  large  sums  were  raised  throughout  Britain  for 
defraying  the  expenses  of  the  war. 

In  1270,  St.  LoniS,  accompanied  by  the  flow^er  of 
Iiis  national  nobility,  and  followed  by  sixty  thousand 
chosen  troops,  set  sail  for  Palestine,  but  was  driven 
by  a  storm  into  Sardinia.  Here  a  change  in  his  plans 
took  place ;  artd  it  was  resolved  that  the  army  should 
land  in  Africa,  where  tlie  King  of  Tunis  some  tim.e 
before  had  professed  himself  favourable  to  the  Chris- 
tian religion.  St.  Louis  had  been  long  so  weak,  that 
he  could  not  bear  the  weight  of  his  armour,^  nor  the 
motion  of  a  horse,  for  any  length  of  time ;  but  still 
his  indefatigable  zeal  sustained  him;  and  after  a 
short  passage,  he  arrived  on  the  coast  of  Africa,  op- 
posite to  the  city  of  Carthage. 

Although  his  coming  had  been  so  suddenly  re- 
sol  ved,^  a  large  IVIahommedan  force  was  drawn  up  to 
oppose  his  landing ;  but  the  French  knights  forced 
their  way  to  the  shore,  and  after  a  severe  contest, 
obtained  a  complete  victory  over  tlie  Moors.  Siege 
was  then  laid  to  Carthage,  which  was  also  taken;  but 
before  these  conquests  could  be  turned  to  any  advan- 
tage, an  infectious  flux  began  to  appear  in  the  army. 
St.  Louis  was  one  of  the  first  attacked.  His  en- 
feebled constitution  was  not  able  to  support  the  ef- 
fects of  the  disease,  and  it  soon  became  evident  that 
the  monarch's  days  were  rapidly  drawing  to  their 
close.  In  this  situation,  with  the  most  perfect  con- 
sciousness of  his  approaching  fate,  St.  Louis  called 
his  son  Philip,'*  and  spoke  long  to  him  on  his  duty  to 

» A.  D.  1270        2  .Toinville.        3  GuiUauma  Guiari.       *  JoinviUe 


308  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

the  people  he  left  to  his  charge;  teaching  him  with 
the  beautiful  simplicity  of  true  wisdom.  The  king 
then  withdrew  his  thoughts  from  all  earthly  things, 
performed  the  last  rites  of  his  religion,  and  yielded 
his  soul  to  God.' 

Scarcely  was  the  pionarch  dead,  when  Charles  of 
Sicily  arrived  with  large  rehifoi cements,  and  unknow- 
ing the  event,  approached  Carthage  with  martial  mu- 
sic, and  every  sign  of  rejoicing.  His  joy  was  soon 
turned  into  grief  by  the  tidings  of  liis  brother's  fdte;^ 
and  the  courage  cf  the  Moors  being  raised  by  the 
sorrow  of  their  enemies,  the  united  armies  of 
France  and  Sicily  were  attacked  by  a  very  superioi 
power. 

After  a  variety  of  engagements,  Philip,  now  King 
of  France,  and  Charles,  of  Sicily,  compelled  the  de- 
feated Moors  to  sue  for  peace ;  and  collecting  his 
troops,  the  new  monarch  returned  to  Europe,  driven 
from  the  coast  rather  by  the  pestilence  that  raged  in 
his  army,''  than  by  the  efforts  of  the  infidels. 

Prince  Edward  of  England  had  taken  the  Cross,  as 
I  have  already  said,  with  the  intention  of  following 
Louis  IX.  to  the  Holy  Land  ;  and  with  the  small  force 
he  could  collect,  amounting  to  not  more  than  fifteen 
hundred  men,  he  arrived  in  the  Mediterranean,  but 
hearing  that  Louis  had  turned  from  the  direct  object 
of  the  crusade,  he  proceeded  to  Sicily,  where  he 
passed  the  winter. 

As  soon  as  spring  rendered  navigation  possible,  he 
set  sail,  and  arrived  at  Acre,  where  he  found  the  state 
of  Palestine  infinitely  worse  than  it  had  been  since 
the  first  taking  of  Jerusalem. 

Disunion  and  violence  had  done  far  more  to  destroy 
the  Christians  of  the  Holy  Land  than  the  swords  of 
the  infidels.  The  two  military  Orders  had  been  con- 
stantly  opposed  to  each  other,  and  had  often  beeu 

J  Braiiche  des  royauv  et  Lignages ;  Sermon  de  Robert  de  Saiiiccieaux. 
2  Charles,  King  of  Sicily,  was  brother  to  St.  Louis. 
8  GuillaumeGuiart;  William  of  Nangis. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  309 

eng-a^ed  in  sang-iiinary  warfare.  The  knights  of  St. 
John  had  ever  the  advantage;  and  at  one  time  the 
Teniphirs  of  Palestine  had  nearly  been  exterminated. 
The  clergy  attempted  to  encroach  upon  the  privileges 
of  both.  The  difterent  Italian  republics,  who  had 
secured  to  themselves  various  portions  of  territoiy, 
and  various  commercial  immunities,  were  in  contin- 
ual warfare;  and  while  the  Saracens  and  the  Mame- 
lukes were  gradually  taking  possession  of  the  whole 
soil — while  the  fortresses  of  Cesarea,  JaffVi,  and 
Saphoury  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  infidels,  as  well 
as  all  the  cities  and  feoffs  of  the  Latins,  except  Acre 
and  Tyre — the  sands  of  Palestine  were  often  wet 
with  Christian  blood,  shed  by  the  hands  of  Chris- 
tians. Antioch  also  fell  almost  without  resistance, 
and  the  citizens  were  either  doomed  to  death  or  led 
into  captivity. 

Such  was  the  state  of  the  Holy  Land  at  the  time 
of  Prince  Edward's  arrival.  His  name,  however, 
was  a  host ;  the  disunion  among  the  Christians  was 
healed  by  his  coming;'  every  exertion  was  made  to 
render  his  efforts  effectual ;  and  he  soon  found  him- 
self at  the  head  of  a  small  but  veteran  force, 
amounting  to  seven  thousand  men.  With  this  he 
advanced  upon  Nazareth,  and  after  a  severe  conflict 
with  the  Moslems,  he  made  himself  master  of  that 
I'ity,  in  which  all  the  Saracens  that  remained  were 
slaughtered  without  mercy.  The  cUmate  put  a  stop 
to  his  snccesses.  It  was  now  the  middle  of  summer, 
and  the  excessive  heat  brought  on  a  fever,  from 
which  Edward  was  recovering,  when  a  strange  mes- 
senger deSired  to  render  some  despatches  to  the 
prince's  own  hand.  He  was  admitted ;  and  as  the 
young  leader  lay  in  his  bed,  without  any  attendants, 
lie  delivered  tlie  letters,  and  for  a  moment  spoke  to 
him  of  the  affairs  of  Jaffa.  Tlie  instant  after,  he 
drew  a  dagg+;r  from  his  belt,  and  before  Edward  waa 

1  Hemingford  •  Langtoft ;  Matthew  Taris.  continuation. 


310  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

aware,  had  stabbed  him  in  the  chest.  The  princa 
was  enfeebled,  but  was  still  sufficieiuly  vigorous  to 
wrench  the  weapon  from  the  assassin,  and  to  put 
him  to  death  with  his  own  hand.  His  attendants, 
alarmed  by  the  strugi^le,  rushed  into  the  apartment, 
and  found  Edward  bleeding  from  the  wound  inflicted 
by  a  poisoned  knife.  Skilful  means"  were  instantly 
used  to  preserve  his  life  ;2  and  an  antidote,  sent  by  the 
Grand  Master  of  the  Temple,  is  said  to  have  ob- 
viated the  effects  of  the  poison.  Edward's  natural 
vigour,  with  care,  soon  restored  him  to  health  ;  and 
the  Sultaun  of  Egypt,  daunted  by  the  courage  and 
ability  of  the  English  prince,  and  engaged  in  ruinous 
wars  in  other  directions,  offered  peace  on  advanta- 
geous conditions,  which  were  accepted.  Edwa  d 
and  his  followers  returned  to  Europe,  and  the  Chris- 
tians of  Palestine  were  left  to  take  advantage  of  a 
ten  years'  truce. 

Such  was  the  end  of  the  last  expedition.  In  1274, 
Gregory  X.,  who  had  himself  witnessed  the  sorrows 
of  Palestine,  attempted  to  promote  a  new  crasade, 
and  held  a  council  for  that  purpose  at  Lyons,  where 
many  great  and  noble  personages  assumed  the  Cross. 
The  death  of  the  Pope  followed  shortly  afterward, 
and  the  project  was  abandoned,  on  the  loss  of  him 
who  had  given  it  birth.  In  Palestine,  all  now  tended 
to  the  utter  expulsion  of  the  Christians.  The  La- 
tins themselves  first  madly  broke  the  truce,  by  plun- 
dering some  Egyptian  mercliants  near  Margat. 
Keladun,  then  Sultaun  of  Cairo,  Irastened  to  revenge 
the  injury,  and  Margat  was  taken  from  the  Chris- 
tians, after  a  gallant  defence.^  Tripoli,  which  had 
hitherto  escaped  by  various  concessions  to  tne  Mos- 
lems, fell  shortly  after  Margat ;  and  in  thetiiird  year 

1  The  popular  version  of  tliis  story  is,  that  Eleonora,  the  wife  of  tti6 
prince,  who  had  accompanied  him  to  Palestine,  sucked  the  poison  from 
the  wound,  at  the  risk  of  her  own  life.    Camden  sanctions  -his  account. 

2  Hemiiiglbrd ;  Langfott. 

3  Vjiiarii ;  Vet.  Script. ;  Bernard,  old  French. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  311 

from  tliat  period,  two  hnndred  thousand  IMahommed- 
aiis  were  under  the  walls  of  Acre,  the  last  possession 
of  the  Christians.  The  Grand  Master  of  St.  John 
had  collected  together  a  small  body  of  Italian  mer- 
cenaries, but  no  serviceable  support  could  be  won 
from  the  kings  of  Europe. 

The  Grand  Master'  of  the  Temple,  hovv'ever,  with 
the  rest  of  the  militaiy  Orders,  and  about  twelve 
thousand  men,  being  joined  by  the  King  of  Cyprus, 
resolved  to  undergo  a  siege.  The  greater  part  of 
the  useless  inhabitants  were  sent  away  by  sea,  and 
the  garrison  prepared  to  defend  themselves  to  the 
last.  This  was  the  final  blaze  of  cliivalric  valour 
that  shone  on  the  Holy  Land.  The  numbers  of  the 
IMoslems  were  overpowering,  and  after  a  breach  had 
been  made  in  the  walls  by  the  fall  of  what  was  called 
the  Cursed  Tower,  a  general  assault  took  place.  Tlie 
Kmg  of  Cyprus  made  a  dastardly  flight,  but  the 
Templars  and  the  Teutonic  knights  died  Where  they 
stood,  and  the  Hospitallers  only  left  the  city  to  attack 
the  rear  of  the  besieging  army.  Here  they  met  with 
infinite  odds  against  them,  and  fell  man  by  man,  till 
the  news  came  that  the  Grand  Master  of  the  Temple 
was  killed  and  that  the  city  was  taken.  The  Hospi- 
tallers then,  reduced  to  seveji  in  number,  reached  a 
ship,  and  quitted  the  shores  of  Palestine.  About  an 
equal  number  of  Templars  fled  to  the  interior,  and 
thence  fouoht  their  way  through  the  laud,  till  they 
gained  the  means  of  reaching  Cyprus.  The  inhabit- 
ants of  the  city  who  had  not  before  departed  fled 
to  the  sea  ;^  but  the  elements  themselves  seemed  to 
war  aoainst  them,  and  ere  they  (,'ould  escape,  the 
Saracen  sword  died  the  sands  with  their  blood.  The 
Moslems  then  set  fire  to  the  devoted  town,  and  the 
last  vestige  of  the  Christian  power  in  Syria  was 
swept  from  the  face  of  the  earth. 

>  Martenne;  Villani.       2  Martenne,  Vet.  Script. ;  Villani :  Sanutns 


312  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

Fate  of  the  Orders  of  the  Temple  and  St.  John— The  Templars  abandon 
all  Hopes  of  reconerin^  Jerusalem — Mingle  in  European  I'olitica— 
Offend  Philip  the  Fair — Are  persecvted— Charges  against  them — The 
Order  destroyed— Th£  Knights  of  St.  John  pursue  hip.  Purpose  of  de- 
fending  Christendom — Settle  in  Rhodes—Siege  of  R/ioaes— Gallant 
])i  fence — The  Island  taken— The  Knights  remove  to  Malta— Siege  of 
Malta — La  V alette— Defence  of  St.  Elmo  — Gallantry  of  the  Garrison— 
The  w'lole  Turkish  Army  attempt  to  storm  the  Castle—  The  Attack  re- 
pelled—Arrival  of  Succou — The  Sieire  raised — The  Progress  of  Chi 
valry  independent  of  the  Crusades — Cicivalrous  Exploits — Ren.pjicial 
Tendency  of  Chivalry— Corruption  of  the  Age  not  attributable  to  Chi- 
valry— Decline  of  the  Institution — In  Germany,  England,  France  — 
Its  Extinction. 

From  the  period  of  the  fall  of  Acre  crusades  were 
only  spoken  of;  but  the  spirit  of  Chivalry  was  per- 
haps not  the  less  active,  thoug-h  it  had  taken  another 
^'ourse :  nor  did  it  lose  in  purity  by  bein^  directed, 
moderated,  and  deprived  of  the  ferocity  which  always 
follows  fanaticism.  Tiie  Holy  Land  had  become  a 
place  of  vice  and  debanchery,  as  well  as  a  theatre 
for  the  display  of  great  deeds  and  noble  resolution  ; 
and  we  find,  that  however  orderly  and  regular  any 
army  was  on  its  departure  from  Europe,  it  soon  ac-. 
quired  all  the  habits  of  immorality  and  improvidence 
which  seemed  some  inherentquality  of  that  unhappy 
climate.  This  was  peculiarly  apparent  in  the  two 
Orders  of  tlie  Hospital  and  the  Temple,  the  rules  of 
which  were  particularly  calculated  to  guard  against 
luxury  of  every  kind  ;  yet,  the  one,  till  its  extinction 
and  both,  during  their  sojourn  in  Palestine,  were  the 
receptacle  of  more  depravity  and  crimes  than  per- 
haps any  other  body  of  men  could  produce.  After 
the  capture  of  Acre  the  knights  of  these  two  Orders 
retreated  to  Cyprus;  and  when  some  ineffectual 
efforts  had  been  made  to  excite  a  new  crusade  foi 
the  recovery  of  Palestine, the  Templars  retired  from 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  313 

eiiat  coimtr}'-,  and,  spreading  themselves  throughout 
their  vast  possessions  in  Euiope,  seem  really  to  have 
abandoned  all  thouaht  of  fightins:  any  more  for  the 
sepnlchre.  Witli  the  rest  of  Europe  they  spoke 
of  fresli  expeditions,  it  is  true  ;  but  in  the  mean  while 
they  gave  themselves  up  to  the  luxury,  pride,  and 
ambition  which,  if  it  was  not  the  real  cause  of  their 
downfall,  nt  least  furnished  the  excuse.  Philip  the 
Fair  of  France,  on  his  accession  to  the  throne, 
showed  great  favour  to  the  Templars,'  and  lield  out 
hopes  that  he  would  attempt  to  establish  the  Order 
once  more  in  the  land  which  had  given  it  birth.  But 
the  Templars  were  now  deeply  occupied  in  the  poli- 
tics of  Europe  itself:  their  haughty  Grand  Master  was 
almost  equal  to  a  king  in  power,  and  w^ould  fain  have 
made  kings  his  slaves.  In  the  disputes  betw^een  Philip 
and  Boniface  VIII.,  the  Templars  took  the  part  of  the 
Pope,  and  treated  the  monarch,  in  his  own  realm,  with 
insolent  contempt ;  but  they  knew  not  the  character 
of  him  whose  wrath  they  roused.  Philip  was  at 
once  vindictive  and  avaricious,  and  the  destruction 
of  the  Templars  offered  the  gratification  of  both  pas- 
sions: he  was  also  calm,  bold,  cunning,  and  remorse- 
less; and  from  the  vengeance  of  such  a  man  it  was 
difficult  to  escape.  The  vices  of  the  Templars  w^ere 
notorious,^  and  on  these  it  was  easy  to  graft  crimes 
of  a  deeper  die.  Reports,  rumours,  accusations, 
circulated  rapidly  through  Europe ;  and  Philip,  re- 
solved upon  crushing  the  unhappy  Order,  took  care 
that  on  the  very  first  vacancy  his  creature,  Bertrand 

•  Kaynonard. 

2  For  the  history  of  the  Templars,  see  Raynouard  and  Du  Tny,  Vcrtof, 
William  of  Nany;is,  Hisioria  Templarioruni,  <tc.  Almost  ail  ihe  modern 
writers  are  more  or  less  in  favour  of  the  Templars,  while  every  contem- 
porary authority  condemns  them.  As  to  Mills's  assertion,  thai  they  were 
loyal  and  virtuous,  if  is  perfectly  untenable.  All  the  historians  of  tho 
Ilnly  Land,  many  of  whom  died  while  the  Templars  were  at  the  height 
of  their  power,  declare  that  they  were  a  corrupt,  proud,  perfidious  body. 
Mills  himself  shows  that  such  was  the  opinion  enrertained  of  them  by 
the  Saracens;  and  all  the  general  letters  of  the  popes  accu.se  them  of 
manifold  vices  and  depravities. 

a 


314  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

de  Got,  Archbishop  of  Bourdeaux,^  should  be  elevated 
to  the  papal  throne.  Before  he  suffered  the  ambi- 
tious prelate  to  be  elected,  he  bound  him  to  grant 
five  conditions,  four  of  which  were  explamed  to  him 
previousl}^  but  the  fifth  was  to  be  kept  in  secrecy  till 
after  his  elevation.  Bertrand  pledged  himself  to  all 
these  terms ;  and  as  soon  as  he  had  received  the 
triple  crov»n,  was  informed  that  the  last  dreadful 
condition  was  the  destruction  of  the  Order  of  the 
Temple.  He  hesitated,  but  was  forced  to  consent; 
and  after  various  stratagems  to  inveigle  all  the  prin- 
cipal Templars  into  France,  Philip  caused  them  sud- 
denly to  be  arrested  throughout  his  dominions,-  and 
had  them  arraigned  of  idolatry,  immorality,  extor- 
tion, and  treason,  together  with  crimes  whose  very 
name  must  not  soil  this  page.  Mixed  with  a  multi- 
tude of  charges,  both  false  and  absurd,  were  varior.s 
others  too  notorious  to  be  confuted  by  the  body,  and 
many  which  could  be  proved  against  individuals. 
Several  members  of  the  Order  confessed  some  of  the 
crimes  laid  to  their  charge,  and  many  more  were 
afterward  induced  to  do  so  by  torture ;  but  at  a 
subsequent  period  of  the  trial,  when  the  whole  of  the 
papal  authority  was  used  to  give  the  proceeding  the 
character  of  a  regular  legal  inquisition,  a  number  of 
individuals  confessed,  on  the  promise  of  pardon, 
different  offences,  sufficient  to  justify  rigorous  pu- 
nishment against  themselves,  and  to  implicate  deeply 
the  institution  to  which  they  belonged.  .lames  de 
Mollay,  however,  the  Grand  Master,  finuly  denied 
eveiy  charge,  and  defended  himself  and  his  brethren 
with  a  calm  and  dignified  resolution  that  nothing 
could  shake. 

It  would  be  useless  as  well  as  painful  to  dwell 
upon  all  the  particulars  of  their  trial,  where  space  is 
not  allowed  to  investigate  minutely  the  facts:  it  is 
sufficient  to  say,  that  the  great  body  of  the  Templars 

1  Vertot.  2  Will,  of  Naiigis. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  315 

in  France  were  sentenced  to  be  imprisoned  for  life, 
and  a  multitnde  were  burned  at  the  stake,  where 
tliey  showed  that  heroic  firmness  which  they  had 
ever  evinced  in  the  field  of  battle.  Their  large  pos- 
sessions were  of  course  confiscated.  In  Spain,  their 
aid  a^j^ainst  the  Moors  was  too  necessary  to  permit 
of  similar  rig-our,  and  they  were  orenerally  acqnitted 
in  that  country.  In  England,  tiie  same  persecutions 
were  carried  on,  but  with  somewhat  of  a  milder 
course :  and  the  last  blow  was  put  to  the  whole  by  a 
council  held  at  Vienne,  which  formally  dissolved  the 
Order,  and  transferred  its  estates  to  the  Hospitallers. 
James  de  MoUay  and  the  Grand  Prior  of  France 
were  the  last  victims,  and  were  publicly  burned  in 
Paris  for  crimes  that  beyond  doubt  they  did  not 
commit.  To  suppose  that  the  Templars  were  guilty 
of  the  specific  offences  attributed  to  them  would  be 
to  suppose  them  a  congregation  of  madmen ;  but  to 
believe  they  were  a  religious  or  a  virtuous  Order 
would  be  to  charge  all  Europe  with  a  general  and 
purposeless  conspiracy. 

In  the  mean  wdiile,  the  Knights  Hospitallers  con- 
fined themselves  to  the  objects  for  Avhich  they  were 
originally  instituted ;  and,  that  they  might  always 
be  prepared  to  fight  against  the  enemies  of  Christen- 
dom, they  obtained  a  cession  of  the  island  of  Rhodes, 
from  which  they  expelled  the  Turks.  Here  they 
continued  for  many  years,  a  stumblingblock  in  the 
way  of  Moslem  conquest ;  but  at  length,  the  chran- 
celior  of  the  Order,  named  d'Amaral,'  disappointed 
of  the  dignity  of  Grand  Master,  in  revenge,  it  is  said, 
invited  the  Turks  to  the  siege,  and  gave  them  the 
plan  of  the  island  with  its  fortifications.  Soliman  II. 
instantly  led  an  army  against  it;  but  the  gallant 
knights  resisted  with  a  determined  courage,  that 
drove  the  imperious  sultaun  almost  to  madness.  He 
I'wnmanded  his  celebrated  general,  Miistapha,  to  be 

I  Vertot. 


816  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

slain  with  arrows,'  attributing  to  him  the  misfortune 
of  the  si^ge;  and  at  length  had  begun  to  withdraw 
his  forces,  when  a  more  favourable  point  of  attack 
was  discovered,  and  the  knights  were  ultimately 
obliged  to  capitulate.  The  city  of  Rhodes  was  by 
this  time  reduced  to  a  mere  heap  of  stones,  and  at 
one  period  of  the  siege,  the  Grand  Master  himself 
remained  thirty-four  days  in  the  trenches,  without 
ever  sitting  down  to  food,  or  taking  repose,  but  such 
as  he  could  gain  upon  an  uncovered  mattress  at  the 
foot  of  the  wall.  So  noble  a  defence  well  merited 
an  honourable  fate ;  and  even  after  their  surrender, 
the  knights  were  the  objects  of  admiration  and  praise 
to  all  Euiope,  though  Europe  had  suffered  them  to 
fall  without  aid.  The  sultaun,  before  he  allowed 
the  Order  to  transfer  itself  to  Candia,  which  had 
been  stipulated  by  the  treaty,  requested  to  see  the 
Grand  Master :  and  to  console  him  for  his  loss,  he 
said,  "The  conquest  and  the  fall  of  empires  are  but 
the  sports  of  fortune."  He  then  strove  to  win  the 
gallant  knight  who  had  so  well  defended  his  post  to 
the  Ottoman  service,  holding  out  to  him  the  most 
magnificent  offers,  and  showing  what  little  cause  he 
had  to  remain  attached  to  the  Christians,^  who  had 
abandoned  iiim  ;  but  Villiers  replied,  that  he  thanked 
him  for  his  generous  proposals,  yet  that  he  should 
be  unworthy  of  such  a  prince's  good  opinion  if  he 
could  accept  them. 

Before  the  Order  of  St.  John  could  fix  upon  any 
determinate  plan  of  proceeding,  it  M'as  more  than 
once  threatened  with  a  complete  separation,  by 
various  divisions  in  its  councils. 

At  length  motives,  partly  pohtical,  partly  generous, 
induced  the  emperor  Charles  V.  to  offer  the  island 
of  Malta  to  the  Hospitallers.  This  proposal  was 
soon  accepted,^  and  after  various  negotiations  t'^fi 

1  He  was  afterward  pardoned  when  the  sultaun's  wralh  had  abated  • 
but  Soliman  would  never  see  hiiri  more. 

2  Vertot.  s  Watson;  Vertot;  Nic.  Villagagnon. 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  317 

territory  Avas  delivered  up  to  the  knights,  who  took 
full  possession  on  the  26th  of  October.  1530.  Thirty- 
five  years  had  scarcely  passed,  when  the  Order  of 
St.  John,  which  was  now  known  by  the  name  of  the 
Order  of  Malta,  was  assailed  in  its  new  possession 
by  an  army  composed  of  thirty  thousand  veteran 
Turkish  soldiers.  The  news  of  this  armair.ent'S 
approach  had  long  before  reached  the  island,  and 
every  preparation  had  been  made  to  render  its  eftbrta 
ineffectual.  The  whole  of  the  open  country  was? 
soon  in  the  hands  of  the  Turks,  and  they  resolvej 
to  begin  the  siege  by  the  attack  of  a  small  fort, situ- 
ated at  the  end  of  a  tongue  of  land  which  separated 
the  two  ports.  The  safety  of  the  island  and  the 
Order  depended  upon  the  castle  of  St.  Elmo — a  fact 
which  the  Turkish  admiral  well  knew,  and  the  can- 
nonade that  he  soon  opened  upon  the  fortress  was 
tremendous  and  incessant.  The  knights  who  had 
been  thrown  into  that  post  soon  began  to  demand 
succour;  but  the  Grand  Master,  La  Valette,  treated 
their  request  with  indignation,  and  speedily  sent 
fresh  troops  to  take  the  place  of  those  whom  fear  had 
rendered  weak. 

A  noble  emulation  reigned  among  the  Hospitallers, 
and  they  contended  only  which  should  fly  to  the 
perilous  service.  A  sortie  was  made  from  the  fort, 
and  the  Turks  were  driven  back  from  their  position ; 
but  the  forces  of  the  Moslems  were  soon  increased 
by  the  arrival  of  the  famous  Dragut ;  and  the  succour 
which  the  viceroy  of  Sicily  had  promised  to  the 
knights  did  not  appear.  After  the  coming  of  Dragut, 
tlie  siege  of  St.  Elmo  was  pressed -with  redoubled 
ardour.  A  ravelin  was  surprised,  and  a  lodgment 
effected ;  and  the  cavalier,  which  formed  one  of  the 
principal  fortifications,  had  nearly  been  taken.  Day 
flfter  day,  night  after  night,  new  efforts  were  made 
on  either  part ;  and  the  cannon  of  the  Turks  never 
teased  to  play  upon  the  walls  of  the  fort,  whilp,  ai 


318  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY 

the  same  time,  the  ravelin  which  they  had  captured 
was  gradually  raised  till  it  overtopped  the  parapet. 
The  whole  of  the  outer  defences  were  nijw  exposed ; 
the  garrison  could  only  advance  by  means  of  trenches 
and  a  subterranean  approach  ;  and  to  cut  oft"  even 
these  communications  with  the  parapet,  the  pacha 
threw  across  a  bridge  from  tlie  ravelin,  covering  it. 
with  earth  lo  defend  it  from  fire. 

After  this,  the  mine  and  the  sap  both  went  on  at 
once ;  but  the  hardness  of  the  rock  was  in  favour  of 
the  besieged,  and  by  a  sortie  the  bridge  was  burnt.' 
[n  a  wonderfully  sliorl  time  it  was  reconstructed; 
and  the  terrible  fire  from  the  Turkish  lines  not  only 
swept  away  hundreds  of  the  besieged,  but  ruined  the 
defences  and  dismounted  the  (irtillery.  In  this  state 
the  knights  sent  a  messenger  to  the  Grand  Master, 
representing  their  situation,  showing  that  the  recruits 
they  received  only  drained  tlie  garrison  of  the  town, 
without  protracting  the  resistance  of  a  place  that 
could  stand  no  longer,  and  threatening  to  cut  their 
way  through  the  enemy,  if  boats  did  not  come  to 
take  them  ofl'.  La  Valette  knew  too  well  their  situa- 
tion; but  he  knew  also,  that  if  St.  Elmo  were  aban- 
doned, the  viceroy  of  Sicily  would  never  sail  to  the 
relief  of  Malta ;  and  he  sent  three  commissioners  to 
examine'  the  state  of  the  fort,  and  to  persuade  the 
garrison  to  hold  out  to  the  last.  Two  of  these  offi- 
cers saw  that  the  place  was  truly  untenable,  but  the 
third  declared  it  might  still  be  maintained;  and,  on 
his  return,  offered  to  throw  himself  into  it  with  what 
volunteers  he  could  raise.  La  Valette  instantly  ac- 
cepted the  proposal,  and  wrote  a  cold  and  bitter  note 
to  the  refractory  knights  in  St.  Elmo,  telling  them 
that  others  were  willing  to  take  their  place.  "Come 
back,  my  brethren,"  he  said,  "  you  will  be  here  more 
ill  safety;  and,  on  our  part,  we  shall  feel  more  tran.- 

j  Vertot :  Com.  de  Eel.  Mel. 


raSTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  319 

quil  concerning  the  defence  of  St.  Elmo,  on  the  pre- 
servation of  which  depends  the  safety  of  the  island 
and  of  tlie  Order." 

Shame  rose  in  the  bosom  of  the  knights ;  and, 
mortified  at  the"  very  idea  of  having-  proposed  to  yield 
a  place  tliat  others  were  willing  to  maintain,  they 
now  sent  to  implore  permission  to  stay. 

La  Valette  well  knew,  from  the  first,  that  such 
woidd  be  their  conduct;  but,  before  granting  their 
request,  he  replied,  that  he  ever  preferred  new  troops 
who  were  obedient,  to  veterans  who  took  upon  them- 
selves to  resist  the  Avill  of  their  commanders:  and  it 
was  only  on  the  most  humble  apologies  and  en- 
treaties that  he  allowed  them,  as  a  favour,  to  remain 
in  the  post  of  peril.  From  the  17th  of  June  to  tlie 
14th  of  July,  this  little  fort'  had  held  out  against  all 
the  efforts  of  the  Turkisli  army,  whose  loss  had  been 
"already  immense,  f^nraged  at  so  obstinate  a  resist- 
ance, the  pacha  now  determined  to  attack  the  rock 
on  which  it  stood,  with  all  his  forces  ;  and  the  Grand 
Master,  peiceiving  the  design  by  the  Turkish  move- 
ments, took  care  to  send  full  supplies  to  the  garrison. 
Among  other  things  thus  received  were  a  number  of 
lioops  covered  with  tow,  and  imbued  with  every  sort 
of  inflammable  matter.  For  the  two  days  preceding 
the  assault,  the  cannon  of  the  Turkish  fleet  and  camp 
kept  up  an  incessant  fire  upon  the  place,  which  left 
not  a  vestige  of  the  fortifications  above  the  surface 
of  the  rock.  On  the  third  morning  the  Turks  rushed 
over  the  fosse  which  they  had  nearly  filled,  and  at 
the  given  signal  mounted  to  storm.  The  walls  of 
the  place  were  gone,  but  a  living  wall  of  veteran 
soldiers  presented  itself,  each  knight  being  supported 
by  three  inferior  men.  With  dauntless  valour  the 
Turks  threw  themselves  upon  the  pikes  that  opposed 
them ;  and  after  the  lances  had  been  shivered  and 
the  swords  broken,  they  weie  seen  struggling  with 

»  Vertot;  Com.  de  Bel  Mel-  Nic  Villag.;  Watson. 


320  HISTORY    or    CHIVALRY. 

their  adversaries,  and  striving-  to  end  the  contest  with 
the  dag-g-er.  A  terrible  fire  of  muslvetry  and  artillei^ 
was  kept  np ;  and  the  Christians,  on  their  part,  hiine'd 
down  upon  the  swarms  of  Turks  thut  rushed  in  un- 
ceasing- multitudes  from  below  the  flaming  hoops, 
which  sometimes  linking  two  or  three  of  the  enemy 
together,  set  fire  to  the  light  and  floating  dresses  of 
the  east,  and  enveloped  many  in  a  horrible  death. 
Slill,  however,  the  Turks  rushed  on,  thousands  after 
thousands,  and  still  the  gallant  little  band  of  Chris- 
tians repelled  all  their  efforts,  and  maintained  posses- 
sion of  the  height. 

From  the  walls  of  the  town,  and  from  the  castle 
of  St.  Angelo,  the  dieadful  struggle  for  St.  Elmo  was 
clearly  beheld  ;  and  the  Christian  people  and  the 
knights,  Avatching  the  wavering  current  of  the  fight, 
felt  perhaps  more  painfully  all  the  anxious  horror  of 
the  scene,  than  those  whose  whole  thoughts  and 
feelings  were  occupied  in  the  actual  combat.  La 
Valette  himself  stood  on  the  walls  of  St.  Angelo, 
not  spending  his  time  in  useless  anticipations,  but 
scanning  eagerly  every  motion  of  the  enemy,  and 
turning  the  artillery  of  the  fortress  in  that  direction 
wliere  it  might  prove  of  the  most  immediate  benefit. 
At  length  he  beheld  a  body  of  Turks  scaling  a  ram- 
part, from  which  the  attention  of  the  besieged  had 
been  called  by  a  furious  attack  on  the  other  side.' 
Their  ladders  were  placed,  and  still  the  defenders  of 
St.  Elmo  did  not  perceive  them — they  began  their 
ascent — they  reached  the  top  of  the  rampart — but  at 
that  moment  the  Grand  Master  opened  a  murderous 
fire  upon  them  from  the  citadel,  and  swept  them  from 
the  post  they  had  gained.  The  cavalier  was  next 
attacked  ;  but  here  also  the  Turks  were  met  by  those 
destructive  hoops  of  fire  which  caused  more  dread  in 
their  ranks  than  all  the  other  eflTorts  of  the  Christians. 
Wherever  they  fell  confusion  followed ;  and  at  the 

J  Watson  ;  Vertot  t  Com 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  321 

tend  of  a  tremendous  fight  of  nine  hours,  the  Moslems 
were  obhged  to  sound  a  retreat. 

A  change  of  operations  now  took  place ;  means 
were  used  to  cut  off  the  communication  with  the 
town ;  and,  after  holding  out  some  time  longer,  the 
fort  of  St.  Elmo  was  taken,  the  last  knight  of  its 
noble  garrison  dying  in  the  breach.  The  whole 
force  of  the  Turks  was  thenceforth  turned  towards 
the  city  ;  and  a  slow  but  certain  progress  was  made, 
notwithstanding  all  the  efforts  of  the  Grand  Master 
and  his  devoted  companions.  In  vain  he  wrote  to 
the  viceroy  of  vSicily ;  no  succour  arrived  for  many 
days.  The  town  was  almost  reduced  to  extremity. 
The  bastion  of  St.  Catherine  was  scaled,  and  re- 
mained some  time  in  the  hands  of  the  infidels,  who 
would  have  maintained  it  longer,  had  not  La  V  alette 
himself  rushed  to  the  spot ;  and,  after  receiving  a 
severe  wound,  succeeded  in  dislodging  the  assailants. 

A  small  succour  came  at  length  under  the  com- 
mand of  Don  Juan  de  Cardonna ;  but  this  was  over- 
balanced by  the  junction  of  the  viceroy  of  Algiers 
with  the  attacking  force.  The  bulwark  of  all  Chris- 
tendom was  being  swept  away,  while  Christian  kings 
stood  looking  on,  and  once  more  saw  the  knights  of  St. 
John  falling  man  by  man  before  the  infidels,  without 
stretching  forth  a  hand  to  save  them. 

A  large  army  had,  in  the  mean  while,  been  assem- 
bled in  Sicily,  under  the  pretence  of  assisting  Malta ; 
and  at  last  the  soldiers  clamoured  so  loudly  to  be  led 
to  the  glorious  service  for  which  they  had  been  en- 
1  oiled,  that  the  vacillating  viceroy  after  innumerable 
delays  was  forced  to  yield  to  their  wishes,  and  set 
sail  for  the  scene  of  conflict.^  The  island  was 
reached  in  safety,  the  troops  disembarked;  and 
though  the  Turks  still  possessed  the  advantage  of 
numbers,  a  panic  seized  them,  and  they  fled.  Joy 
and  triumph  succeeded  to  danger  and  dread,  and  tha 

1  Vertot. 
B  B 


322  HISTORY  or  chivalry. 

name  of  La  Valette  and  his  companions,  remains 
embalmed  among  the  memories  of  the  noble  and 
great. 

This  was  the  last  important  event  in  the  histoiy 
of  the  Order  of  St.  John ;  and  since  that  day,  it  has 
gradually  descended  to  later  years,  blending  itself 
with  modern  institutions  till  its  distinctive  <;haracter 
has  been  lost,  and  the  knights  of  Malta  are  reckoned 
among  the  past. 

It  does  not  seem  necessary  to  trace  the  other 
mihtary  fraternities  which  originated  in  the  crusades 
to  their  close;  but  something  more  must  be  said 
concerning  the  progress  of  Chivalry  in  Europe,  and 
the  effect  that  it  had  upon  society  in  general.  The 
Holy  Wars  were,  indeed,  the  greatest  efforts  of 
knighthood ;  but  during  the  intervals  between  each 
expedition  beyond  the  seas,  and  that  which  followed, 
and  often  during  the  time  of  preparation,  the  knight 
found  plenty  of  occupation  for  his  sword  in  his  own 
country.  The  strife  witli  the  Moors  in  Spain  borfi 
entirely  the  aspect  of  the  crusades,  but  the  sangui- 
nary conflicts  between  France  and  England  offered 
continual  occasions  both  for  the  display  of  knightly 
valour  and  of  knightly  generosity.  The  bitterest 
national  enmity  existed  between  the  two  countries — 
they  were  ever  engaged  in  struggling  against  each 
other;  and  yet  we  find,  through  the  whole,  that  mu- 
tual courtesy  when  the  battle  was  over,  and  in  the 
times  of  truce  that  frank  co-operation,  or  that  rivalry 
in  noble  efforts,  which  belonged  so  peculiarly  to 
Chivalry.  Occasionally,  it  is  true,  a  cruel  and 
bloodthirsty  warrior  would  stain  his  successes  with 
ungenerous  rigour — for  where  is  the  institution  which 
has  ever  been  powerful  enough  to  root  out  the  evil 
spot  from  the  heart  of  man  1  But  the  great  tone 
of  all  the  wars  of  Chivalry  was  valour  in  the  field 
and  courtesy  in  the  hall.  Deeds  were  often  done 
in  the  heat  of  blood  which  general  barbarisMW  of 
manners   alone  would   excuse :   and   most  of   tha 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  323 

men  whom  we  are  inclined  to  love  and  to  admire 
have  left  some  blot  on  that  page  of  history  which 
records  their  lives.  But  to  judge  of  tlie  sphit  of  the 
Order,  we  must  not  look  to  those  instances  where 
the  habits  of  the  age  mixed  up  a  vast  portion  of  evil 
with  the  general  character  of  the  knight,  but  we  must 
turn  our  eyes  upon  those  splendid  examples  where 
chivalrous  feeling  reached  its  heiglit,  did  away  all 
the  savage  cruelty  of  the  time,  and  raised  human 
actions  almost  to  sublimity. 

Remarking  these  instances,  and  seeing  what  the 
spirit  of  Chivalry  could  produce  in  its  perfection,  we 
may  judge  what  the  society  of  that  day  would  have 
been  without  it:  we  may  trace  truly  the  effect  it  had 
in  civilizing  the  world,  and  we  may  comprehend  the 
noble  legacy  it  left  to  after-years.  Had  Chivaliy 
not  existed,  all  the  vices  which  we  behold  in  that 
period  of  the  world's  history  Avould  have  been  im- 
mensely increased ;  for  there  would  have  been  no 
counteracting  incitement.  The  immorality  of  those 
times  would  have  been  a  thousand  degrees  more 
gross,  for  passion  would  have  wanted  the  only  prin- 
ciple of  refinement ;  the  ferocity  of  the  brave  would 
have  shown  itself  in  darker  scenes  of  bloodshed,  for 
no  courtesy  would  have  tempered  it  with  gentleness. 
Even  religion  would  have  longer  remained  obscured, 
for  the  measures  taken  to  darken  it,  by  those  whose 
interest  it  was  to  make  it  a  means  of  rule,  would 
have  been  but  faintly  opposed,  had  not  Chivalry,  by 
Boftening  the  manners  of  the  age,  and  promoting 
general  communication  between  man  and  man,  grad- 
ually done  away  darkness  and  admitted  light. 

Because  knights  were  superstitious,  it  has  been 
supposed  that  superstition  was  a  part  of  knighthood; 
but  this  was  not  at  all  the  case.  The  gross  errors 
grafted  by  the  Roman  church  on  the  pure  doctrine 
of  salvation  often  taught  the  knight  cruelty,  and 
disgraced  Chivalry,  by  making  it  the  means  of  per- 
secution; but  the  tendency  of  the  Order  itself  wa:^ 


324  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

to  purify  and  refine,  and  the  civilization  thereby  ^ven 
to  the  world  in  general  ultimately  produced  its  effect 
in  doing  away  superstition.  The  libertinism  of 
society  in  the  middle  ages  has  also  been  wrongly 
attributed  to  knighthood,  and  thus  the  most  beneficial 
institutions  are  too  often  confounded  with  the  vices 
that  spring  up  around  them.  That  the  fundamental 
doctrine  of  Chivalry,  if  I  may  so  express  myself, 
was  decidedly  opposed  to  every  infraction  of  mo- 
rality, is  susceptible  of  proof.  In  all  authors  who 
have  collected  the  precepts  of  Chivalry,  we  find  so- 
briety and  continence  enjoined  as  among  the  first 
duties  of  a  knight :  and  female  chastity  was  so  par- 
ticularly esteemed,  that  we  are  told  by  the  Clievalier 
de  la  Tour,  if  a  lady  of  doubtful  virtue  presented 
herself  in  company  with  the  good,  whatever  were 
her  rank,  the  knights  would  cause  her  to  give  place 
to  those  of  unsullied  fame.  From  every  thing  that 
I  can  read  or  hear,  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  the 
virtues  of  the  knights  of  old  arose  in  the  Order  of 
Chivalry  alone,  and  that  their  faults  belonged  to  the 
age  in  which  they  lived.' 

In  common  with  all  human  institutions,  Chivalry 
presents  a  new  aspect  in  every  page  of  the  book  of 
history.  Sometimes  it  is  severe  and  stern ;  some- 
times light  and  gay;  but  the  qualiti-es  of  valour, 
courtesy,  and  enthusiasm  shine  out  at  every  period 
of  its  existence. 

At  the  battle  of  Crecy,  Edward  the  Blac'k  Prince, 
then  fourteen  years  of  age,  fought  for  his  knightly 
spurs;  and  his  father,  King  Edward  III.,  from  a 
mound  near  the  mill,  beheld  his  gallant  son  sur- 
rounded on  every  side  by  enemies.  The  companions 
of  the  young  hero  sent  to  tlie  king  for  succour, 
alleging  the  dangerous  situation  of  the  Prince  of 
Wales;  on  whicli  Edward  demanded,  '•  Is  he  dead, 
or  overthrown,  or  so  wounded  that  he  cannot  con- 

I  .louvciici;! ;  Ordre  de  Chevalerie;  Fabliaux  i!e  Ic  Grand  d'Aussi; 
Cliovalier  de  la  Tour;  Noies  on  Si.  Palayc 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRT.  325 

tmue  to  fight  1"  And  on  being  informed  that  his  son 
still  lived,  he  added,  "  Return  to  him,  and  to  those 
who  sent  you,  and  tell  them,  whatever  happens,  to 
seek  no  aid  from  me  so  long  as  my  son  be  in  life. 
Further  say,  that  I  command  them  to  let  the  boy- 
well  win  his  spurs ;  for,  please  God,  the  day  shall  be 
his,  and  the  honour  shall  rest  with  him."' 

In  this  instance,  Edward  required  no  more  from  his 
child  than  he  was  willing  in  his  own  person  to  en- 
dure. No  one  ever  evinced  more  chivalrous  courage 
than  that  monarch  himself;  and  in  the  skirmish  un- 
der the  walls  of  Calais,  he  fought  hand  to  hand  with 
the  famous  De  Ribaumont,  who  brought  him  twice 
upon  his  knee,  but  ^vas  at  length  vanquished  by  the 
king.  After  the  battle,  Edw^ard  entertained  his  pri- 
soners in  the  town ;  and  when  supper  was  concluded 
the  victorious  monarch  approached  his  advcersary, 
took  the  chaplet  of  rich  pearls  from  his  own  brow, 
placed  it  on  the  head  of  De  Ribaumont,  and  said, 
"  Sir  Eustace,  I  give  this  wreath  to  you,  as  the  best 
of  this  day's  combatants,  and  I  beg  you  to  wear  it  a 
year  for  my  love.  I  know  that  you  are  gay  and  gal- 
lant, and  willingly  find  yourselves  where  ladies  are. 
Tell  them,  then,  wherever  you  may  be,  that  I  gave 
you  this  token  ;  and,  moreover.  I  free  you  from  your 
prison.     Go  to-morrow,  if  it  please  you."^ 

Such  was  the  character  of  knighthood ;  and 
whether  we  read  anecdotes  like  the  above,  or  trace 
in  the  rolls  of  history  the  feats  of  an  Edward  the 
Black  Prince,  of  a  Duguesclin,  of  a  Talbot,  a  Henry, 
or  a  Bayard,  we  find  the  same  spirit ;  varied,  indeed, 
according  to  the  mind  of  the  individual,  but  raising 
all  his  virtues  to  the  highest  pitch  of  perfection,  and 
restraining  all  his  faults  as  much  as  human  errors 
can  be  restrained. 

It  would  be  endless  to  detail  all  those  marvels 
which  Chivalry  at  various  times  effected ;  nor  have 

£  Froissart,  chap.  290.  2  ibid.  chap.  329 


32©  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

I  space  to  dwell  upon  Crecy,  or  Poitiers,  or  Agin 
court.  With  respect  to  those  great  battles,  where 
England  was  so  eminently  triumphant,  it  is  sufficient 
to  point  out  the  extraordinary  fact,  that  though  the 
glory  rested  with  the  British,  no  disgrace  attached 
to  their  enemies.  Each  knight  in  the  French  armiea 
did  every  thing  that  personal  valour  could  do  to  win 
the  field ;  and  the  honour  to  England  consists  not  so 
much  in  having  conquered,  as  in  having  conquered 
such  opponents.  For  long,  however,  it  appears  that 
the  French  commanders  were  inferior  to  the  English 
in  skill,  and  that  their  forces  were  destitute  of  that 
unity  which  alone  secures  success.  At  length,  the 
son  of  a  nobleman  of  Brittany,  who  had  been  much 
neglected  in  his  early  years,  began  to  make  head 
against  the  English.  From  his  infancy  Bertrand  Du- 
guesclin  had  shown  the  most  persevering  passion 
for  arms,  which  had  been  always  repressed ;  till  at 
a  tournament — from  the  neighbourhood  of  which  he 
had  been  purposely  sent  away — he  appeared  in  dis- 
guise, defeated  all  that  encountered  him,  and  was 
only  discovered  by  refusing  to  meet  his  own  father. 
From  that  hour  Duguesciin  rose  in  the  estimation  of 
the  world  ;  and  after  opposing,  with  considerable 
success,  Edward  the  Black  Prince  himself,  on  the 
death  of  that  noble  commander  he  delivered  the 
greater  part  of  France  from  the  domination  of  the 
English. 

One  of  the  favourite  schemes  of  Duguesciin  was- 
t*?  restore  to  Chivalry  its  ancient  simplicity,  and  h« 
strove  by  every  means  to  enforce  the  more  severe 
and  salutary  laws  by  which  it  had  been  originally 
governed.  Of  course,  an  institution  which  had  vast 
privileges  and  obligations  was  not  Mdthout  rewards 
and  punishments ;  and  many  of  these  were  revived 
by  Dugueschn  after  he  had  become  Constable  of 
France. 

The  custom  of  cutting  the  tablecloth  with  a  knife 
or  dagger  before  a  knisht  who  had  in  any  way  de- 


HISTORY   OF    CHIVALRY.  327 

^aded  himself  is  said,  by  some,  to  have  been  brought 
into  use  by  Dugnesclin,  though  others  affirm  that  he 
only  renewed  an  ancient  habit.  Much  more  severe 
inflictions,  also,  were  destined  for  those  who  had 
dislionoured  the  Order  to  which  they  belonged  by 
cowaidice,  treachery,  or  any  other  unmanly  crime. 
The  criminal,  condemned  to  be  stripped  of  his  knight- 
hood, was  placed  upon  a  scaffold,  in  the  sight  of  the 
pv-^pulace,  while  his  armour  was  broken  to  pieces 
before  Lis  face.  His  siiield  reversed,  with  the  coat- 
of-arms  effaced,  was  dragged  through  the  dirt,  while 
the  heralds  proclaimed  aloud  his  crime  and  his  sen- 
tence. The  king-at-arms  then  thrice  demanded  his 
name ;  and  at  each  time,  when  the  pursuivant  re- 
plied, the  king  added,  "  A  faithless  and  disloyal 
traitor !"  A  basin^  of  hot  water  was  poured  upon 
the  culprit's  head,  to  wash  away  the  very  memory 
of  his  knighthood  ;  and,  being  drawn  on  a  hurdle  to 
the  church,  he  was  covered  with  a  pall,  while  the 
funeral  prayers  were  pronounced  over  him,  as  one 
dead  to  honour  and  to  fame. 

Notwithstanding  eveiy  means  taken  to  uphold  it, 
Chivalry  gradually  declined  from  the  beginning  of 
the  fourteenth  century.  In  England  the  lon^  civil 
wars  between  the  houses  of  York  and  Lancaster 
called  into  action  a  tliousand  principles  opposed  to 
knightly  courtesy  and  generosity.  Many  flashes  of 
the  chivalrous  spirit  blazed  up  from  time  to  time,  it 
is  true ;  but  the  general  character  of  those  contentions 
was  base  and  interested  treachery  on  all  parts. 

The  mean  and  avaricious  spirit  which  seized  upon 
Henry  VII.  in  his  latter  years  of  course  had  its  effect 
on  his  court  and  country  ;  and  the  infamous  extor- 
tions of  his  creatures  Empson  and  Dudley,  the  ruin 
which  they  brought  upon  many  of  the  nobility,  and 
the  disgust  and  terror  which  their  tyranny  spread 
through  the  land,  serv^ed  to  check  all  those  pageants 

1  Alain  Chartiar.*  !••  Grand  2  I^  Colombiere  Theatre 


328  HISTORY  OF    CHIVALRY. 

and  exercises  which  kept  alive  the  sinking  flame  of 
Chivalry.  Henry  VIII.,  in  the  vigour  of  his  youth, 
made  vast  efforts  to  give  back  to  knighthood  its  an- 
cient splendour;  but  the  spirit  had  been  as  much  in- 
jured as  the  external  form,  and  though  he  could  re- 
new the  one,  he  could  not  recall  tlie  other.  The 
wavering  tyranny  of  his  old  age  also  did  more  to 
extinguish  the  last  sparks  of  knightly  feeling,  than 
his  youth  had  done  to  revive  the  pomp  of  Chivalry. 
Then  came  the  ReformRtion,  and  a  new  enthusiasm 
grew  up  through  the  land. 

In  Germany  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Maximilian 
was  the  last  in  which  Chivalry  can  be  said  to  have 
existed.  Charles  V.  reduced  all  things  to  calculation, 
and  though  the  name  of  knighthood  remained,  it  soon 
became  nothing  but  a  sound. 

The  land  which  had  given  birth  to  the  institution 
cherished  it  long ;  and  there  its  efforts  were  conti 
nually  reawakened  even  in  its  decline.  Duri' g  the 
unhappy  reign  of  Charles  VI.,  France,  torn  by  fac- 
tions, each  struggling  for  the  sceptre  of  the  insane 
monarch,  saw  Chivalry  employed  for  the  purposes  of 
ambition  alone.  While  all  parties  turned  their  arms 
against  their  fellow-countrymen,  a  stranger  seized  on 
the  power  for  which  they  fought,  and  the  English 
house  of  Lancaster  seated  itself  on  the  throne  of 
France.  Charles  VII.  succeeded  to  a  heritage  ©f 
wars ;  but,  apparently  reckless,  from  the  desperate 
state  of  his  dominions,  he  yielded  himself  wholly  to 
pleasure,  without  striking  a  blow  for  the  recovery  of 
his  kingdom,  till  Joan  of  Arc  recalled  him  to  glory 
and  himself.  From  that  moment  Chivalry  again  re- 
vived, and  no  period  of  French  history  presents 
knighthood  under  a  brighter  aspect  than  during  the 
wars  of  Charles  VII.  At  the  same  time,  however, 
an  institution  was  founded  which  soon  changed  the 
character  of  Chivalry,  and  in  the  end  reduced  it  to  a 
name. 
The  incorvenienees  attached  to  the  knightly  mode 


HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY.  32S 

of  warfare  were  many  and  striking ;  order  and  disci- 
pline were  out  of  the  question ;  and  though  courage 
d>'  much,  Charles  VII.  saw  that  courage  well  di- 
rected would  do  infinitely  more.    To  establish,  there- 
fore, a  body  over  which  he  might  have  some  controj 
he  raised  a  company  oi  gen-d'armerie,  which  soon  \yf 
its  courage  and  its  success  drew  into  its  own  rank 
all  the  great  and  noble  of  the  kingdom.     Thus  came 
a  great  change  over  the  Order;  knights  became  mere 
soldiers,  and  Chivalry  was  used  as  a  machine.    Louis 
XI.  contributed  still  more  to  do  away  Chivalry,  by 
depressing  the  nobility  and  founding  a  standing  army 
of  mercenary  troops.    Charles  VIII.  and  Louis  XIL, 
by  romantic  wars  in  Italy,  renewed  the  fire  of  the 
waning  institution  ;  and  Francis  I.,  the  most  chival- 
rous of  kings,  beheld  it  blaze  up  under  his  reign  like 
the  last  flash  of  an  expiring  flame.     He,  however 
Unwittingly  aided  to  extinguish  it  entirely,  and  by 
extending  knighthood  to  civilians,  deprived  it  of  its 
original  character.     The  pomps  and  pageants,  the 
exercises  and  the  games,  which  had  accompanied 
the  Order  from  its  early  days,  were  now  less  frequent: 
popes  had  censured  them  as  vain  and  cruel,  and 
many  kings  had  discountenanced  them  as  expensive 
and  dangerous :  but  the  death  of  Henry  II.,  from  a 
wound  received  at  a  tournament,  put  an  end  to  them 
in  France  ;  and  from  that  time  all  the  external  cere- 
monies of  Chivalry  were  confined  to  the  reception  of 
a  knight  into  any  of  the  royal  Orders. 

The  distinctive  spirit  also  had  by  this  time  greatly 
meiged  into  other  feelings.  The  valour  was  as  much 
the  quality  of  the  simple  soldier  as  of  the  knight ; 
the  courtesy  had  spread  to  society  in  general,  and 
had  become  politeness;  the  gallantry  had  lost  its 
refinement,  and  had  deteriorated  into  debauchery. 
Faint  traces  of  the  lost  institution  appeared  from 
time  to  time,  especially  in  the  wars  of  Henry  IV. 
and  the  League.  The  artful  and  vicious  policy  of 
Cathe^^e  de  Mcdicis  did  much  to  destroy  it ;  thw 


830  HISTORY    OF    CHIVALRY. 

filthy  effeminacy  of  Henry  III.  weakened  it,  in  com- 
mon with  all  noble  feelings ;  and  the  iron  rod  of 
Richelieu  struck  at  it  as  a  remnant  of  the  feudal 
power.  Still  a  bright  blaze  of  its  daiing  valour  shone 
out  in  Conde,  a  touch  of  its  noble  simplicity  appeared 
in  Turenne,  but  the  false  brilliancy  of  Louis  XIV. 
completed  its  downfall ;  and  Chivalry  is  only  to  be 
seen  by  its  general  effects  on  society. 

Thus  things  fleet  by  us  ;-  and  in  reading  of  all  the 
great  and  mighty  deeds  of  which  this  book  has  given 
a  sligiit  and  imperfect  sketch,  and  looking  on  the 
multitudes  of  men  who  have  toiled  and  struggled 
through  dangers,  difficulties,  and  horrors  for  the 
word  GLORY,  the  empty  echo  of  renown,  or  perhaps 
a  worse  reward,  I  rise  as  from  a  phantasmagoria 
where  a  world  of  strange  and  glittering  figures  have 
6een  passing  before  my  eyes,  changing  with  the  ra- 
pidity of  light,  and  each  leaving  an  impression  foi 
memory,  though  the  whole  was  but  the  shadow  of  a 
shade. 


NOTES. 


NOTE  I. — CHAP.  I. 

Mbnestrier  enters  Into  a  disquisition  on  the  subject  of  the  two  Inter* 
pT«tations  given  to  the  word  miles,  which  would  nave  interrupted  tha 
thread  of  my  discourse  too  much  to  permit  of  its  introduction  in  the  text 
I  subjoin  It  liere,  however,  as  a  good  guide  for  those  who  may  be  inclined 
to  ijursue  the  subject  further. 

"'l!  ne  faut  pas  done  confondre  le  titre  d'ancienne  noblesse,  ou  de  no- 
blesse militaire,  avec  la  dignite  de  chevalier,  par  I'equivoque  du  terme 
l.atiii  miles,  (-ui  convient  A  I'uii  et  4  I'autre;  ceque  n'ont  pas  assez  ob- 
servii  quelques  autheurs,  qui  n'ont  pas  fait  reflexion  que  dans  la  plQpart 
des  actes  t':crits  en  langue  Latine,  ce  mot  signifie  egalemenl  ces  deux 
differetiteschoses.  -  -  -        ~  - 

"  L'Emporeur  Frederic  avoit  dejA  distingu6  ces  deux  esp^ces  de  Che- 
valerie,  lors  qu'il  fit  uneordonnance  i  Naples,  Tan  1232,  que  personne  ne 
Be  presentdt  pour  recevoir  I'ordre  de  Chevalerie,  s'il  n'estoit  d'une  an- 
cieniie  race  militaire,  ou  d'ancienne  Chevalerie.  Ad  militarem  honorein 
nuLlus  accedat,  qui  non  sit  de  genere  militum  ;  L'une  de  ces  Chevaleries 
est  done  genus  militare,  race  de  Chevalerie;  I'aiUre  militaris  hmior, 
honneurde  Chevalerie,  qui  n'ont  est6  confondufis  que  par  quelques  au- 
theurs, qiii,  eorivansde  cette  mati<?re  sans  I'entendre,  n'ont  fait  que  I'eni- 
brotiiller,  au  lieu  de  la  develooper. 

"Roger,  Roy  de  Sicile  et  de  Naples,  fit  une  ordonnance,  que  nul  ne 
pftt  recevoir  I'ordre  de  Cheval.'^rie,  s'il  n'estoit  de  race  militaire.  Sancimus 
itaque,  et  tale  proponimus  edictum,  ut  quicmnque  nnvarn  militiam  acce- 
pent,  il  I'appelle  nouvelle  Clievalerie,  pour  la  distinguer  de  celle  de  la 
naissance,  sjue  quocumque  tempore  arripuerit,  contra  regni  beatitudi- 
nem,  pacem,  atque  integritatem,  a  militicB  7iomine,  et  pro/e.ssio7ie  pent- 
tus  decidat,  nisi  forte  a  militari  genere  per  successimiem  duxit  prosa- 
piam." — Menestrier ;  Preuves,  chap.  1. 

NOTE  II. — CHAP.  II. 

St.  Palaye,  in  the  body  of  his  admirable  essays  upon  Chivalry,  names 
the  day  preceding  that  of  the  tournament  as  the  one  on  which  sijuirea 
were  permitted  to  joust  with  each  other:  but  in  a  note  he  has  the  tbl- 
lowing  passage,  which  shows  that  in  this,  as  in  almost  every  other  ro» 
_p€ct,thecuaton5a  of  Chivalry  varied  very  much  at  different  epochs. 


»32  NOTES. 

•'Les  usages  ont  vari^  par  rapport  aux  tournois,  suivant  les  diver* 
temps  de  la  Chevalerie.  Dans  les  commencements  les  plus  anciens  che- 
valiers joutoient  entre  eux,  et  le  lendemain  de  celte  joute  les  nouveaux 
chevaliers  s'exergoient  dans  d'autres  tournois,  auxquelsles  anciens  che- 
valiers se  faisoient  un  jilaisir  d'assister  en  quality  de  spectatcurs.  I^ 
coutume  cnangea  depuis :  cefut  la  veille  des  grands  tournois  que  les 
jeunes  chevaliers  s'essay^rent  les  uns  centre  les  aiitres,  et  I'on  permit 
aux  ecuyers  de  se  m£ler  avec  eux.  Ceux-ci  eioient  rccompensds  par 
I'ordre  de  la  Chevalerie,  lorsqu'ils  se  distinguoient  dans  ces  sortes  do 
combats.  Ce  mt^langede  chevaliers  et  d'^cuyers  introduisit  dans  lu  suite 
divers  abus  dans  la  Chevalerie,  et  la  fit  bientot  d^g^nerer,  comme  le 
remarque  M.  Le  Laboureur.  Les  6cuyers  usurp^rent  successivement 
et  par  degrt;s  les  honneiirs  etles  distinctions  qui  n'appartenoient  qu'aux 
chevaliers,  el  peu-^-peu  ils  se  confondirent  avec  eux." — A'ofe  on  St 
FaJaye. 

This  note  is  perfectly  just  in  the  statement  that  in  afler-times  the  dis. 
linctioMs  between  knights  and  squires  were  not  so  strictly  maintained  as 
hi  the  early  days  or(Jhivalry.  At  the  famous  jousts  between  the  Frencli 
and  English  at  Chateau  Joscelin,  as  related  by  Froissart,  we  find  the 
squires  opposed  to  the  knights  upon  perfectly  equal  terms.  The  limit* 
of  this  book  are  too  narrow  to  admit  of  many  long  quotations;  but  th  J 
passage  will  be  found  well  worthy  the  trouble  of  seeking,  in  the  sixty 
(burth  chapter  of  the  second  book  of  the  admirable  Froissart. 

NOTE  III. CHAP.  II. 

To  show  the  manner  in  which  reports  of  all  kinds  were  spread  and 
collected  even  as  late  as  the  days  of  Edward  IIL,  I  have  subjoined  the 
following  extract  from  Froissart,  giving  an  account  of  his  reception  at 
Ihe  court  of  the  Count  de  Foix.  It  also  affords  a  naive  picture  of  that 
curious  simplicity  of  manners  which  formed  one  very  singular  and  inte- 
resting trait  in  the  Chivalry  of  old. 

"  Comment  Messire  Jean  Froissart  enqjirroit  diligemment  comment  lea 
Gueires  s^^toient  porttes  par  tnutes  les  parties  de  la  France. 
"Jeme  suisWlonguemeui  tenu  di  parler  des  besognes  des  lointainea 
inarches,  mais  les  prochaines,  taut  qu"d  maintenant,  m'ont  6ie  si  fralchea, 
et  si  nouvelles.  et  si  inclinanis  k  ma  plaisance,  que  pour  ce  les  ai  mises 
arri^re.  Mais,  pourtant,  ne  sejournoient  pas  les  vaillants  horiMiies,  qm 
se  desiroienta  avancer  ens  [dans]  on  [ie]  royaume  de  Castille  et  de  Por- 
tugal, et  bien  autant  en  Gascogne  et  en  Roi'ergue,  en  Uuersin  [tinercy], 
11  Auvergne,  en  Limousin,  et  en  Toulousam,  et  en  Bigorre  ;  maisvisoient 
t  subtilloient  [imaginoieiit^  tous  les  jonrs  I'un  sur  I'autre  comment 
its  se  pussent  trouver  en  parti  de  fait  d'armes,  pour  prendre,  emuler 
[enlever],  et  echeller  villes,  et  chateaux,  et  forteresses.  Et  pour  ce,  j» 
*ire  Jean  Froissart,  qui  me  suis  ensoingae  [etudie]  et  occupe  dedicteret 
^crirecette  histoire,  a  la  requite  et  contemplation  de  haut  prince  et  re- 
liomme  Messire  Guy  de  Cliaiillon,  Comte  de  IHois,  Seigneur  d'Avesnes, 
de  Beaumont,  de  Scoonhort,  et  de  la  Gende,  inon  hon  et  souverain  maltre 
et  seigneur;  considerai  en  moi-m^me,  que  nulle  esperance  n'^toit  qua 
aucuns  faits  d  armes  se  fissent  es  parlies  de  Picardie  et  de  Flandre, 
puisque  paix  y  etoit,  et  point  ne  voulois  fitre  oiseux  ;  car  je  savois  bien 
que  encore  au  temps  d  venir,  et  quand  je  serai  mort,  sera  cette  haute  et 
noble  histoire  en  grand  cours,  et  y  prendront  tous  nobles  et  vaillants 
Uommes  plaisance  et  exenn^ie  de  bieu  fajre  ;  et  entrementes  [pendant] 


NOTES.  333 

|ue  favois,  Dieu  merci,  sena,  m^moire,  et  bonne  souvenance  de  tontes 
les  chosea  pass^es.  eiigin  [esprit]  clair  et  aigu  pour  concevoir  toua  Ics 
faits  dont  je  pourrois  etre  inforrm',  tonchants  d  ma  principale  mati^re, 
6ge,  corps  et  inembres  pour  souffrir  peine,  me  avisai  que  je  ne  voulois 
mie  >6journer  de  non  poursieure  [poursuivre]  ma  maliere  ;  et  pour  aa- 
voir  la  v^rite  des  lointaines  besognes  sans  se  que  j'y  envoyasse  aucun** 
autre  personne  en  lieu  de  moi,  pris  voie  et  achoison  [occasion]  raison 
nable  d'aller  devers  haut  prince  et  redoute  seigneur,  Messire  Gaston, 
Cointe  de  Foix  et  de  Berne  [Beam] ;  et  bien  sgavois  que  si  je  pouvois 
venir  en  son  hotel,  et  lit.  ^tre  i  loisir,  je  ne  pourrois  mieux  cheoir  au 
monde,  pour  6tre  informe  de  toutes  nouvelles ;  car  la  sont  et  frequenter.' 
volotifiers  tous  chevaliers  et  6cuyers  etranges,  pour  la  noblesse  d'icelu. 
haut  prince.  Et  tout  ainsi,  comme  je  I'imaginai,  il  m'en  advint;  et  re- 
montrai  ce,  et  Ic  voyage  que  je  voulois  faire,  A  mon  trt^s  cher  et  redout6 
seigneur,  Monseigneur  le  Comte  de  Blois,  lequel  me  bailla  scs  lettresde 
familiarite  adressants  au  Comte  de  Foix.  Et  tant  travaillai  et  chevau- 
chai  en  querant  de  tout  cotes  nouvelles,  que,  par  la  grace  de  Dieu,  sans 
peril  et  sans  dommage,  je  vins  en  son  chaiel,  a  Ortais  [Orthez],  au  pays 
de  Biarn,  le  jour  de  Sainle  Catherine,  que  on  compta  pour  iors  en  I'an  de 
grace  mil  trois  cent  quatre-vingt  et  huit :  lequel  comte  de  Foix,  si  tr^s 
l.H  comme  il  me  vit,  me  fit  bonne  ch^re,  et  me  dit  en  riant  en  bon  Fran- 
cois :  que  bien  il  me  connoissoit,  »»t  si  ne  m'avoit  oncques  mais  vu,  mais 
plusieurs  fois  avc  t  lui  parler  de  noi.  Si  me  retint  de  son  hotel  et  tout 
aise,  avec  le  bon  n  oven  des  lettres  que  je  lui  avoisapport^es,  tant  que  il 
m'y  plut  A  6tre;  et  la  fus  inform^  de  la  greigneur  [majeure]  partie  des 
besognes  qui  eloient  avenues  au  royaume  tie  Castille,  au  royaume  de  Por- 
tugal, au  royaume  de  Navarre  au  royaume  d'Aragon.  et  au  royaume 
d'Angleterre,  au  pays  de  Bordelois,  et  en  toute  la  Gascogne ;  et  je  rn^me, 
quand  je  lui  demandois  aucune  chose,  il  le  me  disoit  moult  volontiers; 
et  me  disoit  bien  que  I'histoire  que  je  avois  fait  et  poursuivois  seroit,  au 
temps  i  venir,  plus  recommandee  que  mille  autres:  'Raison  pourquoi,' 
disoit-il,  'beau  maJtre:  puis  cinquante  ans  en  ga  sont  avenus  plusde 
faits  d'armes  et  de  merveilles  au  monde  qu'il  n'etoit  trois  cents  ans  en 
tlevant.' 

"  Ainsi  fus-je  en  I'hdtel  du  noble  Comte  de  Foix,  recueilli  et  nourri  ■& 
'*ia  plaisance.  Ce  etoit  ce  que  je  desirois  A  enquerre  toutes  nouvelles 
touchants  d  ma  mati^re  :  et  je  avois  prfets  d  la  main  barons,  chevaliers, 
et  ecuyers,  qui  m'en  intbrmoient,  et  le  gentil  Comte  de  Foix  aussi  Si 
vous  voudrois  eclaircir  par  beau  langage  tout  ce  dont  je  fus  adonc  in- 
form^, pour  rengrosser  notre  matiere,  et  pour  exemplier  les  bons  qui  se 
desirent  A  avancerpar  armes.  Car  si  ci-dessus  j'ai  prologue  grands  faits 
d'armes,  prises  et  assauts  de  villes  et  fie  chateaux,  batailles  adress6es  et 
durs  rencontres,  encore  en  trouvere/.  vous  ensuivant  grand,  foison,  des- 
quelles  et  desquels,  par  la  grace  de  iOieu,  Je  ferai  bonne  et  juste  narra- 
tion."— Froissart,  book  iii.  chap.  1. 


NOTE   IV.— CHAP.   II. 

As  the  Brotherhood  of  Arms  was  one  of  the  most  curious  customs  of 
Chivalry,  1  have  extracted  from  the  Notes  on  St.  Palaye,  and  from  the 
Disquisitions  of  Uucange,  some  passages  which  will  give  a  fuller  view 
of  its  real  character  and  ceremonies  than  seemed  necessary  in  the  body 
of  this  work. 

The  Notes  on  St.  Palaye  also  show  to  how  late  a  period  the  custom  tf©- 
»cond<id    aaj  •'lore  let  me  aay,  that  of  all  the  treatises  on  Cb.'     »■•• 


334  NOTES. 

which  I  possess,  there  is  none  in  which  I  have  found  the  real  spirit  of 
knighthood  so  completely  displayed,  as  in  the  Essays  of  Lucurne  de  St. 
Palaye,  with  the  elegant  and  profound  observations  of  M.  Charles  No- 
di or. 

"  Les  Anglois.  assembles  pen  avant  la  hataille  de  Pontvalain,  tiennent 
conseil  pour  delibm-er  comment  ils  attaqueroient  le  coimetable  Dugues- 
clin.  Ilue  de  Carvalai,  I'un  d'eutre  eux,  ouvre  son  avis  en  ces  termes ; 
'  Se  m'aist  dieux,  Beriran  est  le  meiUeur  chevalier  qui  regne  a  present ; 
il  est  due,  coiiite  et  conneslable,  et  a  esl6  long-temps  nion  compaigiion 
en  Espaigne,  ou  je  trouvay  en  luy  honnenr,  largesse  e'e  amistie  si  hahun- 
damment  et  avecques  ce  hardement,  fiert6  vasselage  et  emprise,  qu'il  n'a 
homme  jusques  en  Calabre  qui  sceut  que  j'amasse  autanl  d  veoir  ne  ac- 
compaignerde  jour  ou  de  nuit  pour  moy  aventurer  dvivre  ou  A  mourjr  ne 
fust  ce  (lu'il  guerrie,  Monseigneur  le  pr'nce.  Car  en  ce  cas  je  dois  mettre 
poyne  de  le  nuyre  et  grever  comme  mon  ennemi.  Si  vous  diray  mon  ad- 
vis.' — (Hist.  De  Bert.  Dugucsclin,  pul)liee  par  Menard,  p.  407.) 

''  Boucicaut,  passant  a  son  retour  d'Espagne  par  le  Comte  de  Foix,  se 
trouva  plusieuis  fois  a  boire  et  ck  manger  avec  des  Anglois.  Comme  lis 
jugerent  a  des  abstinences  particulieres  qu'ils  lui  virent  faire  dans  ses 
repas,  qu'il  avoit  von6  quelque  entreprise  d'armes,  ils  lui  diient  que  s'll 
ne  deniandoit  autre  chose  on  auroit  bien-tot  trouve  qui  le  delivreroit ;  Bou- 
cicaut leur  r6pond:t:  *  Voire meul  estoit-ce  pour  combattre  Et  oultrance, 
mais  qu'il  avoit  compaigntm;  c'estoit  un  chevalier  nomme  Messire  Reg- 
nault  de  Roye,  sans  lequel  il  ne  pouvoit  rien  faire,  et  toutes  fois  s'll  y 
avoit  aucun  d'eulx  qui  voulussent  hi  bataille,  il  leur  octroyoit  et  que  & 
leurvolente  pnssent  jour  tant  que  il  I'eustfaict  a  s^avoir  A  son  compaig- 
Xion.'—  {Histoire  du  Marechal  de  Boucicaut,  publi6e  jiar  Godefroi.  p.  51.) 

'*  Lorsque  le  prince  de  Galles  eut  declare  la  guerre  au  roi  Henri  de 
Caslille,  il  inaiida  d  tous  les  Anglois  qui  etoient  alors  au  service  de  ce 
prince  de  le  quittt.r  jiour  se  rendre  aupres  de  lui.  Hue  de  Carvalai,  qui 
6toit  du  noml)re,  oVdige  de  se  separer  de  Bertrand,  vint  lui  faire  ses 
adieiix  :  '  Geutil  sire,  lui  dit-il,  il  nous  convientde  partir  nousavoijsestt 
ensemble  par  bonne  compaignie,  comme  preud(mime,  et  avons  toujours 
eu  du  vostre  ^  nostre  vouleiite  que  oiicques  n'y  ot  noise  ne  tancon,  tant 
des  avoirs  conquestez  que  des  joyaulx  donnez,  ne  oncques  n'en  demand- 
asmes  part,  si  pense  bienque  j'ayplns  re^eu  que  vous,  doiit  je  suisvostie 
tenu.  Et  pour  ce  vous  pris  que  nous  en  comptons  ensenible.  Et  ce  que 
je  vous  devray,  je  vous  paieray  ou  assigneray.  Si  dist  Bertran,  ce  c'est 
qu'un  sermon,  je  n'ay  point  pens6  a  ce  comte,  ne  ne  scay  que  ce  puet 
nioiiter.  Je  ne  s^ay  se  vous  me  devez.  ou  si  je  vous  doy.  Or  soit  tout 
quitte  puisque  vient  au  departir.  Mais  se  de  cy  en  avant  nous  acreons 
I'uu  a  i'autre,  nous  ferons  nouvelle  depte  et  le  convcndra  escripre.  11 
n'y  a  que  du  bien  faire,  raison  donne  que  vous  (suiviez)  vostre-maistre. 
Ainsi  le  doibt  faire  tout  preudomnie.  Bonne  amour  tist  I'amour  de  nous 
et  aussi  en  feia  la  departie  :  dont  me  poise  (ju'il  convient  quo  elle  soit. 
Lors  le  baisa  Beriran  et  tous  ses  compagnons  aussi :  moult  fut  piteuse  la 
departie.' — (Histoire  de  Bertrand  Duguesclin,  publi6e  par  Menard,  c. 
XXIV.,  p.  248  et  249.) 

"  Duguesclin  tomba  dans  la  suite  au  pouvoir  des  Anglois,  qui  le  retiu- 
rent  long-temps  prisonnier.  Apres  avoir  enfin  obtenu  sa  liberty  sous 
parole  d'acquitter  sa  rancon,  Carvalai,  son  ancien  frere  d'armes,  qu'il 
avoit  retrouv6,  et  qui  pendant  quelque  temps  lui  tint  bonne  compagiiie, 
voulut  lui  parler  encore  du  compte  qu'ils  avoient  d  regler  ensemble. 
'  Bertran,  dit-il  a  scm  ami,  avant  que  de  se  separer  nous  avons  est6  com- 
pagnons ou  pays  d'Espangne  par  de  la  de  prisons,  el  d'«  voir  (c'est-A-dire  ea 


NOTES  335 

wotAHk  tant  ponr  les  prisonniers  que  pour  le  butin  que  nous  aurlons) 
dont  je  ne  comptay  oncques  a  vous  et  sgay  bien  de  piega  que  je  suis  vostre 
tenu  (redevable,  en  reste  avec  vous)  d07it  je  vouldray  avoir  advis  :  mais 
de  tout  le  moins  je  vous  aideray  ici  de  trente  rriille  doubles  d'or.  Je  ne 
s^ay,  dit  Bertran.  comment  il  va  du  compte,  mais  que  de  la  bonne  com- 
pag'nie ;  ne  je  n'en  vueil  point  compter;  mais  se  j'ay  inestier  je  vous 
prieray.    Adonc  baisiereiit  li  uns  I'amre  au  departir.'— (/i/rf,  p.  306.) 

"  L'^adopiion  en  frere  se  trouueauoir  eot6  pratiquee  en  deux  manieres 
par  les  peuples  etrangers,  que  les  Grecs  el  les  Latins  qualifient  ordinaire- 
ment  du  nom  de  Barbares.  Car  parmay  ceux  dont  les  mceurs  et  les  fa- 
50ns  d'agirressentoient  elfectiuement  quelque  chose  de  rude  et  d'inhu- 
main,  elle  se  faisoit  en  se  piquant  reciproquement  les  veines,  et  beuuant 
le  sang  les  vns  des  autres.  Baudoiiin  Comte  de  Flandres  et  Empereur 
de  Constantinople  reproche  cette  detestable  coutume  aux  Grecs  niemes, 
non  qu'ils  en  vsassent  entre  eux  :  mais  parce  que  dans  les  alliances  qu'ils 
contracfoient  auec  les  i>euples  barbares,  pour  s'accommoder  a  leurs  ma- 
nieres  d'agir,  ils  estoient  obligez  de  suiure  leurs  vsages.  et  de  faire  ce 
qu'ils  faisoient  ordinairement  en  de  semblables  occasions.  Hoec  est.  ce 
dit-il,  tjucB  spurcissimo gentiliumritu  profrntemd  societate, sanguini- 
busalternis  ebibitis.cum  inJideUbv s sajpe  ausaestamicitiasjirmnre  fc- 
rales.  L'Empereur  Frederic  I.  auoit  fait  auparauant  ce  mesme  reproche 
aux  Grecs,  ainsi  que  nous  apprenons  de  Nicetas.  Mais  ce  que  les  Grecs 
firent  par  necessity,  nos  Frangois  qui  estoient  resserrez  dans  Constanti- 
nople, et  attaquez  par  dehors  de  toutes  pans,  (urent  coniraints  de  le 
faire,  et  de  subire  la  meme  loy,  en  s'accommodant  au  temps,  pour  se 
parer  des  insultes  de  leurs  ennemis.  C'est  ce  que  le  Sire  de  Joinuille  dit 
en  ces  lermes :  A  iceluy  Cheualier  oui  dire,  et  cornme  il  le  disoit  au 
Roy,  que  I'Empereurde  Constantinople,  el  ses  gens,  se  allierent  vne  fois 
d'vn  Roy,  qu"on  appelloit  le  Roy  des  Coinains,  peur  auoir  leur  aide,  pour 
conquerir  I'Empereurde  Grece,  qui  auoil  nomiVataiche.  Et  disoit  iceluy 
Cheualier,  que  le  Roy  du  peuple  des  Comains  pour  auoir  seurie  et  fiance 
fraternel  I'vn  I'autre,  qu'il  faillit  qu'ils  etchascun  de  leur  gens  il'vns  part 
et  d'autre  se  fissent  saigner,  et  que  de  leur  sang  iis  donnassen  t  a  boire  I'vn  d 
I'autre,  en  signe  de  fraterniife.disans  qu'ils  estoient  frf-r<3,  et  d'vn  sang,et 
ainsi  le  conuint  faire  entre  nos  gens,  el  les  gens  d'iceluy  Roy,  et  meslerent 
de  leur  sang  auec  du  \in,  et  en  beuuoient  I'vn  d  I'autre,  etdisoienl  lora 
qu'iis  estoient  freres  d'vn  sang.  Georges  Pachymeres  raconte  la  m^nie 
chose  des  Comains.  Et  Alberic  en  I'an  1187,  nous  fait  assez  voir  que 
cette  coutume  eut  pareillement  cours  parmy  les  Sarazins,  ecriuant  que 
la  funeste  alliance  que  le  Comte  de  Tripoly  contracta  auec  le  Sultan  des 
Sarazins,  se  fit  auec  cette  cfer(;monie,  et  qu'ils  y  burent  du  sang  I'vn  da 
I'autre.  -  ---.... 

"  Cette  fraternity  se  contractoit  encore  par  I'attouchement  des  armes, 
en  les  faisant  toucher  reciproqueinent  les  vr.es  aux  autres.  Cette  cos- 
tume estoit  particuliere  aux  Anglois,  auant  que  les  Normans  se  ren- 
dissent  niaiiresdel'Angleterre,  principalement  Icrsque  descommunautez 
entieres  faisoient  entre  eux  vne  alliance  fraternelle.  en  vsans  de  cette 
maniere,  au  lieu  du  changement  reciproque  des  armes,  qui  n'auroit  pas 
pii  s'executer  si  facilement.  -  -  .  -  . 

"  Mais  entre  tant  de  ceremonies  qui  se  sont  obserufees  pour  contracter 
vne  frulernite,  celle  qui  aestfe  pratiqufee  par  les  peuples  Chretiens,  est  la 
plus  plausible  et  la  plus  raisonnable:  car  pour  abolir  et  pour  cteindre 
entierement  les  superstitions  qui  les  accompagnoient,  et  qui  tenoient  du 
paganisme,  ils  en  ont  introduit  vne  autre  plus  sainte  et  plus  pieuse  ea 
la  contractant  dans  TEglise,  deuanl  le  Pr6tre,  et  en  faisant  reciter  quel 
^»>«i8  prieres  ou  oraisons,  nou$  ec  auons  la  formule  dans  VEuchologium  * 


336  KoTES. 


NOTE  V. —  CHAP.  III. 

The  fear  of  Robert  Guiscard  was  no  chimera;  for,  aOer  having  raise  i 
himself  from  indigence  to  power  and  authority,  he  opposed  successfully 
the  whole  force  of  two  great  monarchies,  and  defeated  alternately  tlia 
emperors  of  the  east  and  the  west. 

f)ne  of  the  most  pomted  accounts  of  this  extraordinary  freebooter 
which  I  have  met  with  I  subjoin,  from  the  Melanges  Curieiuc. 

"Robertus  Wischardi  de  Normaniaexiens,  vir  pauper,  miles  tamen, 
ingenio  et  probitate  sua  Apuliam,  Cal^briam  suae  ditioni  submisit,  et 
Insulam  Siciliain  de  manu  Ism:telitarum  liberavit,  Rotgeriumque  fratrem 
Buuin  ejiisdem  Insulae  C'omitBin  appellavit.  Dernum  mare  transiens, 
DurachJum  urbem  nobilem  cepit,  Dalmatiamque  et  Bulgariam  super 
Alexiumlmperatorem  acquisivit :  insuper  eum  ter  bello  fugavit,  et  Ro- 
manum,  Heuriciim  semel  ab  urbe  fugere  compulit,  Pontificemque  Ro- 
manum,  quern  oeperat,  ab  eo  Uberavit.  Qui  cum  innumerabilia  pend 
fecisset  probitatis  indicia,  hoc  de  iUo  conslans  habetur,  qudd  nisi  morto 
praROccupatus  fuisset,  filiuir  suum  Boam.undum  Irnperatorem  faceret,  so 
verd  Regem  Persarum,  ut  sa;p^  dicebat,  constitueref,  viamque  Hierosa 
lymoruin  destructa  paganitate  Francis  apenret.  Nunquam  victus  est 
quanquam  ssp^  pugnaverit.  Venetos,  qui  contra  eum  omni  virtute  sua 
convenerant  cum  slolo  suo  ita  profligavit.  ut  nee  fuga,  nee  pelagus  illis 
esset  auxilio.  Nee  fuit  terrarum  locus  ita  remotus,  in  quo  rumor,  fama, 
timor  Wischardi  per  omnium  fere  ora  non  volitaret.  Et  ut  verius  de  eo 
dici  potest,  nulli  Regumaut  Imperatorum  Wischardussecundusextitit." 
-Fere  I' Abbe. 

NOTE  VI. — CHAP.  111. 

This  cry  was  not  the  only  cry  of  arms  which  the  crusaders  used  m 
the  Holy  Land  Though  it  was  the  general  battle-cry  of  the  whole 
army,  and  each  leader  made  use  of  it  occasionally  when  he  wanted  to 
animate  the  whole  host,  by  rousing  up  their  old  enthusiasm  ;  yet  when 
he  sought  to  bring  round  him  his  own  vassals,  he  used  the  appropriate 
shout  of  his  family.  Thus  we  find,  by  Raimond  d'Agiles,  that  the  battle- 
cry  of  Raimond  de  St.  Giles  was  "  Toulouse .'" 

The  best  general  account  of  the  old  cry  of  arms  which  I  have  met 
with  is  given  by  Ducange. 

"  Le  cry  d'armes  n'est  autre  chose  qu'vne  clameur  conceufi  en  deux  ou 
trois  paroles,  proiioncee  au  commencement  ou  au  fort  du  combat  et  de  la 
m61fee,  par  un  chef,  ou  par  tous  lessoldats  ensemble,  sulvant  les  rencon- 
tres et  les  occasions:  lequel  cry  d'armes  estoit  particulier  au  general  de 
Tarmee  ou  au  chef  de  chaque  troupe.        -  -  ... 

"  Les  Frangois  que  se  trouuferent  A  la  premiere  conqufete  de  la  Terr© 
Sainte  avoient  pour  cry  general  ces  mots,  Adjuua  Dens,  ainsique  nous 
appreiionsde  Foucherde  Chartres,  et  d'vn  autre  ancien  Auteur  ou  bien. 
Em  Deus  adiuwi  nos,  suivant  I'Histoire  de  Hierusalcm.  Raymond 
d'Agiles  rapporte  la  cause  ei  Toriginede  ce  cry  h  la  vision  de  Pierre  Bar- 
thelemy,quiirouua  la  sainte  Lance  an  temps  que  les  Turcsassiegeoient  la 
ville  d'Antioche  sur  les  nostre :  car  durant  ce  siege  S.  Andrfe  luy  estant 
apparu  plusieurs  fois,  11  luy  enjoignit  de  persuader  aux  Chretiens  d'auoir 
reeours  d  Dieu  dans  les  fat'gues  du  siege,  et  de  la  faimqu'ila  eaduroient. 


NOTES.  337 

et  de  prendre  dans  les  combats  pour  cry  d'anriea  ces  mots  Detis  adjuua . 
et  sit  signum  clamoris  vestri,  Devs  adjuva,  et  reuera  Betis  adjuvabit  vos 
qui  sent  les  paro'.es  de  S.  Andre,  Roderic  Archeucsque  de  Tolcde  dit 
qu'au  sifege  et  &  la  prise  de  Cordoue  sur  le»  Sarrazins  d^Rspagne, 
les  Chretiens  crierent  aussi  Deus  adjuva.  lis  ajousioient  quelquefois  ^ 
ce  cry  ces  mots  Detis  vull,  ou  pour  parler  en  langage  du  temps,  et  sui- 
uant  qu'iis  sont  enoncez  en  la  Chronique  du  Mont  Cassin,  Diex  el  volt, 
donl  Torigine  est  rapportfee  au  Concile  de  Clermont  en  Auuergne.  ou  la 
Pape  Urbain  II.  ayant  fait  vne  forte  exhortation  pour  porter  les  prince* 
Clirfetiens  A  prendre  les  armes  pour  aiier  retirer  la  I'erre  Sainte  de- 
mains  des  Intid^ies,  Ita  omnium  qui  aderant  affectus  in  vnum  conci 
tauit,  vt  omnes  acclamarent,  Deux  volt,  Deus  volt.  Apres  quoy  le  pape 
ayant  rendu  graces  A  Dieu,  dit  entre  autres  paroles  celle-cy,  Sit  erg 
vobis  vox  ista  in  rebus  bellicismilitare  sigmim,  quia  verburn  hoc  a,  Deo 
est  prolatum,  cum  in  hostem  Jiet  bellicosi  impetus  congressio,  erit  vni 
uersisliaecex  parte  Dei  vna  vociferatio  Deus  vult,  Deus  vult.  D'oii  ot 
recueille  pourquoy  le  cry  est  appelle  Signum  Dei  dans  quelques  Au 
teurs." — thicange.  Dissertations  sur  VHistoire  de  St  Louis,  Dissert,  xi. 


NOTE  VII. — CHAP.  IV. 

I  have  used  the  term  Counts  Palatine,  from  the  old  writer  whose  name 
stands  in  the  margin.  The  peculiar  position  of  these  Counts  Palatine, 
under  the  ever-changing  dynasties  of  early  Europe,  is  a  curious  and  in- 
teresting subject  of  inquiry,  but  one  too  extensive  to  be  fully  treated  in  this 
place.  1  hope,  at  some  future  period,  to  speak  jf  it  in  a  more  compre- 
hensive work.  The  learned  author  whose  woiks  have  furnished  me 
with  the  preceding  note  affords  a  good  view  of  the  original  functions  of 
the  Counts  of  the  Palace,  or  Counts  Palatine. 

"  Sovs  la  premiere  et  la  seconde  race  de  nos  Rois,  leg  comtes  faisoient 
la  fonction  dans  les  pi-ouinces  et  dans  les  villes  capitales  du  roj-aume, 
non  seulemcnt  de  gouuerneurs,  mais  encore  celle  de  jiiges.  Leur  prin- 
cipal employ  estoit  d'y  decider  les  differcnts  et  les  proems  ordinaires  de 
leur  justiciables  ;  et  oii  ils  ne  pouvoient  se  transporter  sur  les  lieux,  jls 
commettoient  A  c^teffet  leurs  vicomtes  et  leurs  lieutenans.  Quant  aux 
affaires  d'lmportance,  et  qui  meritoient  d'estre  jug^es  par  la  bouche  du 
prince,  nos  mfemes  roisauoient  des  comtes  dans  leurs  palais,  et  pr^s  de 
leurs  personnes,  ausquels  ils  en  commettoientla  connoissance  et  le  juge- 
ment,  qui  estoient  nom'mez  ordinairement,  acause  de  cfet  illustre  employ, 
Comtes  du  Palais,  ou  Comtes  Palatins.        -  -         -         .  . 

"  II  y  a  lieu  de  croire  que  dans  la  premiere  race  de  nos  Rois,  et  meme 
dans  le  commencement  de  la  seconde,  la  charge  de  Comte  du  Palais 
n'estoit  exercee  que  par  vn  seul,qui  jugeoit  les  differens,assist6  de  quel- 
ques Conseillers  Palatins,  qui  sont  appellez  Scabini  Paiatii,  Echeuins  da 
Palais,  dans  la  Chnonique  de  S.  Vincent  de  Wlturne.         ... 

'  On  ne  peut  pas  toutefois  disconuenir  qu'il  n'y  ait  eu  en  mfeme  temps 
plusieurs  Comtes  du  Palais.  Car  Eguinard  en  vne  de  ses  Epitres,  dil 
en  termes  exprfes  qu'Adalard  et  Geboin  estoieiit  Comtes  du  Palais  en 
Tn6me  temps.  Et  vn  titre  de  Louys  le  Debonnaire  de  I'an  938,  qui  so 
lit  aux  Antkfuitez  de  I'Abbaye  de  Fulde  est  souscrit  de  ce  Gebawinus, 
ou  Gebuiay  '  '  B\ia4bertus,  qui  y  prennent  qualitfe  de  Comtes  da 
Palais "  _ 

C  c 


339  NOTE* 


NOTE  VIII. CHAP.   n. 

The  habit  of  carrying  a  small  wallet  when  bound  on  a  pil^image 
one  of  the  oldest  customs  of  the  Christian  world.  This  part  of  the  pU 
grim's  dress  was  called  afterward  an  aumonitre,  and  served  either  as  a 
receptacle  for  containing  the  alms  received  on  ihe  journey,  or,  when  worn 
by  the  rich,  as  a  repository  for  those  they  intended  to  give  awiiy.  The 
curious  faci  of  Charlemagne  having  borne  one  of  these  wallets  to  Rome, 
and  of  its  having  been  buried  with  him,  is  mentioned  in  the  XVih  Dis- 
sertation on  Joinville. 

"Cassian  traitant  des  habits  et  dss  vfetemens  des  anciens  Moines 
d'Egypte,  dit  qu'ils  se  reuetoient  d'vn  habit  fait  de  peaux  de  chevre,  que 
Ton  appelloit  Mclotes,  et  qu'ils  portoient  ordinairement  I'escarcelle  et  le 
baton.  Les  termes  de  cfet  Auteur  ue  sont  pas  toutefois  bien  clairs,  en  c6t 
endroit-lck :  Vltimus  est.  habitus  eorum  pellls  Caprina,  qucB  Melotes,  i>cl 
pera  appellatur,  et  baculus.  Car  il  n'est  pas  probable  que  c^t  habit  de 
peaux  de  ".heureait  estfe  appell6  Pera.  Ce  qui  a  donnfe  sujet  i  quelques 
Commentateurs  de  restituer  Penula.  Neantmoins  Isidore  et  Papias, 
comme  aussi  ^El  fric  dans  son  Glossaire  Saxon,  ont  fecrit  apres  Cassian,  que 
Melotis.  estoit  la  meme  chose  que  Pera.  Quant  ^  moy  j'estime  que  Cas- 
sian a  entendu  dire  que  ces  ^foines,  outre  ce  vfetement  fait  de  peaux, 
auoient  encore  cofltume  de  porter  vn  petit  sachet,  et  vn  baton,  dont  ils  se 
seruoient  durant  leurs  pelerinages.  Ce  qui  ce  peut  aisement  concilier, 
en  restituant  le  mot  appellatur,  on  le  sousentendant,  a))rfes  Meloles. 
Tant  y  a  que  Cassian  parie  du  baton  des  Moines  au  Chapitre  suiuant ; 
et  dans  I'vne  de  ses  Collations,  il  fait  assez,  voir  que  lorsqu'ils  entrepre 
noient  qu^lque  voyage,  ils  prenoient  I'vn  et  I'autre  :  Cum  accepissemus 
peramei  baculum,  vt  ibi  moris  est  Monachis  vniuersis  iter  agentibus 
Le  Moine  d'Angoul^me  ecrit  que  le  corps  de  Charlemagne,  ajjres  sa  mort, 
fnt  inhumfe  aucc  tous  ses  habits  imperiaux,  et  que  pardessus  on  y  pos?i 
I'escarcelle  d'or,  dont  les  pelerinsse  seruent  ordinairement,  et  qu'il  auor 
coOtume  de  porter  lorsqu'il  alloit  k  Rom :  et  super  vesZ-nentis  Imperiali 
bus  pera  peregrinalis  aurea  posita  est,  quam  Uomam  portare  solitus  erat 
D'oii  il  resulte  que  le  baton  et  rescarcellc  ont  toujours  estfe  la  marquo 
particuliere  des  Peierins,  ou  comme  parle  GuiUaume  de  Malmesbury 
Solatia  et  indicia  itineris. 

•'  Les  Peierins  delaTerre  Sainte,  auantquedentreprendre  leurs  pele- 
•  images,  alloient  rcecuoir  I'escarcelle  et  le  bourdon  des  mains  des  Pres- 
tres  dans  I'Eglise.  -  -  -  .... 

"  Et  cela  s'est  pratiqufe  mfemes  par  nos  Rois.  lorsqu'ils  ont  voulu  en 
henrendre  ces  longs  et  facheux  voyages  d'outremer.  Car  aprfes  auoir 
■'-aarg6  leurs  fepaules  de  ia  figure  de  la  Croix,  ils  auoient  coiituine  de  ve 
nir  en  I'Abbaye  de  S.  Denys,  et  lA,  apres  la  celebration  de  la  messe,  ila 
I  ^ceuoient  des  mains  de  quelque  Prelat  le  baton  de  Pelerin  et  I'escarcelle, 
et  memes  I'Oriflamme,  ensuite  dequoy  ils  prenoient  conge  de  S.  Den'/«, 
Patron  du  Royaume." 

NOTE  IX. CHAP.  VII. 

The  pretence  of  the  Count  of  Toulouse  for  resisting  the  claims  of  Boe- 
tmnd  to  the  possession  of  Antioch  was,  that  he  had  vowed  to  the  em- 
peror AJexius  to  de'i  -^er  up  all  conquests  to  him  alona    This  was  but  a 


koTES.  330 

epeclous  covering  lor  his  own  avarice.  The  terms  in  which  Baldrio 
mentions  the  cess. on  of  Antioch  to  Boemond  are  as  follows ;  and  it  will 
be  seen  that  mucli  more  notice  was  talven  of  Alexius  than  thai  contempt 
iMe  usurper  deserved. 

"Locuii  sunt  igiturad  invicem  Christianorum  duces,  et  sponte  sua 
Boamundo  subintulerunt :  Vides  quo  in  articulo  res  nostra  posita  sit.  SI 
civitatem  ergo  istam  vel  prece  vel  pretio,  nobis  etiam  juvantibus  poteris 
obtinere,  nos  eam  tibi  unaniniiter  concedimus:  saivo  in  omnibus  quod 
Imperatori,  te  collaudante,  fecimus  sacramento.  Si  ergo  flmperator 
nobis  adjutor  advenerit,  juratasque  pactiones  custodierit,  perjuri  vivere 
nolumus :  sed  quod  pace  tua  diclurn  sit,  nos  illi  eam  coucedimus  :  sin 
au'em,  tuae  semper  sit  subditc  potestati.  Ex  Historia  Hierosolymitana 
Baldrici,  Episcopi  Dolensis." 

NOTE  X. CHAP.  X. 

Even  in  the  days  of  Ducange  the  form  and  colour  of  the  Oriflamme, 
or  standard  borne  to  battle  before  the  kings  of  France,  was  so  far  for- 
gotten, that  the  learned  antiquary  bestowed  no  small  research  to  ascer- 
tain its  texture  and  appearance.  His  erudition  never  left  any  thing  in 
uncertainty  ;  but  though  he  proved  the  particular  banner  called  the  Ori- 
flamme to  have  been  red  ;  yet  Guillaurne  Guiart  mentions  one  of  fine 
az,ure,  whicii  was  carried  before  Philip  Augustus  to  the  siege  of  Acre 
Ducange  speaks  of  the  Oriflamme  as  follows : 

"  Pour  commencer  par  la  recherche  du  nom  d'Oriflamme.  la  plfipart 
des  Ecriuains  estiment,  qu'on  le  doit  tirer  oe  sa  matiere,  de  sa  couleur, 
et  de  se  forme.  Quant  i  sa  figure,  il  est  hors  de  doute  qu'elle  estoit  faite 
conime  les  bannieres  de  nos  Eglises,  que  Ton  porte  ordmaire<nent  aux 
processions,  qui  sont  quarrees,  fendufis  en  diuers  endroits  par  le  bas, 
ornees  de  franges,  et  attache^s  par  ie  haut  ^  vn  baton  de  trauers,  qui  ies 
lient  etendu^s,  et  est  soOlenud'vne  forme  de  pique.  lis  ajoutent  quu  sa 
matiere  estoit  de  soye,  ou  de  tafetas,  sa  couleur  rouge,  el  tirant  sur  celle 
du  feu,  et  de  la  sandaraque,  k  laquelle  Pline  attribue  celle  de  la  flamme. 
n  est  vray  que  pour  la  couleur,  tous  les  Ecriuains  conuiennent  qu'elle 
estoit  rouge.    Guillaume  le  Breton  en  sa  Philippide,  la  decrit  ainsi : 

*  Ast  Regi  satis  est  tenues  crispare  per  auras 
Ve.xillum  simplex,  cendato  simplice  textum, 
Splendoris  rubei,  Letania  qualiter  vti 
Ecclesiana  solet,  certis  ex  more  diebus 
Quod  ciiin  llamma  habeat  vulgariter  aurea  nomer*. 
Omnibus  in  bellis  habet  omnia  signa  preire.' 

"  Guillaume  Guiart  en  son  Histoire  de  France,  en  la  vie  de  Philippea 
Auguste,  a  ainsi  iraduit  ces  vers : 

'  Oriflamme  est  vne  banniere, 
iucune  poipjus  forte  quiquimple, 
De  cendal  roujoiant  et  simple, 
Sans  pourtraiture  d'autre  afiaire.' 


"  L'Oriflainine  estoit  I'ensergne  particuli»re  de  I'Abbe  et  dn  Moiwstera 
B  8.  Denyq,  qu'iln  faisoient  ix>rter  dans  leurb  ^vierres  par  leur  Auotte 


340  Votes. 

Car  c'estoit-lA  la  principa2e  fonction  des  Auoiiez,  qui  en  qualite  de  defen 
seurs  et  de  protecteurs  des  Monasteres  et  des  Eglises,  entreprenoient  In 
conduit  de  leiirs  vassaux  pour  la  defense  de  leurs  droits,  et  portoienl 
leurs  enseignes  dla  guerre:  d'oii  vient  qu'ils  soni  ordinairement  appel- 
lez,  les  porte-enseignes  des  Eglise,  signiferi  Ecclesiarum,  comme  j'es- 
pere  justifierailleurs  Les  Conites  du  Vexin  et  de  Pontoise  auDJent  ce  titr« 
dans  le  Monastere  de  S.  Denys,  dont  ils  estoient  les  Auoiiez,  et  les  pro- 
tecteurs, eten  cette  qualite  ils  portoient  I'Oriflannme  dans  les  guerres  qui 
B'entrepronoient  pour  la  defense  de  ses  bieiis.    -  -  « 

"  II  faut  done  tenir  pour  constant  que  Louys  le  Gros  fut  le  premier  de 
nos  Rois,  qui  eu  qualite  de  Comtedu  Vexin  tira  rOriflamme  de  dessus 
I'autel  de  I'Egiise  de  S.  Denys,  et  la  fit  porter  dans  ses  armees,  conrime  la 
principaleenseigne  du  Protecteur  de  son  Royaume,  et  dont  il  inuoquoit 
le  secours  dans  son  cry  d'arnnes.  -  - 

"  11  est  arriue  dans  la  suite  que  nos  Rois,  qui  estoient  entrez  dans  les 
droits  de  ces  Comtes,  s'en  sont  seruis,  pour  leurs  guerres  particulierea, 
comme  estant  la  bannierf  qui  porloit  le  nom  du  Protecteur  de  leur  Roy- 
aume, ainsi  que  j'ay  remarque,  la  tirans,  de  dessus  I'autel  de  I'Egiise  S. 
Denys,  auec  les  memes  ceremonies,  et  les  memes  prieres,  que  Ton  auoit 
accouiemed'observer,  lorsqu'on  la  mettoit  entre  les  mains  des  Comtes 
du  Vexin  pour  les  guerres  particulieres  de  ce  Monastere.  Ces  cere- 
monies sont  aiiisi  decrites  par  Raoul  de  Presle,  au  Traite  dont  je  nens 
de  parler  en  cestermes:  Premierement  la  processioa  voiis  vient  A 
rencontre  jusques  A  TissuS  du  Cloistre,  et  apres  la  procession,  atteints 
les  benoists  corps  Saints  de  Monsieur  S.  Denys,  et  ses  Compagnons,  et 
mis  sur  I'autel  en  grande  reuorence,  et  aussi  le  corps  de  Monsieur  S. 
Louys,  el  puis  est  mise  cette  barmiere  ploise  sur  les  corporaux,  ou  est 
consacre  le  corps  de  N.  S.  Jesus  Christ,  lequej  vous  receuez  dignemenl 
apres  la  celebration  de  la  Messe  :  si  fait  celuy  leque!  vous  auez  esleu  A 
bailler,  comme  au  plus  prud  homme  et  vaillant  Cheualier;  et  ce  fait,  le 
baisez  en  la  bouche,  et  luy  baillez,  et  la  tient  en  ses  mains  par  grande  re- 
uerence,  afin  que  les  Barons  assistans  le  puissent  baiser  comme  reliqnea 
et  choses  dignes,  et  en  luy  baillaiit  jwmr  Ic  porter,  luy  faites  faire  ser- 
ment  solemnel  de  le  porter  et  garderen  grande  reuerence,  et  d  I'honneiu 
de  vous  et  de  vostre  Royaume.  .  .  -  - 

NOTE  XI. — CHAP.  XIII. 

Villehardouin  is  undoubtedly  the  best  authority  for  all  the  particulars 
of  the  siege  of  Constantinople.  Nicetas  was  extravagantly  prejudiced; 
and  though  the  emperor  Baldwin,  in  his  letters  to  the  Pope,  was  as  frank 
as  any  man  in  his  situation  could  be,  it  was  but  natural  that  he  should 
endeavour  to  show  the  cau.ses  of  the  warfare  in  the  most  favourable 
point  of  view — that  he  should  represent  the  conduct  of  himself  and  his 
companions  with  every  advantage— in  fact  that  he  should  see  the  events 
which  raised  him  to  the  throne  through  a  pecuhar  medium,  and  re- 
present them  tinged  with  the  same  colours  that  they  presentr?d  to  his 
own  eyes. 

Villehardouin  wrote  without  many  of  these  disadvantages.  He  did 
not  belong  to  the  pillaged  and  conquered  class,  like  Nicetas,  nor  did  be 
w^rite  to  excuse  himself  in  the  eyes  of  the  Pope.  He  had  his  preju- 
dice--, of  i;ourse,  like  other  men,  but  these  prejudices  were  greatly  pre- 
vented trom  affecting  his  history  by  the  frank  simplicity  of  chivalrous 
manners,  which  no  one  possessed  in  greater  purity  ttt.n  he  did  himself. 


NOTES.  «<4l 

In  two  points  Philippe  Mouslces  gives  a  different  account  of  the  affairs 
of  Constantinople  from  Villehardouiii.  In  the  first  place,  he  states  that 
Alexius  Anselus,  the  brother  of  Isaac,  commanded  his  nephew  to  be 
drowned;  but  that  by  entreaties  the  prince  moved  thoae  persons  who 
were  charged  with  the  cruel  order.  In  the  next  place,  he  says  that  Mar- 
zuphlis  caused  Alexius  the  younger  to  be  poisoned. 

In  regard  to  the  destruction  of  the  monuments  of  art  committed  by  the 
Latins,  Nicetas  gives  a  melancholy,  though  somewhat  bombastic  ac- 
count. The  famous  works  destroyed  were  as  follows,  according  to  his 
statement: 

A  colossal  Juno,  from  the  forum  of  Constantine,  the  head  of  which  was 
80  large  that  four  horses  could  scarcely  draw  it  from  the  spot  where  it 
stood  to  the  palace. 

The  statue  of  Paris,  presenting  the  apple  to  Venus. 

An  immense  bronze  pyramid,  crowned  by  a  female  figure,  which 
turned  with  the  wind. 

The  colossal  statue  of  Belleropnon.  in  bronze,  which  was  broken 
down,  and  cast  into  the  furnace.  Under  the  inner  nail  of  the  horse's 
hind  foot,  on  the  left  side,  was  found  a  seal,  wrapped  in  a  woollen 
cloth. 

A  figure  of  Hercules,  by  Lysiniachus,  of  such  vast  dimensions  that 
the  circumference  of  the  thumb  was  equal  in  measurement  to  the  waist 
of  an  ordinary  man.  From  the  attitude  of  this  statue,  as  described  by 
Nicetas.  ii  is  not  improbable  that  it  served  as  a  model  for  that  piece  of 
sculpture,  the  only  part  of  which  that  remains  is  the  famous  Torso. 

The  Ass  and  his  Driver,  cast  by  order  of  Augustus,  after  the  battle  of 
Actium,  in  commemoration  of  his  having  discovered  the  position  of  An- 
tony through  the  means  of  a  peasant  and  his  beast,  the  one  bearing  the 
name  of  Fortunate,  and  the  other  that  of  Conqueror. 

The  Wolf  suckling  the  twins  of  Rome ;  the  Gladiator  in  combat  with 
a  Lion  ;  the  Hippopotamus ;  the  Sphynxes :  and  the  famous  Eagle  fight- 
ing with  a  Serpent;  all  underwent  the  same  fate,  as  well  as  the  beau- 
tiful statue  of  Helen,  which  Nicetas  speaks  of  as  the  perfection  of  sta- 
tuary. 

Added  to  these  were  the  exquisite  figure  on  the  race-cour?e,  and  a 
group,  wherein  a  monster,  somewhat  resembling  a  bull,  was  represented 
engaged  in  deadly  conflict  with  a  serpent.  Each  appeared  expiring 
under  the  efforts  of  the  other;  the  snake  crushed  between  the  teeth 
of  the  monster,  and  the  bull  tainted  to  the  heart  by  the  venom  of  tho 
reptile :  no  bad  emblem  of  the  struggle  between  the  bold  and  furious  va 
lour  of  the  Latins  and  the  poisonous  treachery  of  the  Greeks  them 
selves. 

NOTE  XII. CHAP.  XIV. 

That  St.  Louis  was  threatened  with  the  torture  is  an  undoubted  fact  • 
though  what  that  sort  of  torture  was  which  Joinville  calls  Les  Bemx 
cles  IS  not  so  clear.  Uucange  fancies  that  it  was  the  Cippus  of  the  an 
cients:  and  whether  it  was  or  not,  the  resolution  of  the  inonarch  iu 
resisting  showed  not  a  little  fortitude.  I  subjoin  Ducange's  obser^a' 
tions. 

•'  Le  Sire  de  Joinville  dit  que  le  Sultr.n  de  Babylone,  ou  son  Conseil  fit 
faire  au  Roy  des  propositions  peu  raisonahles,  croyant  qu'il  y  consen 
tiroit  pour  obtenir  sa  deliurance,  et  celle  deceux  de  sa  suite,  qui  auoien' 
este  faits  prisonxiiers  aaec  luy  en  la  bataiUe  de  Massoure.    £t  sur  ce  qu» 


m 


NOTES. 


le  Roy  reftisa  absolument  d'y  donner  les  mains,  il  le  Toulut  JnTttnldeT ;  r! 
le  inenag:!  de  luy  faire  souflTrir  do  grands  tournriens.  Mathieu Paris :  COm 
frequenter  d  Saracenis  cumterribilibiis  coniniin;ilionibus  sollicitar6tur 
Rex  vt  Damiatani  redderet,  et  noluit  vlla  ratione,  postularunt  snmrnam 
eibi  pecuniae  persolui  sine  diminutione,  vel  diulurno  cmciatu  vsque  ad 
mortem  tonjueretur.  Ce  tournient  est  appelle  par  le  Sire  de  .louinville 
les  Bemicles,  lequel  il  decril  en  ces  termes.  Et  voyans  les  Sarazinsque 
le  Roy  ne  vouloit  obtemperer  A  leur  demandes,  ils  le  menacerent  de  le 
mettre  en  Bernicles  :  qui  est  le  plus  grief  tounnent  qu'il>  puissent  faire  & 
nully:  Et  sonl  deux  g>ans  tisons  de  bois.qiii  sont  entretenansau  chef, 
Et  quant  ils  veulent  y  mettre  aucun.  ils  lecouschent  sur  le  couste  entre 
ces  dieux  tisons,  et  luy  font  passer  les  jambes  A  trauers  de  grosses  che- 
uilles  :  puis  couschent  la  piece  de  bois,  qui  est  Id-dessus,  et  font  asseoir 
vn  honnne  dessus  les  tisons.  Dont  il  anient  qu'il  ne  demeure  A  celuy 
qui  est  lA  cousche  point  demy  pied  d'ossemens,  qu'il  ne  sok  tout  des- 
rompu  etescache.  Et  pour  pis  luy  faire,  au  bout  des  trois  jours  luy  re- 
niettent  les  jambes,  qui  sont  grosses  et  enflees,  dedens  celles  bernicles, 
et  le  rebrisent  derechief,  qui  est  vne  chose  moult  cruellc  A  qui  saurpit 
entendre  :  et  la  lient  a  gros  nerfs  de  bceuf  par  la  teste,  de  peiir  qU'il  JQ« 
Be  remue  lA  dedans. 


THE  END. 


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